Re: PEOPLE'S WATCH ANDHRA PRADESH Digest Number 761[1 Attachment]

 

palashcbiswas,

 gostokanan, sodepur, kolkata-700110 phone:033-25659551

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To: PWAP@yahoogroups.com
Sent: Wednesday, 22 July, 2009 21:29:52
Subject: PEOPLE'S WATCH ANDHRA PRADESH Digest Number 761[1 Attachment]

PEOPLE'S WATCH ANDHRA PRADESH

Messages In This Digest (18 Messages)

1.

My Project Survey Questionnaire From: dwaraka999

2.

Majority of Eastern Germans Feel Life Better under Communism From: marco.pertoni@libero.it

3.

DANEMARK Parliament ready to tackle Muslim re-education abroad From: marco.pertoni@libero.it

4.

DANEMARK Authorities lose track of Iraqi refugees From: marco.pertoni@libero.it

5.

Iran: Leading feminist lawyer 'arrested' From: marco.pertoni@libero.it

6.

Iran: Artist gets five year jail term for musical Koran From: marco.pertoni@libero.it

7.

Jammu and Kashmir RTI Rules- Positive Features From: Venkatesh Nayak

8.

Jammu and Kashmir RTI Rules - Negative Features From: Venkatesh Nayak

9.

ON KARGIL WAR From: Ravindran Major

10.

Iranians barred from Swedish universities From: marco.pertoni@libero.it

11.

INDONESIA Christians in Sumatra: jilbab norm, an excuse to introduce From: marco.pertoni@libero.it

12.

Jammu and Kashmir RTI Rules - negative aspects, omissions and weak a From: Venkatesh Nayak

13.

INDONESIA Jakarta bombings: Muslim leader reveals the name of one of From: marco.pertoni@libero.it

14.

A BNP Leader Shipu Abducted and Killed in Mohammadpur, Dhaka, Bangla From: odhikar

15.

PAKISTAN Swat, Christian refugees excluded from government reconstru From: marco.pertoni@libero.it

16.

Jammu and Kashmir RTI Rules- more omissions and weak areas From: Venkatesh Nayak

17.

Kalam on Begging Shaming India Mission To USA From: Ravinder Singh

18.

Extreme Idiots Governing Punjab From: Ravinder Singh

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Messages

1.

My Project Survey Questionnaire

Posted by: "dwaraka999" dwaraka999@yahoo.com

Wed Jul 22, 2009 3:36 am (PDT)

Hi,
This is venkata parlapalli currently doing MSc dissertation at Edinburgh Napier University. As part of my dissertation, I am conducting a survey on the usage of e-commerce website e-bay in two different countries India and U.K. This survey will take only 10 minutes to complete your responses are very important to me and you would be appreciated by completing this survey.
Please click the following link to begin the survey questionnaire.
http://www.my3q. com/go.php? url=dwaraka999/ 59532

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2.

Majority of Eastern Germans Feel Life Better under Communism

Posted by: "marco.pertoni@libero.it" marco.pertoni@libero.it   sitrep_comalp

Wed Jul 22, 2009 3:36 am (PDT)

07/03/2009
HOMESICK FOR A DICTATORSHIP
Majority of Eastern Germans Feel Life Better under Communism
By Julia Bonstein

Glorification of the German Democratic Republic is on the rise two decades after the Berlin Wall fell. Young people and the better off are among those rebuffing criticism of East Germany as an "illegitimate state." In a new poll, more than half of former eastern Germans defend the GDR.

The life of Birger, a native of the state of Mecklenburg- West Pomerania in northeastern Germany, could read as an all-German success story. The Berlin Wall came down when he was 10. After graduating from high school, he studied economics and business administration in Hamburg, lived in India and South Africa, and eventually got a job with a company in the western German city of Duisburg. Today Birger, 30, is planning a sailing trip in the Mediterranean. He isn't using his real name for this story, because he doesn't want it to be associated with the former East Germany, which he sees as "a label with negative connotations. "

PHOTO GALLERY: GDR REMEMBERED
a..
b..
c..

Click on a picture to launch the image gallery (12 Photos)

And yet Birger is sitting in a Hamburg cafe, defending the former communist country. "Most East German citizens had a nice life," he says. "I certainly don't think that it's better here." By "here," he means reunified Germany, which he subjects to questionable comparisons. "In the past there was the Stasi, and today (German Interior Minister Wolfgang) Schäuble -- or the GEZ (the fee collection center of Germany's public broadcasting institutions) -- are collecting information about us." In Birger's opinion, there is no fundamental difference between dictatorship and freedom. "The people who live on the poverty line today also lack the freedom to travel."

Birger is by no means an uneducated young man. He is aware of the spying and repression that went on in the former East Germany, and, as he says, it was "not a good thing that people couldn't leave the country and many were oppressed." He is no fan of what he characterizes as contemptible nostalgia for the former East Germany. "I haven't erected a shrine to Spreewald pickles in my house," he says, referring to a snack that was part of a the East German identity. Nevertheless, he is quick to argue with those who would criticize the place his parents called home: "You can't say that the GDR was an illegitimate state, and that everything is fine today."

As an apologist for the former East German dictatorship, the young Mecklenburg native shares a majority view of people from eastern Germany. Today, 20 years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, 57 percent, or an absolute majority, of eastern Germans defend the former East Germany. "The GDR had more good sides than bad sides. There were some problems, but life was good there," say 49 percent of those polled. Eight percent of eastern Germans flatly oppose all criticism of their former home and agree with the statement: "The GDR had, for the most part, good sides. Life there was happier and better than in reunified Germany today."

These poll results, released last Friday in Berlin, reveal that glorification of the former East Germany has reached the center of society. Today, it is no longer merely the eternally nostalgic who mourn the loss of the GDR. "A new form of Ostalgie (nostalgia for the former GDR) has taken shape," says historian Stefan Wolle. "The yearning for the ideal world of the dictatorship goes well beyond former government officials." Even young people who had almost no experiences with the GDR are idealizing it today. "The value of their own history is at stake," says Wolle.

People are whitewashing the dictatorship, as if reproaching the state meant calling their own past into question. "Many eastern Germans perceive all criticism of the system as a personal attack," says political scientist Klaus Schroeder, 59, director of an institute at Berlin's Free University that studies the former communist state. He warns against efforts to downplay the SED dictatorship by young people whose knowledge about the GDR is derived mainly from family conversations, and not as much from what they have learned in school. "Not even half of young people in eastern Germany describe the GDR as a dictatorship, and a majority believe the Stasi was a normal intelligence service," Schroeder concluded in a 2008 study of school students. "These young people cannot, and in fact have no desire to, recognize the dark sides of the GDR."

"Driven Out of Paradise"

Schroeder has made enemies with statements like these. He received more than 4,000 letters, some of them furious, in reaction to reporting on his study. The 30-year-old Birger also sent an e-mail to Schroeder. The political scientist has now compiled a selection of typical letters to document the climate of opinion in which the GDR and unified Germany are discussed in eastern Germany. Some of the material gives a shocking insight into the thoughts of disappointed and angry citizens. "From today's perspective, I believe that we were driven out of paradise when the Wall came down," one person writes, and a 38-year-old man "thanks God" that he was able to experience living in the GDR, noting that it wasn't until after German reunification that he witnessed people who feared for their existence, beggars and homeless people.

Today's Germany is described as a "slave state" and a "dictatorship of capital," and some letter writers reject Germany for being, in their opinion, too capitalist or dictatorial, and certainly not democratic. Schroeder finds such statements alarming. "I am afraid that a majority of eastern Germans do not identify with the current sociopolitical system."

Many of the letter writers are either people who did not benefit from German reunification or those who prefer to live in the past. But they also include people like Thorsten Schön.

After 1989 Schön, a master craftsman from Stralsund, a city on the Baltic Sea, initially racked up one success after the next. Although he no longer owns the Porsche he bought after reunification, the lion skin rug he bought on a vacation trip to South Africa -- one of many overseas trips he has made in the past 20 years -- is still lying on his living room floor. "There's no doubt it: I've been fortunate," says the 51-year-old today. A major contract he scored during the period following reunification made it easier for Schön to start his own business. Today he has a clear view of the Strelasund sound from the window of his terraced house.

Part 2: 'People Lie and Cheat Everywhere Today'

Wall decorations from Bali decorate his living room, and a miniature version of the Statue of Liberty stands next to the DVD player. All the same, Schön sits on his sofa and rhapsodizes about the good old days in East Germany. "In the past, a campground was a place where people enjoyed their freedom together," he says. What he misses most today is "that feeling of companionship and solidarity." The economy of scarcity, complete with barter transactions, was "more like a hobby." Does he have a Stasi file? "I'm not interested in that," says Schön. "Besides, it would be too disappointing. "

PHOTO GALLERY: GDR REMEMBERED
a..
b..
c..

Click on a picture to launch the image gallery (12 Photos)

His verdict on the GDR is clear: "As far as I'm concerned, what we had in those days was less of a dictatorship than what we have today." He wants to see equal wages and equal pensions for residents of the former East Germany. And when Schön starts to complain about unified Germany, his voice contains an element of self-satisfaction. People lie and cheat everywhere today, he says, and today's injustices are simply perpetrated in a more cunning way than in the GDR, where starvation wages and slashed car tires were unheard of. Schön cannot offer any accounts of his own bad experiences in present-day Germany. "I'm better off today than I was before," he says, "but I am not more satisfied."

Schön's reasoning is less about cool logic than it is about settling scores. What makes him particularly dissatisfied is "the false picture of the East that the West is painting today." The GDR, he says, was "not an unjust state," but "my home, where my achievements were recognized." Schön doggedly repeats the story of how it took him years of hard work before starting his own business in 1989 -- before reunification, he is quick to add. "Those who worked hard were also able to do well for themselves in the GDR." This, he says, is one of the truths that are persistently denied on talk shows, when western Germans act "as if eastern Germans were all a little stupid and should still be falling to their knees today in gratitude for reunification. " What exactly is there to celebrate, Schön asks himself?

"Rose-tinted memories are stronger than the statistics about people trying to escape and applications for exit visas, and even stronger than the files about killings at the Wall and unjust political sentences," says historian Wolle.

These are memories of people whose families were not persecuted and victimized in East Germany, of people like 30-year-old Birger, who says today: "If reunification hadn't happened, I would also have had a good life."

Life as a GDR Citizen

After completing his university degree, he says, he would undoubtedly have accepted a "management position in some business enterprise," perhaps not unlike his father, who was the chairman of a farmers' collective. "The GDR played no role in the life of a GDR citizen," Birger concludes. This view is shared by his friends, all of them college-educated children of the former East Germany who were born in 1978. "Reunification or not," the group of friends recently concluded, it really makes no difference to them. Without reunification, their travel destinations simply would have been Moscow and Prague, instead of London and Brussels. And the friend who is a government official in Mecklenburg today would probably have been a loyal party official in the GDR.

The young man expresses his views levelheadedly and with few words, although he looks slightly defiant at times, like when he says: "I know, what I'm telling you isn't all that interesting. The stories of victims are easier to tell."

Birger doesn't usually mention his origins. In Duisburg, where he works, hardly anyone knows that he is originally from East Germany. But on this afternoon, Birger is adamant about contradicting the "victors' writing of history." "In the public's perception, there are only victims and perpetrators. But the masses fall by the wayside."

This is someone who feels personally affected when Stasi terror and repression are mentioned. He is an academic who knows "that one cannot sanction the killings at the Berlin Wall." However, when it comes to the border guards' orders to shoot would-be escapees, he says: "If there is a big sign there, you shouldn't go there. It was completely negligent."

This brings up an old question once again: Did a real life exist in the midst of a sham? Downplaying the dictatorship is seen as the price people pay to preserve their self-respect. "People are defending their own lives," writes political scientist Schroeder, describing the tragedy of a divided country.

Translated from the German by Christopher Sultan.

http://www.spiegel. de/international /germany/ 0,1518,634122, 00.html

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3.

DANEMARK Parliament ready to tackle Muslim re-education abroad

Posted by: "marco.pertoni@libero.it" marco.pertoni@libero.it   sitrep_comalp

Wed Jul 22, 2009 3:38 am (PDT)

Parliament ready to tackle Muslim re-education abroad
Friday, 17 July 2009 11:53 RC News

Parliament will soon decide whether or not to revoke the passports of Muslim children travelling abroad for 're-education' purposes
Taking away a young person's passport will prevent the practice of them being sent back to their parents' native countries for schooling in religious and cultural matters

Muslim children sent by family members to the parents' native countries for the purpose of 're-education' may soon face having their passports confiscated, according to Berlingske Tidende newspaper.

A majority in parliament - represented by all government opposition parties and the usual government ally Danish People's Party - reportedly supports the idea of revoking passports for those would-be travellers suspected of being returned for re-education in an effort to curb the phenomenon.

The practice of sending children back to their parents' homeland for long periods, often with their mothers, is common among the more conservative Muslim populations in Europe. It is supposedly aimed at instilling proper values and respect into the young people, but often results in them developing more fundamentalist and anti-Western attitudes.
According to the Foreign Ministry, 14 cases of re-education have been documented so far this year, but experts believe the true figure is far greater.

The proposal to take away passports in these instances was put forth by the Social Liberals, who believe the move is not punishment but protection for the young people.

Government parties the Liberals and Conservatives say that while the idea seems reasonable on paper, it would be too difficult to carry out in reality.

But Henrik Dam Kristensen, the opposition Social Democrats' integration spokesman, said the move would prevent not only re-education but also forced marriages.

'I think it's strange for these people to have chosen to come to Denmark and then, when their child becomes too Danish, they send them back to be re-educated in the parents' culture, religion and traditions.'

http://www.cphpost. dk/news/politics /90-politics/ 46318-parliament -ready-to- tackle-muslim- re-education- abroad.html

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4.

DANEMARK Authorities lose track of Iraqi refugees

Posted by: "marco.pertoni@libero.it" marco.pertoni@libero.it   sitrep_comalp

Wed Jul 22, 2009 3:39 am (PDT)

Authorities lose track of Iraqi refugees
Tuesday, 21 July 2009 15:36 RC News

Many Iraqi refugees waiting to be sent back to their home country have not reported to the authorities as required

Authorities do not know the whereabouts of 46 of 49 Iraqi men denied asylum and whom the Iraqi government has agreed to take back, reports Berlingske Tidende newspaper.

According to officials at the two asylum centres where the Iraqis are housed, the 46 men have not returned to their rooms for some time.

The refugees are required to report to asylum authorities twice a week, retrieve their mail every third day and collect a supplementary income check every two weeks. If they break this pattern, they are considered missing by the National Police, who then put out an arrest warrant for them.
Police say there is a chance some of the refugees are at Brorson's Church in the city's Nørrebro district, where around 60 Iraqis have sought refuge since May. The move to the church occurred after the Iraqi and Danish governments reached an agreement to send the refused asylum seekers back to their native country.

But police say they will not go inside the church to find the refugees without a direct order from Birthe Rønn Hornbech, the immigration minister.

Should any of the missing Iraqi men otherwise be found, they will be taken into custody and sent to Ellebæk detention facility in Birkerød, north of Copenhagen. They would then remain there until being deported.

But Christen Østergaard, from the National Police's immigrant department, said that it is extremely difficult to get plane tickets to Baghdad at the moment.

Up to now only six of the 250 Iraqis that have been denied asylum have been sent back to Iraq.
'There are a lot of logistical difficulties, ' said Østergaard. 'But we're doing the best we can.'

http://www.cphpost. dk/news/politics /90-politics/ 46344-authoritie s-lose-track- of-iraqi- refugees. html

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5.

Iran: Leading feminist lawyer 'arrested'

Posted by: "marco.pertoni@libero.it" marco.pertoni@libero.it   sitrep_comalp

Wed Jul 22, 2009 3:39 am (PDT)

Iran: Leading feminist lawyer 'arrested'

Tehran, 17 July (AKI) - Campaign group Amnesty International said it fears the wave of arrests of human rights activists in Iran is intensifying after a prominent lawyer and feminist, Shadi Sadr, was violently arrested in Tehran on Friday on her way to Friday prayers.

Sadr, 34, was walking with a group of women's rights activists along a busy road when unidentified plain clothed men pulled her into a car. She lost her headscarf and coat in the ensuing struggle but managed briefly to escape. She was quickly recaptured and beaten with batons before being taken away in the car to an unknown location, Amnesty said.

At least fifteen people reported to have been arrested in the Iranian capital on Friday during street protests in the centre staged by supporters of defeated opposition presidential candidate Mir Hossein Mousavi. He and other members of the opposition want a re-run of the 12 June presidential vote which overwhelmingly re-elected hardline president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and which they claim was rigged.

"This was an illegal, arbitrary and violent arrest in which no attempt was made by the authorities to show identification or provide any explanation for their action," said Malcolm Smart, Director of Amnesty International' s Middle East and North Africa Programme.

"This is the latest of a continuing series of high profile arrests of Iranians - students, journalists, intellectuals, political and civil society activists - in the wake of protests over the disputed outcome of the presidential election."

Amnesty International is calling for Sadr to be immediately and unconditionally released.

Two female student protesters were allegedly stabbed near a student dormitory in Tehran on Friday by members of the pro-Ahmadinejad Basij militia, according to reports posted on several blogs.

The street protests took place after weekly Muslim prayers led by influential cleric and Ahmadinejad foe Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani at Tehran University on Friday.

At least 20 people died and hundreds were arrested during protests held in the days that followed the disputed 12 June polls, triggering condemnation from western countries.

http://www.adnkrono s.com/AKI/ English/Politics /?id=3.0. 3554587148

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6.

Iran: Artist gets five year jail term for musical Koran

Posted by: "marco.pertoni@libero.it" marco.pertoni@libero.it   sitrep_comalp

Wed Jul 22, 2009 3:40 am (PDT)

Iran: Artist gets five year jail term for musical Koran

Tehran, 13 July (AKI) - An Iranian artist has been sentenced to five years in prison for having put the Koran to music. According to 'Fardanews', the Iranian authorities considered the move "offensive to Islamic morality".

Mohsen Namju is accused of having ridiculed the Koran, "reciting it in a western and anti-Islamic style".

One of the major experts on recitation of the the Koran in Iran, Abbas Salimi, reported the musician to the Islamic court in Tehran.

The court found the artist guilty for having breached "Islamic morality".

After the sentence, Abbas Salimi was reportedly "very satisfied" and underlined the importance of "defending the sacredness of god's book".

"No-one should be able to ridicule it," he said.

Under Islamic law, music is allowed if it does not result in provoking the faithful.

Combining the recitation of the Koran and popular songs, like the Iranian artist, is not tolerated under Islamic Sharia law.

http://www.adnkrono s.com/AKI/ English/CultureA ndMedia/? id=3.0.353886607 3

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7.

Jammu and Kashmir RTI Rules- Positive Features

Posted by: "Venkatesh Nayak" venkatesh@humanrightsinitiative.org

Wed Jul 22, 2009 3:40 am (PDT)

Dear friends,
The Jammu and Kashmir Government has notified the Jammu and Kashmir Right
to Information Rules, 2009 (JK RTI Rules). These Rules will come into effect
upon publication in the official gazette. Unlike when the Jammu and Kashmir
Right to Information Act, 2009 (JK RTI Act) was passed, the State Government
has not even put up a pretence of consulting with civil society and media
sectors while formulating these Rules. Hence the presence of howlers, errors
of grammar and more seriously, errors of law amidst several positive
features. The Central RTI Act does not cover Jammu and Kashmir due to the
special position granted to that State udner the Indian Constitution. Hence
the need for a separate access law for J&K. Given below is an analysis of
some of the major positive features of the JK RTI Rules.

The JK RTI Rules are accessible at:
<http://jkgad. nic.in/roi/ JK-RTI-Rules- 2009.PDF>
http://jkgad. nic.in/roi/ JK-RTI-Rules- 2009.PDF and on CHRI's website at:
<http://www.humanrig htsinitiative. org/programs/ ai/rti/india/ states/jk/ jk_rti
_rules_2009. pdf>
http://www.humanrig htsinitiative. org/programs/ ai/rti/india/ states/jk/ jk_rti_
rules_2009.pdf

The JK RTI Act is accessible at:
<http://jkgad. nic.in/roi/ JK-RTI-Act- 2009.PDF>
http://jkgad. nic.in/roi/ JK-RTI-Act- 2009.PDF and on CHRI's website at:
<http://www.humanrig htsinitiative. org/programs/ ai/rti/india/ states/jk/ jk_rti
_act_2009.pdf>
http://www.humanrig htsinitiative. org/programs/ ai/rti/india/ states/jk/ jk_rti_
act_2009.pdf


POSITIVE ASPECTS OF THE JK RTI RULES:

1) Detailing of procedure:
When compared with the RTI Rules notified by the Central Government and
various State Governments under the Central RTI Act of 2005, the J&K RTI
Rules contain many more details of procedure. This is a welcome change from
the sparseness of the Rules made in other jurisdictions. The JK RTI Rules
contain considerable details regards the structure and processes that will
be adopted by the JK State Information Commission that is yet to be set up.
The job responsibilities of various cells and wings that will constitute the
Commission's office have been outlined in the JK RTI Rules. This will ensure
that there is enough clarity on who will undertake what tasks within the
Commission. The Rules also clearly specify that the JK State Information
Commission (JKSIC) will hold hearings before small and larger benches. This
clear stipulation can avoid the confusion that the Department of Personnel
has created recently by advising Information Commissions established under
the Central RTI Act to hold hearings as a collegium and not in smaller
benches.

2) RTI-rating of public authorities:
Rule 36 requires the JKSIC to proactively lay down standards for rating
public authorities on a transparency index regards their compliance with the
JK RTI Act after consulting with various stakeholders. This is a welcome
expansion of the role of the JKSIC from what is prescribed in the JKRTI Act
where its role is limited to merely adjudicating over information access
disputes. CHRI has recently developed a set of indicators for rating
compliance of public authorities under the Central RTI Act. These indicators
were used for assessing the compliance of public authorities in Gujarat. The
report including ranking of public authorities and methodology used is
accessible at:
<http://www.humanrig htsinitiative. org/publications /rti/compliance_ with_rti_ a
ct_survey.pdf>
http://www.humanrig htsinitiative. org/publications /rti/compliance_ with_rti_ ac
t_survey.pdf

3) Linking compliance with performance budget:
Rules 38 and 39 require every public authority to link compliance with the
JK RTI Act to its performance budget. Steps taken to implement the
provisions of the Act will be required to be reported to the auditors. While
this is good practice, in the absence of active legislative standing
committees that vet departmental budgets in J&K as is the case with the
Central Government in Parliament, can ensure that these reports go largely
unnoticed. Merely auditing the performance is not enough. For performance
budgeting to make an actual impact it must be subject to scrutiny by an
independent authority like the State Legislature. The necessary legislative
infrastructure must be laid down first for performance budgeting to become a
meaningful exercise.

4) Sanctions against contempt for the decisions of the SIC:
Rule 42A prescribes various avenues at the disposal of the JKSIC when there
is wilful disobedience of its orders. The JKSIC can use its powers to impose
penalties available under section 17 of the JK RTI Act. The Central
Information Commission (Appeals Procedures) Rules 2005 is silent about this
matter. However there is case law from the Karnataka High Court [G
Basavaraju v Smt. Arundhati and Another, [2009(2)KarLJ465] where it has been
held that penalty powers can be used by the Information Commission to
enforce compliance with its decisions. By explicitly providing for similar
powers to the JKSIC the JK RTI Rules have removed ambiguity about what needs
to be done if the Commission's orders are not complied with. Further, the JK
RTI Rules authorise the Commission to cause a criminal complaint to be filed
before an appropriate Magistrate against officials for non-compliance with
the orders of the Commission. This point will be discussed under the weaker
aspects of the JK RTI Rules in our next email.

5) Choice of participation in hearings left to the citizen's discretion:
The JK RTI Rules allow a certain degree of freedom to the citizen
appellant/complaina nt to choose how to participate in the hearings scheduled
by the JKSIC. This was not clearly mentioned in the Central Information
Commission (Appeal Procedure) Rules, 2005. The citizen has been given the
discretion of attending the hearing personally or through video-audio
conferencing or through an authorised representative or opt not to be
present at all. It remains to be seen as to how many citizens will be able
to avail of such discretion when the JKSIC becomes operational.

6) Supply of copies of rejoinder submitted by public authorities to the
appellant/complaina nt is mandatory:
Rule 22 requires that the Public Information Officer and/or appellate
authority furnish a copy of the statements and rejoinders filed by them in
response to an appeal ro complaint. This was not explicitly provided for in
the Central RTI Act or in the Central Information Commission (Appeals
Procedures) Rules 2005. The good practice was started by the Central
Information Commission soon after it was set up. Byt incorporating this as a
requirement in the appeals/complaints procedure, the Rules create more
transparency for the benefit of the appellant/complaina nt. He/she would be
in a position to counter the arguments of the public authority again if
necessary.

While these are the positive features of the JK RTI Rules there are several
weak points and a few negative features. These will be sent out in the next
email.
Regards
Venkatesh Nayak
Programme Coordinator
Access to Information Programme
Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative
B-117, I Floor, Sarvodaya Enclave
New Delhi- 110 017
tel: 91-11- 2686 4678/ 2685 0523
fax: 91-11- 2686 4688
website: www.humanrightsinit iative.org
alternate email: <mailto:nayak.venkatesh@ gmail.com>
nayak.venkatesh@ gmail.com

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8.

Jammu and Kashmir RTI Rules - Negative Features

Posted by: "Venkatesh Nayak" venkatesh@humanrightsinitiative.org

Wed Jul 22, 2009 3:41 am (PDT)

Dear all,
The Jammu and Kashmir Government has notified the Jammu and Kashmir Right
to Information Rules, 2009 (JK RTI Rules). These Rules will come into effect
upon publication in the official gazette. Unlike when the Jammu and Kashmir
Right to Information Act, 2009 (JK RTI Act) was passed, the State Government
has not even put up a pretence of consulting with civil society and media
sectors while formulating these Rules. Hence the presence of howlers, errors
of grammar and more seriously, errors of law amidst several positive
features. Given below is an analysis of the negative features of the JK RTI
Rules.

The JK RTI Rules are accessible at:
<blocked::http://jkgad. nic.in/roi/ JK-RTI-Rules- 2009.PDF>
http://jkgad. nic.in/roi/ JK-RTI-Rules- 2009.PDF and on CHRI's website at:
<blocked::http://www.humanrig htsinitiative. org/programs/ ai/rti/india/ states/
jk/jk_rti_rules_ 2009.pdf>
http://www.humanrig htsinitiative. org/programs/ ai/rti/india/ states/jk/ jk_rti_
rules_2009.pdf

The JK RTI Act is accessible at:
<blocked::http://jkgad. nic.in/roi/ JK-RTI-Act- 2009.PDF>
http://jkgad. nic.in/roi/ JK-RTI-Act- 2009.PDF and on CHRI's website at:
<http://www.humanrig htsinitiative. org/programs/ ai/rti/india/ states/jk/ jk_rti
_act_2009.pdf>
http://www.humanrig htsinitiative. org/programs/ ai/rti/india/ states/jk/ jk_rti_
act_2009.pdf


NEGATIVE ASPECTS OF THE J&K RTI RULES:

1) Exorbitant application fees:
Rule 4 specifies that a fee of Rs. 50/- will be payable for filing an
information request. This is known as application fee in the context of the
Central RTI Act. This is five times more than than the Rs. 10/- application
fee stipulated by the Central Government and a majority of state
governments. It appears that the J&K Government has drawn inspiration from
the Haryana Government where a similar rate has been affixed. The Government
of Haryana has stubbornly refused to reduce the fee despite protests from
civil society and the media.

How does this work out for the near the poverty-line citizens? According to
the National Commission on Enterprises in the Unorganised Sector (NCEUS)
headed by Prof. Arjun Sengupta, 77 per cent of the total population of India
spent less than Rs. 20/- per day on consumption of goods and services in
2004-2005. The Government of India has claimed in its Economic Survey
2008-2009 that this figure was lower at 60.5% for the same period. According
to the Government of India statistics 21.8% of the country's population
lives below the poverty line (BPL). If we take this segment out then close
to 40% of the population spends less than Rs. 20/- per day. Given the impact
of the recession since early 2008 this figure would have risen higher by
now. Given the weak state of economic development in Jammu and Kashmir the
proportion of people spending less than Rs. 20/- per day would be much
higher than the national average. If RTI application fee is 2.5 times more
than what most people spend on their daily needs everyday, public
authorities in J&K can breathe easy. very few people will actually make
requests for information. On teh other hand many proxy BPL applications may
be filed in order to avail fee waiver.

Dr. E M S Natchiappan Chairman of the Parliamentary Standing Committee
monitoring the Central RTI Act under the 14th Lok Sabha publicly stated that
his committee would recommend that application fees be removed altogether to
make information cheaper for people to access. The J&K Government has done
just the opposite in the RTI Rules. These provisions will discourage many a
relatively poor non-BPL person from using the JK RTI Act.

2) Exorbitant additional fee rates amidst confusion:

Rule 5 stipulates that addditonal fees for copied or created pages will be
charged at Rs. 10 per page. However Rule 6(b) states that for extracts or
copies of pages in printed publications, the payable rate will be Rs. 2 per
page. This kind of discrepancy makes no sense. Additionally if information
is to be provided on a CD or floppy the rates will be Rs. 75 and Rs. 100
respectively. Floppies are almost out of circulation these days due to the
advancement of IT techonology. Nevertheless floppies do not cost more than
Rs. 10 in the open market. CDs cost as little as Rs. 25 even in the most
expensive of shops. Given this scenario the high rates are difficult to
understand. The J&K Government is either seeking to effectively discurage
people from using the RTI Act or is seeking to make money at the expense of
citizens exercising their fundamental right to access information.

3) Citizens living outside J&K cannot use the JK RTI Act:
When the draft of the J&K RTI Act was tabled in the State legislature
earlier this year, CHRI had pointed out that it is discriminatory towards
people living outside J&K. Only persons who are resident of J&K can use the
JK RTI Act. This situation has not been rectified in the JK RTI Rules. While
people living in J&K can use the RTI Act to obtain information from any
public authority under the Central Governement or any other State
Government, citizens living outside J&K cannot use the JK RTI Act to get
information from the J&K Government. This amounts to denial of the
fundamental right of citizen taxpayers living elsewhere in India tax
contributions go to subsidise the State Government in many respects. They
have been denied the opportunity to seek transparency and accountability
under the JK RTI Act.

4) Complaints/appeals may be dismissed if similar application is pending in
another public authority:
Rule 20(viii) requires all appellants and complainants to certify that they
do not have any RTI ication pending before any other public authority or any
matter before a court or tribunal which is the same subject matter as that
of the appeal/complaint. This is a provision that seems to have been
inspired by a similar provision contained in the Central Information
Commission (Management) Regulations issued by the Central Information
Commission in 2007. This implies theoretically that the appeal or complaint
can be rejected if there is another pending matter. This can amount to a
serious restriction on the right of people in Kashmir to seek redress of
grievance relating to information access. For example, a BPL list is
maintained by the village panchayat office and aso in the office of the
Deputy Commissioner. If a citizen does not get access to this list from the
the panchayat office under RTI he may file a complaint before the JKSIC.
However this should not disqualify him from filing a similar application
with the PIO of the Deputy Commissioner' s office. RTI activists and CHRI had
protested against this provision when it was included in the CIC Management
Regulations. By repeating this error the JK RTI Rules have the effect of
granting the JKSIC the power to reject appeals/complainst on the ground that
a similar matter is pending before another public authority. The Central
Information Commission has itself ruled that merely a matter being sub
judice is not adequate ground for rejecting requests for information related
to that case. Given this position in the case law, the requirement that
appellants/complain ants provide certificates is very disturbing. This
provision must be removed forthwith.

5) No requirement on the JK SIC to pronounce its decisions in the open:
Rule 32 stipulates the manner in which orders in a complaint/appeals case
will be made by the JKSIC. However there is no obligation on the JKSIC to
pronounce its decisions in the open. This is a basic feature of any judicial
or quasi-judicial proceedings. All civil and criminal courts are required to
pronounce their orders in the open. Merely communicating it to the parties
is not enough. Several RTI activists have complained that some of the orders
issued by existing Information Commissions differ in content from what was
agreed upon at the end of the actual hearing where the appellant/complaina nt
was present. The good practice instituted by Commissioners like Central
Information Commissioner Shailesh Gandhi who pronounces orders in the open
and issues a signed copy on the , it must ultimately pronounce its orders in
the open. This is a the requirement of a fair and transparent adjudication
process. The JK RTI Rules will have to be amended to rectify this error of
omission.

6) Delegation of Powers of the JKSIC:
Rule 29 permits the JKSIC to delegate its powers to any officer for the
purpose of conducting an inquiry relating to any appeal or complaint pending
before it. Similarly Rule 30 permits the JKSIC to delegate its powers to any
officer for the purpose of conducting an investigation relating to any
appeal or complaint pending before it. In other words such officer will
wield the power of a civil court that has been originally granted to the
JKSIC under section 15(3) of the JK RTI Act. While delegation of powers is
useful it cannot be done under subordinate legislation unless there is an
express provision in the principal Act permitting the State Government to
make rules for this purpose. For these Rules to become effective the J&K RTI
Act will require to be amended first. If the State legislature did not
intend to allow delegation of powers vested in a body specially created for
the purpose of achieving the objectives of the legislation, the State
Government cannot arrogate to itself such powers under the Rules.

These negative aspects need to be addressed urgently and the errors
rectified for the Rules to become truly reflective of the JK RTI Act in
letter and spirit. Our next email will throw light on other weak aspects of
the JK RTI Rules.
Thanks
Venkatesh Nayak
Programme Coordinator
Access to Information Programme
Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative
B-117, I Floor, Sarvodaya Enclave
New Delhi- 110 017
tel: 91-11- 2686 4678/ 2685 0523
fax: 91-11- 2686 4688
website: www.humanrightsinit iative.org

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9.

ON KARGIL WAR

Posted by: "Ravindran Major" majorravi@gmail.com

Wed Jul 22, 2009 3:41 am (PDT)

At the end of reading this remember that a Congress MP, Rashid Ali,
dismissed Kargil as a plot of the BJP and declared that only they need
celebrate!

Ravi

**

http://week. manoramaonline. com/cgi-bin/ MMOnline. dll/portal/ ep/home.do? tabId=13

------------ --------- --------- ---------

THE WEEK
July 19, 2009

----------

*Letter from the managing editor***

* *

*Dear Reader,*

The yak probably rebelled against the routine. Or perhaps it was the food
that shepherd Tashi Namgyal dished out. On May Day, ten summers ago, it
quietly walked out of Garkon, a village close to the LoC.

A distraught Tashi followed its trail up the snow-clad mountain.
Suddenly, he stopped in his tracks: six men hunkered ahead, building a stone
bunker.
He had not seen them around before—these men were not from the Army, nor
from nearby villages. He raced back, still not realising the import of being
the first to sight intruders from across the border. At the local Army unit
"they thought I was lying", Tashi recalled the pulse-pounding moments to THE
WEEK's Special Correspondent Tariq Bhat last week.

Ten years later, the father of four children is soaking in the adulation. He
is a hero all right—the plucky shepherd was rewarded Rs 50,000 by the Army
and a telephone installed in his home, the only one in the village. It was a
small gesture of thanksgiving to a man whose chance discovery helped the
nation avert disaster. Had the strategic heights fallen into hostile hands
in the summer of 1999, an ominous grip would soon have tightened around the
nation's neck.
It took three months, and the lives of 474 of our bravest sons, to breathe
free again.
Kargil today is no longer just an icy outpost where men find frostbite as
insidious a companion as the enemy's intent. It has become a scaffolding of
steel for the idea of India.

That idea glows brighter than ever before in the eyes of Lance Naik Jaswant
Singh of the 18 Garhwal Rifles. Assigned the task of reclaiming the crucial
Point 4700 in Kargil, Singh and his companions charged against the enemy
"even as one intruder kept firing at me from as close as 10 metres". Years
later, prodded by his mates, he turned around and showed the bullet wound on
the back of his neck, said Principal Correspondent Nikita Doval, who visited
them at their post in Banbasa, near the Nepal border.
These men crave mere minutes with their children, sometimes just a warm meal
served by a loved one. Instead they keep the heart's desire on hold. Amid
the white wasteland where temperatures plummet to minus 40°C in severe
winters, men from across India stand guard, eyeballs scanning the thin air
for a hint of hostility. They know they could be buried under an avalanche
the next minute, or fall to fatal high altitude pulmonary oedema that causes
accumulation of fluid in the lungs.

This issue of THE WEEK is dedicated to these heroes who stand guard so that
we can sleep safe. On the following pages we present an array of stories on
10 years after Kargil. Experts explain various facets of the war and its
lessons—Gen. (retd) V.P Malik, who was chief of army staff during the
conflict; K. Subrahmanyam, who headed the Kargil review committee; Air
Marshal (retd) Vinod Patney, commanding-in- chief of Western Air Command that
was active in the war; and, from across the border, Hamid Mir, chief of Geo
TV, who chronicles the changes in his country since the Kargil War.

Over the last many days our reporters gained intimate insights into the
lives and loss of soldiers in Kargil and combatants now posted elsewhere. On
Sando Top at Dras (16,000 ft), Tariq Bhat gasped at the grit of our jawans.
He gasped for breath, too: "We traversed miles of desolate stretches with an
unending array of snow-capped mountains that gleam in the morning sunlight….
My headache was peaking and I tied my handkerchief tightly around my head
but the nausea wouldn't subside. By the time we reached Point 4812, I was
panting. A soldier stopped the colonel I was travelling with and insisted on
tea with grenades. Grenades! I was taken aback. 'Oh they are choormas, a
sweet like the ladoo that they make here with atta, ghee, sugar and dry
fruit,' the colonel explained. 'The grenadiers call it grenade!' he laughed.
I marvelled at their mettle and the ability to view the lighter side of
high-altitude life."

It is time we paused to marvel at these incredible Indians. It is time we
told our children that their modern-day heroes must include not only T20
thrillers and Bollywood badshahs, but also men like Captain Vikram Batra who
is fabled for his exploits on Point 5140. It is time to take the family to a
new destination like Palampur—just once at least—where Dr N.K. Kalia's home
has become a cenotaph of Kargil's first war hero, his son Saurabh, as Senior
Correspondent Neha Bajpai records in the cover story. "We must have done
countless good deeds in our previous birth to have been blessed with a son
like him," said Dr Kalia, who has converted the first floor of his house
into a beautiful memorial.

It is time to remember.
And time to restore the honour of men like Rangappa Alur, who was felled by
a missile in the aftermath of the war. He lost both hands, and a leg. Which
means he cannot run around to get the land promised to him almost a decade
ago by the Karnataka government, or lobby the Army to get his meagre pension
hiked.
It is time to honour our men.

*Philip Mathew *

------------ -

*Heights of bravery*

* *

*By General (retd) V.P. Malik*

Kargil war will go down in the history of India as a saga of the nation's
determination to maintain territorial integrity under any circumstances, as
well as unmatched bravery, grit and determination displayed by the armed
forces. It is a symbol of great pride and inspiration. In a fiercely fought
combat on the most difficult terrain, which gave immense advantage to the
enemy, we were able to evict Pakistani troops from their surreptitiously
occupied positions.

India won a politico-military victory after being surprised by Pakistani
political perfidy and military initiative. As two former prime ministers of
Pakistan stated, "Kargil war was Pakistan's biggest blunder and disaster!"
The fact that we were surprised cannot be denied. It reflected a major
deficiency in our system of collecting, reporting, collating and assessing
intelligence as well as poor surveillance on the ground.

As pointed out by the Kargil Review Committee, 'the Pakistani intrusion was
a complete and total surprise to the Government of India and its
intelligence agencies.' These failures prolonged the fog of war and cost us
heavily during the initial days of combat. Our challenge was to vacate the
intruders under the most adverse conditions. The adversity was compounded by
the political mandate that the Line of Control shall not be violated. When
the ground situation became clear, the armed forces decided to plan and
fight the war jointly with an integrated strategy. It was necessary to
maintain strategic balance and a deterrent posture all along the Indo-Pak
front—on the ground, air and sea—should there be any escalation of
hostilities. Our strategy made it clear that although a victim of intrusion
and exercising restraint, India was determined to get the intrusion vacated.

A reflection on the war will never be complete without a mention of the
brilliant junior leadership that was witnessed during the battles. Most of
the credit for victory goes to the bravery and dedication of the soldiers
and young officers on the battlefield. They were upfront, not hesitating to
make sacrifices to uphold the regimental and national pride and dignity.

In a Sainik Sammelan at Dras, I said, "The enemy has started the fight, but
it is we who will fire the last shot and the war will end only on our
terms." With great determination, high morale and brilliant junior
leadership, our troops performed superbly to achieve this mission. There
were countless acts of gallantry, displays of steely resilience,
single-minded devotion to duty and tremendous sacrifices. Their legendary
tales deserve mention not only in military history books but also in the
textbooks of our secondary schools to inspire children. It was a privilege
for me to lead such officers and men in the war.

Some strategic lessons that emerged from the war are:
u Acquisition of nuclear weapons by India and Pakistan has not reduced or
eliminated the probability of a war between the two countries. A limited
conventional war remains possible. A proxy war in the Indo-Pak security
scenario can easily escalate into a conventional war.

We need to enhance border surveillance and close defence capability to
prevent loss of territory in a surprise attack.

The new strategic environment calls for speedier, more versatile and more
flexible combat organisations. The successful outcome of a border war will
depend upon the ability to react rapidly in an evolving crisis.

A war these days requires close political oversight and political, civil and
military interaction. It is essential to keep military leadership within the
security and strategic decision-making loop.

Information operations are important in the growing transparency of the
battlefield. Also, to retain moral high ground and to deny that to the
adversary, one needs a comprehensive information campaign.
After the war, additional troops were deployed in the sector with enhanced
surveillance and logistic capabilities. The Centre also reviewed the
national security system. Several systemic changes were made in the ministry
of defence. However, the appointment of the chief of defence staff, which is
essential for integrated defence and operational planning, is still pending.
Modernisation of armed forces continues to lag behind, thanks to inadequate
self-reliance and inordinate delays in procuring essential weapon systems
like fighter aircraft, submarines and medium artillery guns.

It must be realised that no one is affected more than the soldiers who have
to remain prepared to fight in all kinds of contingencies. It was not the
first time that Pakistan initiated a war. And we must not assume that it
would be the last time. As a nation, we need to develop the will and
capability to react with determination, sometimes proactively. The essence
of military leadership lies in the manner in which we react to restore a
situation in all adverse circumstances. The most important lesson, I
believe, is that sound defence makes sound foreign policies.
*Malik was chief of Army staff and chairman of the chiefs of staff committee
during the Kargil war*.

--------

*A bloodstained summer*

* *

It's been a decade since our soldiers died
to put the Tricolour back on Kargil's icy heights.

Lest we forget…

By R. Prasannan

Tashi Namgyal and Tresing Morup went up the hill to look for a missing yak.
Their search led to a two-month-long war between two nuclear powers.
Cowherds and yak-herds are the eyes and ears of the Army near the Line of
Control. They know the local terrain like the back of their palms, and can
tell you, for a bottle of rum, where someone could be sneaking in with a
Kalashnikov.
Tashi and Tresing of Garkon village in Batalik did exactly that on May 3,
1999. As they searched for their yak, they saw people atop a Batalik hill.
They were a little perplexed. The snow had melted a fortnight early that
year, and Indian troops were yet to come and occupy the heights. So who were
these people, making sangars?

The yak-herds quietly came down and reported the matter to officers of 3
Punjab. The next day Tashi guided a patrol party up the craggy hill and,
from a distance, showed them what he had seen the previous day.
The information was relayed up the brigade, division and corps headquarters.
At XV Corps HQ, chief of staff Maj.-Gen. A.S. Sihota had a problem. The
corps commander, Lt-Gen. Krishan Pal, was on leave in Delhi, looking after
his wife who had undergone a surgery.

Finally Sihota called Pal who promised to take the fast plane to Srinagar,
but in the meantime Sihota could order patrols to be launched in the entire
sector. For there was a mounting fear that what Tashi saw may not have been
a special honour given to just one hill in Batalik.
The patrol launched from Kaksar, manned by 4 Jat, was led by a young
lieutenant, Saurabh Kalia. But unlike in Batalik the snow was still thick in
Kaksar, and Kalia had to return disappointed.

He had 10 more days to live for India.
The Army still did not press the panic button. For no one knew whether the
visitors near Garkon had merely come on a long-range patrol, and would
return to their units across the Line of Control. Patrols straying across
are common occurrences on the undemarcated Line of Control. At best of
times, they had been sent back after warnings over tea.

But this was not a patrol for tea. For across the entire sector commanded by
3 division, patrols were reporting that they had sighted 'enemy' up the
hills that Indian units had vacated for winter. On May 8, the commanding
officer of 3 Punjab reported to his brigadier that the enemy was not just
sitting there, but also firing at Indian patrols.

The picture was still not clear. The snow was yet to melt in many sectors,
but some minor eviction operation could be launched. Kargil needed
reinforcements. Two battalions, which had just returned from Siachen duty
(thus tired, but acclimatised) were waiting in Leh to fly to a peace
location. Krishan Pal ordered them to the battlefield in Kargil.

On May 14, Kalia set out on a patrol with four Jat sepoys—Arjun Ram, Bhanwar
Bagaria, Bhika Ram and Naresh Singh. As they neared the Bajrang post, they
saw that the enemy had taken it. Hardly had they radioed the battalion HQ
when they came under mortar fire. Kalia and his men fought back, but soon
ran out of ammunition. Before reinforcements arrived, they were surrounded
and captured.

Three weeks later, their tortured and mutilated bodies would be handed over
to India, hours before the foreign ministers of the two countries were to
meet and talk.
By the time Kalia and his Jats were captured, Army chief General V.P. Malik
had returned from Poland and taken in the total picture. With his consent,
and that of northern Army commander Lt-Gen. H.M. Khanna, Krishan Pal ordered
8 Mountain Division under Maj.-Gen. Mohinder Puri to move to Kargil and
divide the work with Maj.-Gen. Badhwar's 3 division.

On May 18, troops of Brigadier Amar Aul's 56 Mountain Brigade captured
Points 4295 and 4460. The next day the Army admitted the intrusion for the
first time. There has been some infiltration in Dras-Kargil sector in
completely unheld area on the Line of Control by Pakistan army, Krishan Pal
told the media. These unheld areas are quite extensive and total up to 200km
in extent from Gurez sector in the valley to Turtok sector in Ladakh
region..... This is a local situation and would be defeated by us locally.
There is no possibility of its escalation into war.

But war it was to be. On May 23, Malik flew to Kargil and laid down the
priorities and the doctrine for conduct of operations. The assessment was
that air support would be needed, but employing the air force carried the
danger of the conflict escalating into full-fledged war. Air Chief Marshal
A.Y. Tipnis wanted a political decision, and the cabinet concurred.

On May 27, Squadron Leaders K. Nachiketa and Ajay Ahuja took off in two
MiGs. Nachiketa had a technical snag and he ejected into enemy hands. Buddy
Ahuja could have flown back, but he would not. As a flight commander of a
specialist photo-recce squadron, he thought he should locate his buddy to
enable his later rescue. He took a low loop over the area when a 5km-range
missile ended his 14-year career in the IAF.

It was clear the enemy had come with Stingers, the most effective weapon
against helicopters. Yet Flight Lieutenant S. Muhilan took an Mi-17 chopper
on an attack mission the next day, and fired rockets against a heavily
defended area. Another Stinger downed him.

It looked like a losing battle. Especially in Batalik where the Indian
forces had advanced most. At three in the morning of May 29 Major M.
Saravanan of 1 Bihar launched an attack with 15 men on Point 4268. The enemy
spotted them in the dark, but Saravanan refused to retreat. He crawled all
the way to the enemy bunker, neutralised it and fell for a posthumous Vir
Chakra. Undaunted, a wounded Naik Ganesh Prasad engaged the enemy while
allowing his buddies to withdraw. The naik followed his company commander to
martyrdom and won a Vir Chakra.

Naik Shatrughan Singh went to recover their bodies, was hit by the enemy,
but killed several of them. He then picked up the enemy's LMG and hobbled
down on wounded legs for 11 days without food or water.

Shatrughan Singh's real war trophy was not the LMG, but the papers he had
picked up from the enemy's pockets. Pakistani generals had inducted troops
from their Northern Light Infantry into Kargil, but had given instructions
that no one was to carry any identity papers. They were to pose as
mujahideen.

But soldiers, by habit, training and Geneva Convention, are loath to conceal
their identities. Many of them had secretly kept their identity cards or pay
books in their pockets. Those would prove that the enemy was not mujahideen,
but regular Pakistani soldiers. Singh, too, won a Vir Chakra. Following
Singh's example, other troops would identify more than 60 Pakistani soldiers
in Batalik alone.
Almost the same time as Saravanan was crawling up Point 4268, Lt-Gen.
Mohammed Aziz, chief of general staff, Pakistan army, was dialling a Beijing
number. His army chief, Gen. Pervez Musharraf, visiting Beijing, picked up
the phone. Little did Musharraf or Aziz know that the call was also being
picked up by Indian intelligence. The taped conversation revealed one thing:
that the Pak army had not fully briefed the Pakistan political
establishment. It also indicated how the military was dictating terms to the
political leadership.

The tape was apparently played before Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee,
external affairs minister Jaswant Singh, defence minister George Fernandes
and the service chiefs. Later, Fernandes would start a minor controversy
with a statement that Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif was not much in
the know. The statement was interpreted as one giving clean chit to the Pak
leadership. Only later, when the tape was made public as part of the
diplomatic offensive, did it become clear that Fernandes was not talking
through his hat.

Nearly eight years later the tape would generate another controversy. A
major-general attached to R&AW would claim that publicising the tape had
compromised a rich source of intelligence. Pakistan had immediately spotted
the source and shut it.

Aul, commanding 56 Mountain Brigade which was in charge of Dras sub-sector
where the road almost kisses the Line of Control, gave two targets to his
troops. He asked 18 Grenadiers to take Tololing and 1 Naga to take Point
5140.

The Grenadiers launched their assault early on May 23. They crawled their
way up over seven days, braving artillery and mortar fire, and taking minor
enemy sangars on the way.

By now, it was clear that it would need more than grit and bullets to evict
the enemy. The Army asked for air support, and Indian Air Force jets pounded
Tololing and Point 5140 from May 26 to May 28. In those 48 days the IAF
would fly 1,400 missions through more than a hundred SAM fires and
innumerable rounds of anti-aircraft gunfire, and rarely ever crossing the
LoC.

On May 29, Indian Army had its first major victory. By now artillery guns
from 108 Medium Regiment opened up on Tololing Ridge, Point 5140, Tiger Hill
and Point 4875 in Dras. Once the enemy positions were softened by air power
and artillery, infantrymen captured the nearest point on Tololing, and began
further advance. On May 30, just 30 metres from target, the assaulting
Grenadiers were stalled as enemy bullets felled one of the brave company
commanders Major Rajesh Adhikari.

Down in the valley the Grenadier battalion's second-in-command Lt-Col. R.
Vishwanathan could not bear the stillness. At midnight June 2, he led 40 men
towards Tololing, to reinforce his stalled men, and also to recover the
bodies. They crawled up Tololing, silencing three enemy bunkers on the way.
As they were assaulting the last bunker on top of the Tololing feature,
Vishwanathan and his buddy fell to the heavy volume of fire. A very steep
gradient near the top of the feature made the going impossible, and the
attack was called off. On June 3, the IAF resumed its pounding of Point 5140
till June 12.

It took nearly another fortnight, and supreme sacrifice by Major Vivek Gupta
and 16 others from Rajputana Rifles and Grenadiers before Adhikari's body
could be brought down.

On June 5 it looked as if Pakistan was willing to own up the intrusion as
one by its army. After a flag meeting, Pakistani army took away the bodies
of three of its fallen soldiers handed over by the Indian Army. But that, as
it later proved, was an aberration. Throughout the rest of the war, Pak
would disown their dead.
On June 8, Vajpayee, heading a caretaker government after he had lost trust
vote by one, convened a joint meeting of the National Security Council, the
strategic policy group and the national security advisory board. A clear
understanding of Pakistan's aims emerged from the discussions, the
government claimed.

The gameplan was clear. They were doing a Siachen to India. They had
occupied the heights vacated by Indian troops during winter. From the
heights they could direct their artillery to fire directly on NH1, the
Srinagar-Leh road. In other words, the troops and insurgents on the hilltops
acted as forward observation posts for the Pakistani gunners.

But why hit the road? The road was the lifeline to Ladakh. Once the snow
melts hundreds of trucks carry food, clothing, fuel and ammunition to the
snow-desert of Ladakh. If the highway gets blocked, Ladakh gets cut off,
save for air supplies sent from Chandigarh. A starving Ladakh would be easy
pluck for the Pakistan army.

A few hours before the meeting of the National Security Council, young Lt
Hanifuddin was leading gallant action to defend Turtok where insurgency was
detected for the first time the previous day. He executed a brilliant
encircling move against an enemy position, and as he advanced on them was
felled. The sub-sector, later saved, would be christened Hanif sector.

It was in this sector that Pakistan had planned the boldest insurgency. It
had plans to heli-lift troops from seven helipads and capture the entire
Turtok in a pincer movement. It was this audacious plan, which could have
led to the enemy capturing Ladakh, that Hanif had scuttled.

Talks with Pakistan were getting deadlocked. Pak foreign minister Sartaj
Aziz wanted India to call off air operations. India refused.

By mid-June the Indian offensive had stablised. Bofors howitzer guns had
been requisitioned from elsewhere. Without fire-finding radars, Indian
gunners could not locate Pakistani guns on the other side of the hills, but
they did the next best. They fired volleys at the mountain-tops pulverising
the insurgents who were directing the Pak gunners. For the first time since
the invention of the howitzer, it became a direct-firing weapon (see story).

One cannot be sure, but perhaps the idea had come from ingenious action of
young Capt. P.V. Vikram of 141 Field Regiment in Kaksar. Gun batteries, like
his own, had always been trained on targets across the LoC, but on June 2
Vikram spotted some intruders from his observation post at 16,200 feet.
Counter-insurgency was the job of the infantry, but Vikram thought he could
bear some heavy gunnery on them. For that he had to move his gun position,
which he knew would attract the enemy's attention. It did. Braving heavy
artillery fire from the enemy, he moved his gun some 500 metres, to a
location where there was no bunker. As his guns opened up on the
infiltrators, Pak guns, giving cover fire to them, targeted him. The
infiltrators fled, but Vikram breathed his last there.

By now Indian diplomats were telling the world and Washington that the
insurgents were not mujahideen but regular Pakistani soldiers. But the west,
still viewing India as a nuclear villain (only a year ago had India cocked a
nuke at the NPT-swearing world), did not want to be convinced.

It was here that the bravery of Shatrughan Singh mattered. Troops were
instructed to recover identity papers and diaries from the pockets of enemy
soldiers. Thus on June 15, the Army could officially claim: In addition to
the armament and equipment... ., an identity card belonging to Number 2847955
Havildar Afroz Gul of A Company, 6 Northern Light Infantry Battalion of
Pakistan Army, resident of Juglot, Tehsil Gilgit, [has] also been recovered.
That was just one of the many such media releases.

On June 13, India had the first major victory. Aul's 56 Brigade recaptured
Tololing and Point 4590, and the next day they took 'Hump'.

The twin victories turned out to be the turning point in the war. There had
been minor successes earlier, but as former Punjab chief minister Capt.
Amarinder Singh recorded in A Ridge Too Far, "the capture of Tololing Top by
2 Raj Rif was the first major success of the war. The courage and tenacity
displayed by the battalion was in the highest traditions of their regiment
and became a source of inspiration to the entire sector during those fateful
days.

The triumphal trumpet was echoed from as far as Washington. The next day, US
President Bill Clinton asked Nawaz Sharif to pull out. Sharif was
noncommittal.
In less than a fortnight 56 Brigade virtually cleared its area of enemy.
Meanwhile, away from media glare (see Col. Tyagi's article), troops in
Batalik were inching up. On the night of June 14-15, they captured Point
5203 and encircled enemy positions further north, cutting their supply lines
from Pakistan army bases.

By early July, the enemy was on the run or would soon run. On July 2, Indian
Army had two prize catches—Naik Inayat Ali and Sepoy Humar Shah of 5th
battalion of Northern Light Infantry. Their interrogation gave out some of
the tactical positions adopted by the enemy.

On July 3, the Sikhs captured the prized Tiger Hill, already softened by
Mirages and Bofors. Again Clinton asked Sharif, now in Washington, to
withdraw. He was now willing.

Across the Line of Control, Musharraf's gunners seemed to be anxious to use
up their shells. Artillery fire killed six Indian soldiers on July 8 and 9.
Indians, too, seemed to be in a hurry. By July 9, the Biharis had captured
Point 4927 and Tharu, the Gorkhas had Point 4821 and Kukarthan, the Paras
were sitting on Point 4100 and Muntho Dalo, and the Garhwalis on Bumps I, II
and III north of Point 4927.

On July 7, the enemy counter-attacked a Spur emanating from Tiger Hill,
killing 14 Indian soldiers. An IAF recce revealed that a supply line to the
area from Gulteri in PoK, with a camp 2.5km west of Tiger Hill, was still
active. At first light on July 9, IAF Mirages struck the camp, destroying
two truckful of supplies, and at Point 4388. Follow-up strikes were made the
next morning with 24 of 1,000-pounder bombs.

The enemy counterattacked Point 4875 and Twin Bump on the night of July 7-8.
The Jats and J&K Light men put up stiff resistance, but lost 13 gallant men
including Capt. Vikram Batra (J&K Light) and Capt. Anuj Nayyar (Jats).
On Friday, July 9 at 2130 hours, Lt-Gen. Tauqir Zia, Pakistan's
director-general of military operations (DGMO), rang up his counterpart
Lt-Gen. N.C. Vij on the hotline. Pull out from Kaksar before first light
tomorrow, Vij told him. In turn he would ask the Air Force to hold fire. Zia
agreed and requested a meeting at Wagah border. Vij agreed to meet him at
1130 hours on July 11.

On July 10, Vajpayee addressed the three service chiefs and the Army
commanders: The enemy's intrusion and aggression in Kargil has now been
decisively turned back. Our military has achieved this. Most pockets have
already been cleared. There, our troops are back on the LoC. The remaining
pockets will be cleared.

At the BSF checkpost at Attari, Wagah, Vij and Zia discussed further
modalities of withdrawal. Vij gave a fresh deadline for complete
withdrawal—first light, July 16. "Any intruder thereafter found within our
side of the LoC would be treated as hostile and would be dealt with
accordingly.

On July 12 Pakistani guns overlooking Mushkoh valley and Kasar fell silent.
The silence soon enveloped other sectors. On the 15th Zia used the hotline
to ask for one more day. Vij agreed.

As Indian troops moved up to occupy Tiger Hill, they spotted the bodies of
Lt K. Bhattacharya and Sepoy Major Singh of 8 Sikhs. They had been lying
there since May 21.

The deadline expired on July 17 morning. Apparently there was no enemy, but
only snow and rough weather. As India liked it.

The official announcement was delayed to check and verify. On July 20, the
Army claimed: "The eviction of Pakistani troops has been completed in all
sectors except three places where some Pak troops are still inside our
territory, at distances varying from 500 [to] 800m from the LoC. These are
one each in Mushkoh, Dras and Batalik... Directors-general of military
operations are in touch with each other. Efforts are afoot to ensure that
Pak clears their intrusions in accordance with the assurances given by the
Pak DGMO...
As if to help those reluctant to decide, Bofors guns opened up on July 22.
The intruders stayed put, but guns from across the LoC retaliated in Dras
and Batalik.

On July 26 the Army finally claimed: After Pak had completed its withdrawal
... on 17 July 99, ... small pockets of intrusions had still been left, one
each in areas of Mushkoh, Dras and Batalik. These intrusions have now been
evicted and... Indian territory is free of… Pak presence.

On the whole, 249 Pakistani bodies were counted. Three were handed over to
the other side. Pakistan disowned the rest. Indian Army buried them as per
military and Islamic custom.

------------

*Strategic legacy*

* *

*The quickie war was unique for many reasons**
**By R. Prasannan*

* *

It was one of history's smallest wars. Neither side used even a hundredth of
the firepower available at its disposal. It lasted just nine weeks, and was
fought over just a few hundred square kilometres. Viewed thus, Kargil was
not even a war.

But, for strategic thinkers and military historians, it was a unique war
which changed all the precepts of strategic thinking since Hiroshima. The
world saw for the first time that two nuclear powers could fight a
conventional war and prevent themselves from crossing the unthinkable
threshold. The credit for spelling this out as a doctrine should go to
defence minister George Fernandes and General V.P. Malik.

Throughout the cold war, which lasted from the end of World War II till the
break-up of the Soviet Union in the 1990s, the US and the USSR behaved as
strategic adversaries, but never militarily confronted each other directly.
No different was it with the other nuclear powers—Britain, France and China.
None of them fought the other.

Nearly five decades of this cold war behaviour had led strategic thinkers
and military historians to assume that a conventional war was not possible
among nuclear powers. The logic, crudely put, was that the one who thinks he
is losing would use the bomb.

Limited wars had been fought since ages, but Kargil was perhaps modern
history's most limited war. Wars can be limited in duration, geographical
scope and scale, employment of forces, military objective and so on. Kargil
was an extremely limited war going by all these parameters. Either side
could have prolonged the conflict, but did not. Neither side used all
available force and firepower. In fact, an entire military arm, the navy,
remained unused. Either side could have widened the conflict to other areas
such, but did not. Either side could have kept a military objective of
seizing the rest of Kashmir from the other side, but did not. Kargil was
'limited' from another point of view, too. That both sides had the option of
using the nuclear bomb, but did not.

The Fernandes-Malik doctrine was given a strategic shape during Operation
Parakram, following the attack on the Indian Parliament. India now used the
doctrine to warn Pakistan (that it could still fight a conventional war and
win it) and also to reassure the world (that the bombs won't be used).

There was a third aspect too. Pakistan had been waging the low-intensity
conflict in Kashmir on the basis of a doctrinal belief that India would not
wage a conventional war against acts of insurgency. Kargil changed all that.
Against Pakistan's 'militarised' insurgency, India acted with conventional
military power. Tactically, too, Kargil had its piece for the military
thinker. For the first time, artillery was used as the direct-firing weapon.
Traditionally artillery guns had been used for hitting enemy beyond the
horizon, often beyond the hills, the fire being directed by forward
observation posts (FOPs) or aerial observation posts (AOPs). In Kargil,
Pakistan used its artillery in the conventional manner to hit Indian convoys
and Indian gun positions. Insurgents sitting in the hills as FOPs directed
the Pakistani gunners. But Indian gunners, with no FOPs, fired directly at
the targets instead of hitting Pakistani gun positions.

The war was a unique experience for the Indian Air Force, too. In a
conventional war they would have crossed all borders and lines of control,
but in Kargil they were asked not to cross the Line of Control (LoC). Since
most of the enemy was sitting almost on the Line, fighter pilots had to
develop new angles of attack by which they had to deliver their payload and
quickly turnaround. There were two dangers; one, of crossing the LoC, and
two, of hitting a nearby hill.

Military historians would say this was not new. The US Air Force had to
operate within similar constraints during the Korean War. They had to bomb
the enemy supply lines in North Korea, but were told not to cross the Yalu
river and enter mainland China. But then, it was fairly easy for US pilots
to bomb near the North Korea-China borders and return. There were no hills
around where the planes could go and hit.

-----------

*Cakewalk on air***

* *

*By Air Marshal (retd) Vinod Patney*

In early May 1999, there were reports of Pakistani infiltration into our
side of the Line of Control (LoC) but there was little definite intelligence
information. Reports on the number of infiltrators varied from a few ten to
a few hundred. Even their locations were, at best, inaccurate
approximations. Possibly, this was the main reason for some initial
difficulty experienced in arriving at sound military responses. The
situation was compounded by the earlier periodic intelligence reports that
showed that Pakistani military capability was inadequate for a serious
offensive to be launched against us.

The correctness of this estimate was borne out by subsequent events. Our
military capability was indeed far superior. Western Air Command (WAC) was
alerted on May 11 or 12, 1999. Within a day or two, reconnaissance missions
were launched on a regular basis but no actionable intelligence was
garnered. However, area familiarisation missions were flown, high-altitude
air-to-ground attacks against pin-point targets practised, and operational
readiness achieved in short order. We then waited for government clearance
to launch air strikes.

The clearance was received on the evening of May 25, and the first
operational missions took to the air in the early morning of May 26. The
government clearance included a debilitating instruction prohibiting the Air
Force to operate beyond the LoC. A few important aspects that were a fallout
of this very stringent restriction merit mention.
First, in one fell swoop, we handed over the initiative to the enemy. It was
now up to them to decide when and how to fashion the air war. The air war
should be prosecuted in a proactive and bold manner but, perforce, we now
had to adopt a reactive posture. Secondly, the LoC is a zig-zag line nowhere
near clearly demarcated on the ground. Hence, particularly against targets
close to the LoC, in our attempts not to cross the LoC, the planning and
execution of the attacks was far from what could and should have been.

Thirdly, the infiltrators were in well-defended positions that were
well-camouflaged and represented very small targets. The air force was
hard-pressed to hit these targets effectively. Far greater dividends would
have accrued if we were permitted to attack the feeder lines, logistics
dumps and other well-defined targets. Fourthly and possibly most
importantly, the enemy was well entrenched and at height, and our troops
were out in the open with, literally, an uphill task to win back positions
occupied by the enemy. They were extremely vulnerable to enemy air attacks
and it was a major responsibility of WAC to ensure that enemy air was
inhibited from taking action even when the Pakistanis began to suffer major
reverses. This was achieved by giving clear signals that we were ready and
willing for battle and waiting for the enemy to start. The unequivocal
signalling was done by the manner in which our missions were launched
throughout the Command, and the obvious preparedness of WAC.

We certainly succeeded as, in a very few days, it was obvious that the enemy
would much rather avoid battle or escalation of the conflict. Indeed, civil
air lines were soon permitted to commence operations from Srinagar.
Many innovative means were introduced for the safety of our aircraft in the
air and to make our attacks against targets on the ground safer and more
effective. The use of GPS, even the hastily procured handheld GPS, was a
trailblazer. The use of fighter aircraft for attacks in night in mountainous
terrain received accolades from professionals in the US and elsewhere.
Another innovation was the use of handheld video cameras that were taken on
board fighter aircraft to film the areas of possible enemy positions for
better and speedier analysis.

All these measures helped. Our Mirage aircraft were locally modified for
bombing from higher altitudes and the laser pods that were on trial were
pressed into service. The bombing by Mirage aircraft of the Muntho Dhalo
admin and logistics camp dealt a body blow from which the enemy just could
not recover. The laser pod was used against the position at Tiger Hill and
the success can be gauged from the report that when our troops reached the
summit, there were only seven Pakistanis left to guard the area.
In spite of difficulties, the Air Force did what was required under the
circumstances, and without the benefit of fanfare. There was complete
unanimity between the Army and the Air Force in the manner in which the war
should be fought, and, as it should be, every single position that was
recaptured by our Army was first visited by our Air Force. The pilots,
technicians and staff of WAC and those from other commands who fought
alongside deserve praise for their professionalism and for a job well done.

I, however, have three regrets. First, one cannot but be saddened by the
loss of two fighter aircraft, one helicopter and their pilots and crew. 'It
happens in war' is an oft-quoted phrase but it cannot reduce the regret and
sorrow of untimely deaths. Secondly, air power should have been used without
its hands being tied. Possibly, the war would have been shorter and we would
have suffered fewer casualties. Finally, it will remain a regret that we
were not pitted against a more worthwhile adversary who was willing to offer
combat.
Air Marshal Patney was Air Officer Commanding-in- Chief, Western Command,
during the Kargil war.

*Flying high*

Operation Safedsagar, the air operations in Kargil, was a tough mission for
the Air Force because of the difficult terrain and climate. The high
altitude limited the bomb loads and the number of airstrips that can be
used.
The Air Force's fist involvement in the conflict was on May 11, 1999, with
helicopters.

On May 25, the cabinet committee on security authorised attacks without
crossing the LoC.

The Air Force used the Srinagar, Avantipur and Adampur airfields; MiG-21,
MiG-23, MiG-27, Jaguar and Mirage 2000 fighter planes; Mi-8 and Mi-17
choppers; Avro, An-32 and IL-76 transport planes in the conflict.

On May 27, Squadron Leader Ajay Ahuja, who was flying low in his MiG-21 to
locate the missing Flight Lieutenant K. Nachiketa, was shot by a Stinger.
India said he survived the crash but was killed by Pakistan army. His body
bore bullet wounds.

Nachiketa was captured by Pakistani troops after he was ejected from his
plane, which had an engine flameout. He was the first Indian prisoner of war
of the Kargil conflict, and was repatriated on June 3, 1999.

For its role in the operation, the Air Force was awarded two Vir Chakras and
23 Vayusena medals.

-----------

*The major and his boys*

* *

*Lieutenant Colonel Rajesh Sah, Vir Chakra / 18 Garhwal Rifles*

Lieutenant Colonel Rajesh Sah was on his way to the northeast for an
assignment when THE WEEK caught up with him. But when Kargil was mentioned,
he agreed to speak. Our battalion was posted in Sopore initially and in May
when we were inducted in Dras the situation was getting out of hand, he said
over a scratchy phone link. Sah was a major then.

The 18 Garhwal did not have a complete picture though. We knew intrusion had
taken place but no one knew the exact details or the extent of it, he said.
Point 4700 was the main hub of the infiltration to Tiger Hill and was also
the supply route. Sah along with other officers and two companies from the
battalion was asked to secure the peak. We did not know whether the men
sitting in the bunkers were regular troops, Taliban or foreign mercenaries.
We knew that they were about 100 of them, scattered all along the range in
different bunkers, he said.

Under the cover of artillery fire, 18 Garhwal began its assault. They
started at 6:00 p.m. and at 11:30 p.m. they were 300m short of the target.
Sah divided his company into three platoons. The central one was under his
command and it charged at the enemy, while the other two moved in a flanking
motion. Finally, the battle was restricted to around 25m.

When they detected our presence, they fired indiscriminately, inflicting
casualties, Sah said. Soon his men captured one bunker, which became their
base, but he knew that he had to be on the peak before first light. We were
low on ammunition and there were casualties. There was no option but frontal
assault. Armed with rocket launchers and grenades, Sah and a jawan barged
in. They fled, he chuckled. By 6:30 a.m. we were done."

Sah called Kargil a lifetime experience, but sighed when asked about those
left behind. We had 11 fatalities and 25 injured. It is demoralising, but
you have to overcome it, he said. The mere fact that you are out on the
battlefield means you are brave. When a bullet is fired, it has no name. It
all boils down to luck. My boys gave their lives for me. I tell cadets and
young officers to always take care of their men, especially in the infantry.

*Bearer of the cross**
**Captain Sumit Roy, Vir Chakra (Post.) / 18 Garhwal Rifles*

He smiles at you from an oil painting in the 18 Garhwal Officers' Mess. An
elaborate memento gifted by his parents to the unit sits proudly on the
mantelpiece. Elsewhere, there is a pencil portrait of his. Captain Sumit Roy
is a bittersweet memory for the Garhwalis, a young officer who proudly wore
the regimental crest—a Maltese cross with a bugle in the centre and
surmounted by the Saranath lion capital.

Roy was killed in artillery fire during the battle for Point 4700, which
finally turned out to be the command post of the enemy. From hand towels to
utensils (which were thrown at the Indian troops at one point in a desperate
attempt to deter them) to bathrooms to biscuits, there was no amenity that
the enemy bunkers did not have. Then one can imagine the ammunition they had
stockpiled.

It was a moonlit night when 18 Garhwal began its assault. This, coupled with
the snow on the slopes, made them sitting ducks, easily visible to the
enemy. Sumit was leading the assault from the front, said Colonel S.K.
Joshi, (Shaurya Chakra, Sena Medal) who also took part in the battle. Most
jawans trail off when elaborating on Roy saab's exploits on the field. This
was not the young captain's first mission and before going he had spoken to
his father confident of his victory. Victorious he was, but this time he
came back wrapped in the Tricolour. He was awarded the Vir Chakra for his
bravery on the battlefield. His brother is also in the Army.

--------

*Long forgotten?** *

* *

*Captain Vikram Batra, Param Vir Chakra / 13 Jammu & Kashmir Rifles*

I will never forget the day Vikram captured Point 5140. It was the happiest
day of my life. The glimpses of him sitting on the highest point on the
Tololing ridge will never leave me. My son had achieved what he was born
for," says G.L. Batra.
But Captain Vikram Batra wanted more victories. So he led his team to Point
4875 on July 8, 1999. The mission was almost over when Vikram ran out of a
bunker to rescue a junior officer who had injured his legs in an explosion.
By dawn India had won back the peak and lost Vikram.

Batra remembers the iconic war cry that immortalised his son, "Yeh dil mange
more (My heart asks for more)". Vikram was quite confident of winning more
assaults. "But his last byte on TV told me he would never come back," said
Batra. "He said the country should look after the families of the deceased
soldiers and then he turned his face. That was it. I knew something was
wrong."

Batra's moist eyes ran over Vikram's framed portrait on the living room
wall, and he said: "He was our flesh and blood, so it hurts. But what hurts
more is the fact that the warmth is slowly declining. A martyr's sacrifice
is not felt as much by the government. For the past so many years, there is
no one to maintain Vikram's bust installed at the city centre. I do it all
by myself. Even for errands like getting a water connection, I have to run
from pillar to post. All this pinches us a lot. I always asked my children
to be in the frontline. Vikram never failed in anything. He had promised to
either hoist the Tricolour on the peak or to come back wrapped in it. I am
glad he kept his word."
*Neha S. Bajpai/Palampur*

---------

*In death's dark vale…***

* *

Heroes of Kargil:
Meet India's Rambos, they went to hell
and came back alive, barely

By Nikita Doval

If you were a child growing up in the 1980s with an elder brother to boot,
chances are that Commando war comics were an integral part of your book
collection. Well-thumbed and well-maintained, exchanged with grave
solemnity, they were must-haves in a boy's literary arsenal. The comics told
tales of World War II, of courage, friendships and cowardice. The tales saw
men pushing the limits to ensure their brother soldiers' safety.

In the summer of 1999 a Commando war comic came alive on Kargil heights.
There was the young captain who kept both his promises—of hoisting the
Tricolour on Tiger Hill and of coming back home wrapped in it; another one
killed nine enemy soldiers and destroyed three bunkers before dying. Then
there was the soldier who took 15 hits but did not give up, and the young
lieutenant and his four men who went on a patrol and came back weeks later
in coffins, horribly mutilated. All of them were ordinary men who in the
blink of an eye became extraordinary because they stood up to be counted
when it mattered the most.

During war, each day throws up new stories of courage, indomitable will and
sacrifice. One such tale is that of the 18 Garhwal Rifles, a battalion
responsible for taking Points 4700 and 5140, which finally paved the way for
the capture of strategic peaks including Tiger Hill. For these victories,
they were awarded the battle honour, COAS' unit citation, six Vir Chakras,
eight Sena Medals and two COAS' commendation cards and seven mentions in
dispatches. Each honour was well deserved and paid for heavily—the unit lost
19 men.

Ten years later, THE WEEK met 31 Garhwalis who fought in that epic battle.
The regular Garhwali is stolid, like the hills that gave him his name; to
his officers he is bhula—Garhwali for little brother. His regimental war cry
also has to do with the lord of the hills—Badri Vishal Lal ki jai (Hail Lord
Badrinath). He is simple, like most hill folk, and does his work quietly,
effectively and retreats into the background. It is not easy to get him to
talk.

Seated in the unit's memorial hall, the men talked quietly about Rifleman
Ravinder Singh taking a hit on his face and how Rifleman Asab Khan's hand
hung by a few tendrils of skin. The Garhwalis were first tested on Point
5140. Climbing in single file under darkness, the unit was asked to scale
the peak from the east and north. "Once you start climbing, you just focus
on the task at hand," said Havildar Kanchan Singh.

Morning came and with it, heavy enemy fire and casualties. "The only thought
in my head was 'I cannot let them go. They injured my brothers,'" said
Havildar Sitha Singh. The enemy showered not just bullets, but the most
vulgar Urdu abuses, too. The enraged Garhwalis went berserk and kept firing,
got hit and continued to climb. Havildar Digambar Singh was shot in the left
arm, but he realised it only when warm blood trickled down his hand. "It
really was the last thing on my mind," he said. The Garhwalis took Point
5140 on 2:30 p.m. on June 20—15 hours after the first man had started
climbing.

On June 28, the unit was asked to secure Point 4700. Two companies, Charlie
and Delta, were readied and commander Major (now Lt Col) Rajesh Sah of
Charlie company led the climb, followed by Captain Sumit Roy with Delta
company. Just before leaving camp, the Garhwalis had seen body bags of 16
martyrs from the 18 Grenadiers. "We were shaken. Thoughts of home came to
us. We cried, too. But then it was time to tighten our belt and remember why
we wore the uniform in the first place," said Naik Subedar Kalam Singh.

Lance Naik Jaswant Singh slowly turned his head around to show the bullet
wound on his neck. He was shot at in the battle for Point 4700, which later
turned out to be the command post of the enemy. "There was incessant firing
and we were very close to one of their bunkers. Rifleman Narpal and I
returned fire from behind a boulder," he said. When screams of Allah bachao
rent the air, Jaswant Singh knew that they had hit home. "We ran after them.
There was one who was injured and kept firing at me even from 10m," said
Jaswant Singh, who was shot from behind at this point. "I don't remember
much. I felt like the world was spinning and then I was lying on my back."
He nursed the wound for eight hours, before he could climb down for help.

Sometimes fear grips young soldiers, and then it is the older soldiers' turn
to play the elder brother. "You talk to them and recall the heroism of
Rifleman Gabbar Singh Negi [of 1 Royal Garhwal Rifles, who was awarded the
Victoria Cross posthumously for his bravery at Neuve Chapelle, France, on
March 10, 1915]," said Naik Subedar Hukum Singh. Then there are newer heroes
like Rifleman Narpal Singh, SM (Posthumous) , who was so enraged by the
casualties around him that he left cover and fired at the enemy. The enemy
shot him in the head.

Lance Naik Satya Prasad said, "Agar aapka commander achcha ho, toh jawan sab
kar jaata hai" (If his commander is good, then the soldier is capable of
anything). The Garhwalis remember Sah with great affection and the sentiment
is reciprocated by the lieutenant colonel. "I have been posted as instructor
at the National Defence Academy. I ask cadets and young officers to always
look after their men. If you win their loyalty, nothing else matters."

The Garhwalis' tales do not end. There was Havildar Jagat Singh, Sena Medal
(Post.), who led the offensive under heavy fire and died, and Rifleman
Anusuya Prasad, Vir Chakra, SM (Post.), who took Jagat Singh's place and
carried on until he, too, was martyred. Captain Roy, too, died in the
battle.
Sitha Singh said the enemy must have wondered, "Yeh kaisi Army hai jo badthi
hi ja rahi hai? (What kind of an Army is this that keeps on advancing?)."
They recalled how around 50 enemy soldiers came out to taunt them on June
29, after they had suffered heavy casualties. The Garhwalis shot them dead
and recovered ID cards of Pakistan's Northern Light Infantry. "They thought
we had given up, broken by the death of our men and the lack of ammunition,"
said one Garhwali, with a sigh of satisfaction over a job well done.

*Height of apathy / Infantryman Rangappa Alur / 26 Maratha Light Infantry*

He fought a war at 19,000ft and repelled the enemy assault on the
strategically important Ashoka post in Leh. On the fateful day, as the
temperature dipped below zero, Rangappa Alur and his colleagues lit a stove
for warmth. They were on high alert. Then came the shelling from the
Pakistan side. The battle to defend Ashoka post lasted nearly 48 hours. In
the end, he was the lone survivor in the shell-shattered post. By the time
reinforcements arrived, Alur had lost both hands and a leg.

"We did not allow the enemy to advance. But, a shell that struck our post
killed all the other soldiers and I was critically injured," said Alur, 34.
Army doctors declared him 100 per cent disabled.

After spending over three years in Army hospitals in Pathankot and Pune,
where he underwent surgeries on his hands, legs and chest, Alur returned to
his Hulsageri village in Bagalkot district of Karnataka. He now spends most
of his time at his tiny house fighting the battle of life.

"I feel proud that I was part of the Army and was able to do something for
my country. But, what hurts is the fact that a person who fought for his
country has been treated shabbily by local authorities,'' he said. "I made
several attempts to get the dealership of a petrol bunk or an LPG
distribution centre so that I can support my mother and brothers. But
nothing happened."

Alur is now dependent on others even for his basic needs. The pension of Rs
5,000 that he gets from the Army is what keeps him and his family going.
Part of it goes to repay the loan he had taken to build the house. His two
brothers and mother work as daily labourers.

His relative Siddanna, who also served the Army, said the pinch is painful
because Alur was active even before he joined the Army. "Such an active and
fit person now spends all his time sitting and worrying about his future,"
said Siddanna. Alur spends most of his time either watching TV, reading
newspapers and books or meditating, as he needs help to even move around in
the house.

The war might have dealt a cruel blow to this hero and crippled him for
life, but like every true soldier he refuses to accept defeat easily. "His
marriage has been fixed and he is now planning to start life afresh,'' said
Siddanna. All that he wants from the authorities is some help to jumpstart
his life. "The local authorities have promised to give some place to start a
book store and a photocopying centre and I hope that will help me," said
Alur. "The state promised 2.5 acres. But I am yet to get it. The forest
department said the land allocated to me belongs to them. The chief minister
should take special interest in the matter and, at least, give me some other
land."
*Ramu Patil*

------------ -

*Guardian angel***

* *

*Captain Saurabh Kalia / 4 Jat Regiment*

Guarded by pine trees, Dr N.K. Kalia's house in Palampur is the cenotaph of
Kargil's first war hero (see main story). This is where hundreds of armed
forces aspirants come to seek the blessings of the late Captain Saurabh
Kalia. In the decade after the Kargil war, at least 30 young men from
Palampur have donned the olive green.

A room on the first floor of the house has been converted into Saurabh's
memorial. The memorabilia is neatly displayed in glass cases against a royal
blue backdrop. They include his uniform, his favourite HMT wristwatch, a
transistor radio, shaving kit, wallets and a chessboard. Pictures from his
school days to his last journey trace a hero's evolution.

The centerpiece is a picture of him with his mother—the last one in which
they posed together. "I was packing his suitcase for the Academy when we had
a tiff," said Saurabh's mother, Vijay Kalia. "I wanted to iron his clothes
and he told me 'Mama, I'm an officer now. I will manage'. He did not want me
to bother about him anymore and I did not like it. This picture was taken by
my younger son while Saurabh was trying to cajole me."

The most touching is a cancelled State Bank of India cheque book for
Saurabh's salary account. He had signed a few blank cheques for Vijay, but
even before his first pay cheque was cashed, Saurabh was taken captive by
the Pakistani army on May 15, 1999. On June 9, his mutilated body was
returned to the Indian ?authorities.

"We must have done countless good deeds in our previous birth to have been
blessed with a son like him," said Kalia. "His supreme sacrifice has made us
proud but what has disappointed us is that the nation is least bothered to
highlight the plight of war crimes at the international level." Kalia has
been campaigning against atrocities meted out to Prisoners of War.

"I was denied an audience to General Pervez Musharraf during the Agra
Summit. If this had happened to US or Israeli soldiers, the culprits would
have been hounded around the globe," said Kalia.

The family received Saurabh's post mortem report only two years ago, that,
too, after repeated appeals. "The report confirms that injuries were
inflicted before death. There were cigarette burns all over his body. His
eyes and eardrums were pierced and there were multiple fractures," said
Vaibhav, Saurabh's younger brother.

Saurabh's tortured death is mentioned in almost all books written on the
war. One of them has the shocking confession of a fellow officer who said:
"We picked up some interceptions that Saurabh was taken to Skadru… that
Nawaz Sharif knew about the capture… that his nails were pulled out during
interrogation. The Air Force is so much better. They kicked up such a fuss
that Pakistanis were forced to send pilot K. Nachiketa back (see Air Marshal
Patney's guest column). Why didn't we do that? Saurabh must have realised we
betrayed him."

A retired senior scientist from the Council of Scientific and Industrial
Research, Kalia's only aim in life now is to seek justice for victims of war
crimes. "The pain of losing a young son is hard to describe in words," he
said. "But our suffering can never exceed the physical torture that he went
through."

-----------

*Peaks of progress***

* *

* *

*Of unsung battles in the Batalik and the welcome changes in Kargil **

**By Tariq Bhat/Khalubar, Kaksar & Sando Top*

Dressed in combat fatigues, Colonel Ajit Singh peered at Point 4812 on
Khalubar ridge. His eyes ran over the knife-edged ridge and came to rest on
Muntho Dhalo. At 16,000ft and close to the Line of Control, Muntho Dhalo was
the Pakistan army's supply and administrative base during the Kargil war.
Then Pak Mi-17 choppers had ferried goods and ammunition to the base for
their troops on Khalubar and Kukarthang ridges, a few kilometres inside
Batalik sector. Singh, then a major, had seen the choppers in action, from
his vantage point on a ledge on Khalubar ridge. During the battle, Singh was
in charge of the Muslim company of the 22 Grenadiers.

On the night of July 1, 1999, he led the company's climb to Point 4812 from
Junk Lungpa Nullah. The target was only one kilometre away, as the crow
flies, but the steep climb multiplied the distance manifold and the night
brought with it angry winds and driving rain. The slippery slopes denied
them a firm footing and as rain-softened handholds gave way, some Grenadiers
had fatal falls. A few were crushed under boulders that rolled down the
slushy slopes. But there was a bigger danger—the chattering enemy guns on
the heights.

While Singh and the Muslim company were battling one slope, three other
companies of 22 Grenadiers—the Ahirs, Jats and Meenas—were climbing from
other directions. The Muslims were the first to reach the top and to their
horror found that they had landed bang in front of the enemy guns. As the
enemy guns opened up, the Grenadiers took cover behind the few scattered
boulders. But not all were safe.
Grenadier Shiv Kumar died a painful death when a boulder rolled over him.
Imtiaz Ahmed took a burst of machine gun fire and hung on, barely alive.
Lance Naik Sagar Ali crawled to a quieter corner, dragging a leg shredded by
gun fire. The Grenadiers were, literally, sitting ducks, but they returned
fire when possible.

As dawn approached, Singh clung to his narrow ledge and hatched a plan to
get the Grenadiers some respite. At first light, he asked the Muslims to
raise the company war cry: Naara-e-takbir Allahu Akbar [Call out, God is
great]. The guns on the ridge fell silent as the Pakistanis thought their
reinforcements had come.

In the lull, the Grenadiers catapulted sniper Lance Naik Abid Khan to the
top of the cliff; he quickly hauled up others from the ledge. As Singh
scrambled on to the top, a voice playfully hissed in his ear: "Sir, I, too,
am here". He turned to see a grinning Tufail Ahmed. Said Singh: "I had
teased him many times saying, tu Tufail nahi hain, tu fail hain [You are not
Tufail, you are a failure]. But that day he brought me to tears." No sooner
had the Grenadiers firmed up on the ridge, the Pakistanis realised their
mistake and fired their artillery guns with a vengeance. They also radioed
the neighbouring Point 5288 and asked for supporting fire.

Khan took a machine gun burst in the chest and fell. As the sniper murmured
his last prayers lying in Singh's arms, another volley missed a soldier by a
whisker. Singh quickly pushed him behind a boulder. By now the Grenadiers
were low on ammunition and were under fire from Point 5288, too.
On the night of July 2, Lance Naik Amrit Lal Meena slithered up the cliff
and linked up with the Muslim company. He bought with him confidence and
manna—puris and chocolate. As the famished Grenadiers tucked in, a bullet
pierced Naik Azeem Ahmed's helmet; he miraculously escaped unhurt.

By now the Pakistanis were becoming impatient over the Grenadiers'
resilience and asked their artillery to redouble the barrage. It saw effect.
A burst from Point 5288 killed Jamaluddin Ahmed; he died with his finger on
the trigger. As a shell peppered a soldier's buttocks with shrapnel, another
killed three Grenadiers near him.
In the silence that followed, someone shouted in chaste Urdu: "Surrender and
we will treat you well. Or else all of you will be butchered." It was Sayyed
Ahmed, the Pak officer who commanded the post. Singh screamed back: "It is
you who should surrender. Our men have succeeded in climbing right behind
you." Singh was hoping that the Pakistanis would fall for his bluff.

Unknown to Singh, a 1/11 Gorkha company led by Colonel Lalit Rai, Vir
Chakra, had closed in on the enemy. Under the cover of darkness Rai linked
up with Singh and they decided it was better to call for a massive artillery
strike than getting killed by the enemy. They radioed the units manning the
Bofors howitzers and soon hell, literally, broke loose. The intruders
panicked and the noose loosened. Eventually the 22 Grenadiers consolidated
themselves on the ridge and handed charge to the 1/11 Gorkhas. Point 4812
was now in Indian hands.

Later, more reinforcements arrived to support the Gorkhas. Eventually the
enemy was thrown off Kukarthang and Khalubar ridges and chased across the
LoC. Sadly, the fierce battles in Batalik sector never caught the nation's
attention like those in Tiger Hill and Tololing in Dras sector. Many
officers, too, agree that Dras sector got most of the media attention. By
July 26, the LoC's sanctity had been restored and the decision to honour
heroes on August 15 left little time for the Army to properly honour those
who secured Batalik.

Today, all posts in the 10,000ft to 18,000ft belt are manned yearlong. Many
forward posts bordering the LoC remain cut off from the nearest base for up
to seven months. Stockpiles are readied in advance and soldiers climb up the
steep mountain tracks loaded with rations and weapons. When the snow falls,
it is just the troops and the icy wind whistling among the lonely peaks.
Soldiers serving in these posts come from varying locations like humid
coastal Kerala to searing hot Rajasthan. And on these heights they brave the
enemy, avalanches and fatal high-altitude diseases like pulmonary oedema
that causes accumulation of fluid in the lungs. Other health issues are
frostbite, temporary amnesia, hair fall and depression. A soldier's ears had
got frostbitten when he doffed his headgear for a moment. The rarefied air
brings breathing problems, too.

Captain Pradeep Chikara, who served in a forward post, said: "For more than
four months there was no sunlight. You cannot enjoy food there, but then it
is a matter of survival." Lance Naik Amarjit Singh took the posting
sportingly. "Tinned food, chocolate, dried fruits and nuts! I gained a lot
of weight when I was at the post and put on a paunch. Now I am trying to get
into shape," he chuckled.
The soldiers survive with a mix of the hi-tech and the low tech. They use UV
goggles, imported alpine sleeping bags, fibre plastic hutments, two-layered
shoes and special clothing designed for minus 40 degree Celsius. Apricot oil
is a favourite among soldiers suffering from hair loss and joint aches.

To solve the water shortage, soldiers fetch water from glacial lakes. The
person who ventures into the lake usually has a rope around his waist, to
help others pull him up if he slips into a crevasse or breaks through thin
ice. In summer, the place is a high-altitude desert. Despite these hardships
most of the soldiers THE WEEK met said they were keen on a second stint. "In
the sea of snow you crave for greenery," said an officer at Sando Top in
Dras, the world's second coldest inhabited place after Siberia. Life in some
areas of Dras is known to be worse than living on the Siachen glacier; the
sweeping, bone-chilling winds make all the difference.

The Kaksar belt is relatively better and here there is a memorial to martyr
Captain Saurabh Kalia and the four jawans of 4 Jat Regiment (see cover
story). Bajrang post, which Saurabh guarded, is now manned yearlong and his
batch mate from the Indian Military Academy, Major Vishal Singh, was on duty
there. "Saurabh was a decent chap," said Vishal. "At the IMA the two of us
once received punishment together for creating mischief." A stretch of road
in the sector near Kharbu is still watched by Pakistanis and a signboard
warns, 'You are under enemy observation'.

War is bane, but in many ways it was a boon for Kargil. The virtual
underbelly of Jammu and Kashmir has benefited from the increased Army
presence. Under Project Sadhbhavana, the Army built a network of roads
connecting remote villages to Kargil town. The troops started schools like
the Harka Bahadur School, where girls outnumber boys. Students, who
otherwise had to walk for miles, are now ferried by the Army and they have
also started Asha School for special children. "Society never looked at
these children as special and we did not know that there were special ways
to care for them. Thanks to the Army, we now know," said Razia Hussain of
Hadras village.

All units posted here are engaged in some kind of developmental activity.
The 6 Dogras operate a primary school for the children of nearby villages
like Latoo and they have built a Captain Saurabh Kalia stadium where the
villagers play T20 cricket!
But there are the displeased, as always. In Dras, Haji Fida admitted the
Army was helping with medical aid and was providing employment in civil and
military projects. But he complained that the Army was now increasingly
hiring immigrant labourers from Nepal. "For six months the place is snow
bound. For rest of the year, the Nepalese take our jobs. The Army should
hire the locals," he said.

Despite being a backward area, Kargil town seems to be modernising fast.
Internet cafés, beauty parlours and trendy eateries are making their
presence felt. The number of cars and bikes has increased, as well. A trendy
shopping outlet has set up shop near the power line, which the Pakistanis
shelled in 1999. Some of the buildings are pockmarked from shelling, but
other than that there is very little to suggest that the little town was at
the centre of a war between two nuclear powers.

With train services reaching Kashmir Valley, a survey is underway to explore
the possibility of building tunnels through the Rohtang and Zojila passes.
The first rail link is proposed to be between Leh and Bilaspur in Himachal
Pradesh. Six passenger trains and nine goods trains are planned on the 498km
stretch at a cost of around Rs 22,000 crore.

------------

*War in words***

* *

*By Mandira Nayar*

Macho, pumped-up, tomato-sauce- bleeding Bollywood stars have done more for
the Kargil war than the desi literary brigade. The first taste of reality
television, it shook up a generation of Indians who believed that wars are a
part of history. Ten years later, the battle hasn't done much to add inches
to bookshelves.

Pakistan has had books on military strategy, lapped up by the elite. In
India, the war may have launched reel heroes, but it hasn't produced a star
in fiction. (The only 'fictional'account that caught the Indian imagination
was Pervez Musharraf's In the Line of Fire: A Memoir, where he claimed
Pakistan won the war.)

The trials and tribulations of Kargil have perhaps been best captured in
former Punjab Chief Minister Captain Amarinder Singh's A Ridge Too Far: War
in the Kargil Heights 1999. A solider-turned politician, Singh understood
the complexity of the operation, putting together a comprehensive record of
the war. It also helped that he was given access by the then Army chief V.P.
Malik and got accounts of soldiers who lived to tell their tale and the
families left with only stories of heroism.

General Malik's book, Kargil: From Surprise to Victory, offers readers the
chance to get a little closer to the action in the war room in Delhi. Kargil
didn't spawn the cultural outpouring like the Mumbai terrorist attack did. A
little over six months after the attack, there have already been three books
on the incident. The spate of books on Kargil didn't start till a year
later. Leading the scribe books bandwagon is Dateline Kargil: A
Correspondent' s Nine-Week Account from the Battlefront by Gaurav C. Sawant.
The book—one of the first few personal accounts of the war to come out—is a
look at the action by a young journalist on a high at being in the thick of
things.

Dateline books often paint the reporter as a hero of sorts. However,
Despatches from Kargil by Srinjoy Chowdhury, brings alive the summer of 1999
through the eyes of ordinary soldiers who displayed extraordinary heroism.
Chowdhury's heroes are real and his description of the battles and bunkers
is vivid.
There would have been no war stories had it not been for the media-military
relationship during this period. Officers went beyond the call of duty to
ensure safety of journalists at the battlefront. This synergy has been
analysed by Col S.C. Tyagi in The Fourth Estate. But India is still waiting
for an epic book on Kargil.

----------

*Steely resolve***

* *

Vajpayee's determination kept mediators at bay during the Kargil war

By Sachidananda Murthy

Defence minister George Fernandes was the first to tell Prime Minister Atal
Bihari Vajpayee in mid May 1999 that intruders from Pakistan had put up
bunkers on the high hills of Kargil to cut off Ladakh from the rest of the
country. Vajpayee, who was still basking in the glory of the successful
Lahore summit with Pakistani premier Nawaz Sharif, was shocked. His first
reaction was that the invaders should be thrown out at any cost.

As the magnitude of the Pakistan game plan was realised, Vajpayee went to
the ultra secret war room in South Block to study aerial reconnaissance
photographs of the bunkers and its occupants. He told the cabinet committee
on security that the nation had to be taken into confidence on Pakistan's
betrayal.

During the previous 10 months, Vajpayee had dwelt on the threats posed by
Pakistan, which had declared itself a nuclear state soon after the Pokhran
nuclear test in 1998. He was told by leaders of big powers, especially the
US, that India should not provoke a nuclear war. Vajpayee took some swift
decisions.
First, the intruders would be thrown out at any cost. Second, it would be a
conventional war and India would not cross the Pak border or the LoC.
Vajpayee authorised the use of air power without violating Pak air space.
The third decision was that he would not listen to any offers of mediation
by the US or others until Operation Vijay was over.

The conduct of the war depended on the heroism of the Indian troops which
had to operate under tremendous odds. But Vajpayee's commanders were sure
that Pakistan would not be able to mobilise more troops because of the
civilian and military standoff in Islamabad between Sharif and General
Pervez Musharraf.
Vajpayee left the detailed conduct of war to Fernandes, National Security
Adviser Brajesh Mishra and the three service chiefs. The weekly 'prayer
meeting'—the meeting of the defence minister with service chiefs—became a
daily affair. Fernandes got deeply involved in operational plans. But there
was a fear whether Pakistan was planning another nasty surprise. Air Force
scanned reconnaissance pictures and satellite images. Finance minister
Yashwant Sinha quickly cleared the files for additional funds for arms and
ammunition and other requirements.

External affairs minister Jaswant Singh put emphasis on psychological
warfare. Brigadier J.J. Singh (he later became Army chief) and diplomat
Raminder Singh Jassal were chosen to do the sabre rattling against Pakistan.
Psychological tools were used in diplomacy, too. When a panicky Sharif sent
foreign minister Sartaj Aziz to meet Jaswant with a ceasefire offer, Jaswant
used the tactic of James Baker, who was US secretary of state during the
first US-Iraq war. During negotiations in Geneva, Baker refused to shake
hands with Iraqi vice-president Tariq Aziz and kept a grim visage. Jaswant
appeared more grim, and Sartaj could feel the anger and hostility of India.

Vajpayee refused to heed the repeated calls from President Bill Clinton for
a trilateral summit to discuss issues. He told Clinton that any ceasefire
without the pullout of Pakistani troops was not acceptable. In the same way,
Jaswant and Mishra politely refused the negotiation offers of several
European nations.

The worry in South Block was on the reaction of China, which has a strong
military and strategic link with Pakistan. But Beijing conveyed that it
would not get involved.

Using the propaganda skills of Pramod Mahajan, the BJP mobilised public
opinion behind Vajpayee. Contributions poured in for the families of the
martyrs. When the Army announced on July 26 that the entire occupied zone
was liberated, Vajpayee, who had stopped taking sweets midway during the
operation, accepted ladoos from admirers.

-----------

Screaming wind, clanging tin roofs and broken lives**

* *

June 13, 1999, Inside Kargil

A drive through treacherous terrain, ghost villages and settlements where
evacuees tell poignant stories

By V.K. Shashikumar

The Indus flows alongside lofty, bald mountains. On its bank Riaz Hussain,
5, is playing cricket. Just 20km down the Bemathang Baroo road is Kargil and
one can hear the thud of exploding shells.

We are driving to villages where the displaced villagers from Dras and
Kargil have been accommodated. "We have come from Dras to Seiche because of
the shelling," says Riaz.

On our way to Dras we crossed the breath-taking Zojilla pass at 11,649 feet.
The one-way route is narrow and treacherous. A slight drizzle and the
mountain face slides on to the road.

We are stopped at a Traffic Control Point manned by military police: it is
named 'Captain Mod'. There is a small temple here. We see soldiers and para
commandos getting off their trucks and offering prayers. "They are going to
war," says an armyman distributing prasad.
We reach Dras in the afternoon and find it a ghost town. Screaming wind and
clanging tin roofs brought down by shelling is all that we can hear. We walk
around the town and enter some abandoned houses. Further down the road we
come across Ghulam Nabi, 70. "Aren't you afraid?" we ask him. He tells us
some old people have stayed behind to look after the cattle and shops.

Our driver Gurdeep Singh wants to return to Srinagar." I have two children,"
he reminds us regularly. We are stopped at Harkka bridge. "Why are you going
so fast?" asks an armyman. We look at Gurdeep Singh. He says that the 21-km
stretch to
Kargil from this point onwards is dangerous, "Don't overspeed, but don't go
slow either," says the armyman. "And remember, if a shell lands in front or
behind keep driving. Don't stop."

------------

*Diplomacy at its best***

By K. Subrahmanyam

The Kargil war was an important milestone in the long struggle against
Pakistan-generated jihadi terrorism. The Pakistani objective was twofold: to
capture the Dras-Kargil heights and block the supply route to Leh and
Siachen and to revive the Kashmir dispute in the United Nations. It was also
meant to boost the morale of the jihadi terrorists operating at that time in
Kashmir. It was part of the long-term plan of the Pakistan army and the
Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI).

Their agenda was fourfold: 1) Expand the Wahabi jihadi cult developed with
CIA support during the anti-Soviet Afghan war, 2) Acquire 'strategic depth'
for Pakistan in a Talibanised Afghanistan, 3) Permit Osama bin Laden's
international Islamic front to launch terror against the Crusaders (the
west), the Zionists (Israel) and the Hindus, and 4) Capture Kashmir through
a combination of military, terrorist and diplomatic measures and bleed India
through a thousand cuts.

It was an ambitious plan, but the Pakistani army and the ISI were in a
triumphant mood, having acquired nuclear weapons with Chinese support. They
had outsmarted the US on the nonproliferation issue and believed that having
defeated Russia in Afghanistan, they would be able to dominate the region
from Lahore to Ferghana. Lastly, they were convinced that the Hindu morale
would not stand more than a couple of hard blows at the right time and
place—(General Ayub Khan's words, but subscribed to by all Pakistani
generals). So the Kargil operation was launched with the approval of prime
minister Nawaz Sharif.

But India won the war and defeated Pakistan's regional designs. Then al
Qaeda with Pakistani connivance launched its global terrorist campaign with
the 9/11 attacks. Pakistani Ramzi Yousef had tried it in 1993 without
success and it was successfully planned and executed by his uncle Khalid
Sheikh Mohammed.
The most important lesson from the Kargil war was that resistance with
restraint pays dividends in international politics. The Atal Bihari Vajpayee
government displayed a high order of statesmanship in not crossing the Line
of Control, but ordering full use of effective force to evict terrorists.
That prevented the Pakistanis from going to the Security Council and making
the UN take up the issue. It brought the support of the international
community to the Indian side and Pakistan was isolated. It was diplomacy at
its best.

There was no doubt an intelligence failure, which was highlighted in the
Kargil panel report. Though our intelligence agencies initially resented the
focus on this failure, recent disclosures of Pakistani Air Commodore M.
Kaiser Tufail validates the findings (Centre for Land Warfare Studies
journal, Summer Issue 2009). There were gross inadequacies in the
services-intelligen ce coordination at various levels.

As a result, a high-powered ministerial committee was formed to reform the
national security decision-making system. The Centre accepted its 200-odd
recommendations. A new technology-oriented intelligence organisation has
been created called National Technological Research Organisation. A
coordinating Directorate of Defence Intelligence has been created and
intelligence assessment strengthened.

For the first time the Centre published a report on an intelligence failure
with very few security deletions. So also the recommendations of the Group
of Ministers were published with the deletion of only the intelligence
section. These are all to the credit of the Vajpayee government.
The war brought glaring shortfalls in the arms and equipment of our forces.
There was a shortage of snow clothing and in ammunition stockpiles of
various kinds. Now we know that the Pakistanis in their overconfidence
launched the operation when their air force was not in a position to
confront the Indian Air Force.

The war, subsequent audit reports and comments brought out a glaring
ignorance on the part of sections of our officialdom, the media and the
public that short, limited wars are fought with stockpiles in being and
imports are meant to replenish the stockpiles and are not always meant to be
used directly at the front.

Criticisms that imports were made which were not used in the war are out of
ignorance about the logistics of war. The lessons about logistic management
and weapon and equipment acquisition do not seem to have sunk in as we hear
about appalling delays in defence acquisition.

The war also proved that the criticism about the quality of Bofors guns was
mostly malicious. Critics could not distinguish between the issues: the
quality of the weapon and kickbacks that accompanied its purchase. Even
today it is difficult to carry out best equipment selection and isolate it
from bribes and kickbacks. There are very few arms deals in the world where
there will not be offers of kickbacks. We cannot afford to throw the baby
out with the bathwater because the system is corrupt. We shall be paying a
very high price in terms of our national security if we delay our defence
acquisition process on allegations of kickbacks. We should learn to carry
out acquisitions minimising the corruption involved.

Lastly, the lesson from the Kargil war is to cultivate all major powers,
particularly the US, the European Union and Russia and to keep them on our
side in the continuing war on the Pak-sponsored jihadis. Pakistan could not
have gone this far but for its being armed by China with nuclear armaments.
Therefore, the strategic relationship with the US, the EU, Russia and Japan
and continuous engagement with China, which is the policy followed by the
Manmohan Singh government, is the most appropriate policy for Indian
security.
The author headed the Kargil review committee.

-----------

*Media missiles***

* *

*By Col (retd) S.C. Tyagi*

Any reference to the 1962 war ?with China and India-Pak wars of 1965 and
1971 brings back memories of people gathered around the radio listening
intently or reading the newspaper. Symbolically, too, the silver screen
depicted the war by showing black and white footage of newspapers being
printed and tanks or men in uniform with the radio blaring and announcing
the beginning of war. At the end of the last millennium, it all changed.
The Kargil war was brought live for the first time to the drawing room
through TV. The print and electronic media supplemented each other in the
coverage. The radio took a back seat but its contribution was not
diminished. All India Radio kept the soldiers directly in touch with their
homes, as it was the only medium that was handy and functional on those
lonely, distant heights.

William Howard Russell, who is credited to be the first war correspondent,
reported the first Indian war of Independence in 1857. Interestingly,
another reporter, Sir Winston Churchill, was posted in India as an Army
officer and he later went on to cover the Boer war in South Africa. The
concept of war reporting in India is not new. The idea of bringing the war
live into your homes was prevalent in the times of the Mahabharat where
Sanjay narrated the entire epic battle to King Dhritarashtra in his palace
through his divya chakshu (divine vision).

In the Kargil war the common man got pictures and stories in real time. This
kaleidoscope of Kargil motivated people back home, and the soldiers on the
war front felt the backing of the entire nation through the media coverage.
The result was a force multiplication.
After an initial hitch, reporters were allowed to enter the battle zone and
for safety reasons they were asked not to venture beyond National Highway 1A
that passes through the Zojila Pass and Kargil. Guns boomed and blazed all
around and it was dangerous to remain on the roadside that was under the
direct observation of the enemy perched on the mountain peaks. The lonely
road was full of Army convoys and occasionally there were a few reporters
looking for a piece of action.

Some of them were equipped with laptops and portable dish antennas to file
their reports at the earliest, while others depended on the traditional
method of sending their war dispatches through aircraft. Cub reporters were
enthused with zest and were ready to rub shoulders with soldiers on the
snowy peaks that got them the eyeballs back home. The live reporting from a
bunker catapulted one such journo to instant fame but not without some
criticism for endangering the soldiers' lives by giving away the surprise of
the impending attack on Tiger Hill.

The action in the Dras-Kaksar sector was well covered but the
inaccessibility of Batalik-Yaldor sector in Kargil hindered the desired
media coverage and the battles fought there remained comparatively unknown.
The immense contributions made by locals, especially the Buddhist community,
in transporting supplies on their backs to heights like 20,000ft in Batalik
went unsung. Their special breed of small donkeys played a very vital role
in supplying food to the soldiers. Reporters from CNN, BBC and other foreign
channels were also present in the war zone. They were all awestruck by the
tenacity of Indian soldiers under such heavy odds.

Real life heroes such as Vikram Batra, Anuj Nayar, Manoj Pandey, Yogender
Singh Yadav, K. Nachiketa and Rajesh Singh Adhikari emerged and lines like
'yeh dil maange more' were immortalised. The surge of nationalism generated
by the media portrayal of Kargil war was such that even the militants in the
northeast decided to temporarily cease hostilities to allow our soldiers to
concentrate on Kargil.
During an international confere-nce in the US, the then information minister
of Pakistan, Mushahid Hussain, besides many others, praised and admitted the
excellence in reportage and coverage of the Kargil war by the Indian media.
In hindsight, it could be said that it was coming of age for the Indian
media.
*Tyagi is a Kargil veteran and author of 'The Fourth Estate'. *

------------

*Stop the proxy war*

* *

*Pakistan army wants India to keep off Afghanistan* *

**By Hamid Mir*

Ten years ago, the Pakistan army was fighting India in Kargil. Today, it is
fighting the Taliban and al Qaeda in the mountainous tribal areas bordering
Afghanistan. President Asif Ali Zardari has said more than once that India
is no more a threat to Pakistan. Interestingly, Indian Army chief General
Deepak Kapoor shared the same feeling recently when he said, "India was
never a threat to Pakistan." A few days later, British Foreign Secretary
David Miliband repeated the same statement in Islamabad.

The role and composition of Pakistan army have changed a bit in the last 10
years. The seventh largest army in the world has ruled Pakistan directly for
33 years out of the total 62 years. Pakistan and India fought wars in 1965
and 1971, when military dictators were ruling Islamabad. Dictators such as
General Ayub Khan, General Zia-ul-Haq and General Pervez Musharraf were
directly involved in politics but the army is not directly involved in
politics since General Ashfaq Parvez Kayani took charge as army chief in
December 2007. These days, there is a complete ban on army officers meeting
politicians.

Kayani is trying his level best to improve the image of Pakistan army. Out
of a 7,00,000-strong force, 90,000 have been deployed on the 2,500km-long
Pak-Afghan border. More than 40,000 are fighting the Taliban in Swat valley
and about 20,000 are in South Waziristan. The army has become the biggest
relief organisation in Pakistan. Recently, it took care of around four
million people from Swat valley; the independent Pakistani media widely
appreciated the army's relief work. These are just some of the new events
that have given the army a good name.

In 2006, the army started inducting female soldiers into the combat force.
Recently, a Sikh cadet, Harcharan Singh, was commissioned, too. It is no
more a Muslim army geared for jihad. Though not much has changed yet, it is
more of a national army now.
Constitutionally, Zardari is the supreme commander of the armed forces. Does
he represent the true feelings of the Pakistan army for India? The answer is
a big no. That was why a top US commander recently advised that Pakistan
army should shift its "traditional focus" from India to internal extremists.
Testifying before a congressional committee, Commander of the US Central
Command, General David H. Petraeus, said it was imperative that Pakistan
recognised that the pressing threat to its very existence was the Taliban
and other internal extremists groups and their syndicate in the Federally
Administered Tribal Area.

The army now definitely hates the 'bad Taliban' in the tribal areas and the
fight between them resembles a full-fledged war. It defeated the Taliban in
Swat valley and is now trying to flush out ultras from South Waziristan.
But the threat perception about India is still there. Pakistani commanders
have said many times that Baitullah Mehsud, the Pakistani Taliban chief, is
an Indian agent and that the Indian consulate in Afghanistan is supplying
him with money and weapons. Pakistani print media recently published many
articles alleging links between Mehsud and India. Some even used the term
"Hindu Taliban" to spread hatred against the militants who removed Pakistani
flags from official buildings in Swat valley a few months back.

One can only say that much has been changed since 1947 when India was
divided and Pakistan was created. The two countries view each other as the
ultimate enemy. India and Pakistan were last engaged in a limited war 10
years ago in July 1999. Today, the international community is trying to
unite these two countries against the Taliban and al Qaeda, but both
countries are still fighting a proxy war in Afghanistan.
September 11, 2001, changed the world. Musharraf was forced to change his
Afghan policy and the US-backed Northern Alliance captured Kabul with the
help of Pakistan. But, within a few months, the Pakistani embassy in Kabul
was attacked by the Northern Alliance. I remember my meeting with Pakistani
Ambassador Rustam Shah Mohmand in the wrecked compound of the Kabul embassy
in 2003. He said, "India has started a secret war against us from
Afghanistan."

Within a few days, the Corps Commander of Peshawar Lt. General Ali Mohammad
Jan Orakzai said the same thing to me in Peshawar. Now, Orakzai is retired,
but many serving Pakistani army generals believe that India is using
Afghanistan to destabilise Baluchistan province and the tribal areas
bordering Afghanistan. That is why Pakistan strongly opposes any move to
send Indian troops into Afghanistan. Last year, India accused Pakistan of
masterminding an attack on the Indian embassy, in which the military attaché
also died.
Some Pakistan army circles believe that the Indian Army will soon be landing
in Afghanistan in the guise of assisting NATO, but with the real agenda of
squeezing Pakistan using Pashtuni Taliban and Baluch separatists. Some
strategists fear India is trying to encircle Pakistan from its western
borders. They suspect the US is secretly providing access to Indians in
eastern and southern Afghanistan to sow anarchy in Pakistan. And in return,
they think India will provide secret bases to the US in the mountains
bordering China.

The US has repeatedly said that destabilising Pakistan is not in its
interest. But military strategists like General (retd) Mirza Aslam Beg think
the US and India have hatched a joint conspiracy to get control of
Pakistan's nuclear weapons. So many in the Pakistan army believe that they
need some "assets" in Afghanistan to counter Indo-US plans. Hence, Pakistan
army still views some militants in the tribal areas and also in Afghanistan
as 'good Taliban'—these are those who are ready to fight a proxy war against
India in Afghanistan.
Nobody can deny the fact that US troops landed in Afghanistan by using
Pakistani air bases. Pakistan joined the war against terror for making the
whole region secure. The security of Pakistan lies in the security of
Afghanistan. Stability of one country is the stability of the other, but
unfortunately there are many misunderstandings between the partners who are
fighting the war against terror. These misunderstandings may only help the
enemies of peace.

The Taliban has killed more than 2,000 Pakistani soldiers in the last five
years. They have killed an equal number of civilians in suicide bombings
across Pakistan. Indians have killed fewer Pakistanis, not only in the
Kargil conflict, but also in the other two wars! But still India is enemy
No.1 for Pakistan army.
Can we change this situation? Yes. Pakistan and India must stop the proxy
war in Afghanistan. If these two countries join hands they could change the
fate of south Asia. The only hurdle in the way of peace in south Asia is the
Kashmir dispute. Many Pakistanis think that India is controlling the waters
of the rivers originating in Kashmir. Actually, for many Pakistanis, Kashmir
is more a water issue than a political issue. Until this issue is resolved,
many in the Pakistan army and in the Pakistani media will keep viewing India
as the ultimate threat.

*Mir is executive editor of Geo TV Pakistan.
Among his other reportage, Mir has interviewed Osama bin Laden thrice*.

Victory At Pt 4875

Sqn Ldr Ajay Ahuja' Coffin Coming At Delhi

Soldier infront of Tiger Hill

Coffin of Maj Vivek Gupta

Family of Capt Saurabh Kalia

Defending Border

Parents of Capt Batra

Mr Vajpayee Lighting a Candle on 1st Anniversary of Kargil Divas

------------
THE END

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10.

Iranians barred from Swedish universities

Posted by: "marco.pertoni@libero.it" marco.pertoni@libero.it   sitrep_comalp

Wed Jul 22, 2009 3:42 am (PDT)

Iranians barred from Swedish universities
Published: 21 Jul 09 17:57 CET

Dictionary tool Double click on a word to get a translation

Iranian nationals have been banned from Swedish university programmes with ties to nuclear and missile technologies following a warning from the country's Säpo security service.

So far two Swedish institutions - The Royal Institute of Technology (KTH) in Stockholm and Chalmers University of Technology in Gothenburg - have decided to turn away applicants from Iran.

"For us it means that we don't accept Iranian citizens to our masters programme in nuclear technology," said Chalmers spokesperson Magnus Myrén to the TT news agency.

The restrictions also affect students from North Korea, but according to Säpo there are only a handful of North Koreans studying in Sweden.

The measure comes as part of a 2007 European Union regulation connected to a 2006 United Nations resolution authorizing sanctions on Iran.

"It concerns not only that which is directly affected by nuclear weapons, but also aerospace technology," Säpo spokesperson Patrik Peter told TT.

According to Sveriges Radio, Säpo, along with two other agencies - the Inspectorate of Strategic Products (ISP) and the Radiation Safety Administration (Strålsäkerhetsmyndig heten) - sent letters to the heads of security at seven Swedish universities alerting them to how their institutions could be affected by the restrictions on Iranians wishing to study in Sweden.

In the letter, the agencies explained that educational programmes are also covered in the sanctions laid out by the EU rule.

Specifically, the letter points out concerns about masters and PhD programmes in subjects which could involve technologies related to nuclear weapons or the rockets used to deliver them.

In addition to Chalmers and KTH, the letters were also sent to Luleå University of Technology, Lund University, Mälardalen University, Uppsala University, and Linköping University.

Although authorities in Sweden have developed a list of example programmes, it is up to each institution to decide which subject areas will be covered by the restrictions.

"The rule is somewhat fluid. This is an example of something which has dual use, both for civil and military purposes," said Peter.

Peter could not say, however, whether the restrictions may lead to Iranians being arbitrarily ruled shut out of Swedish universities. Nor did Säpo have any estimates of how many people might be affected by the measures.

Peter added, however, that Säpo plans to evaluate the universities' adherence to the directive.

Iranians make up the largest group of international students enrolled in masters programmes at Chalmers, with 120 students being admitted for the 2008 autumn term, according to the Svenska Dagbladet (SvD) newspaper.

TT/David Landes (news@thelocal. se)

Online: http://www.thelocal .se/20822/ 20090721/

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11.

INDONESIA Christians in Sumatra: jilbab norm, an excuse to introduce

Posted by: "marco.pertoni@libero.it" marco.pertoni@libero.it   sitrep_comalp

Wed Jul 22, 2009 3:42 am (PDT)

07/16/2009 10:12
INDONESIA
Christians in Sumatra: jilbab norm, an excuse to introduce the Shariah
by Mathias Hariyadi
The Mayor of Pekanbaru has issued a directive requiring students to wear traditional Muslim clothing. The Islands' Christians stress that the law is unconstitutional and an "abuse of power." Criticism from women: a burden on family budgets.

Jakarta (AsiaNews) - The Jilbab is not part of Indonesian culture, but comes from the Arab tradition, to impose a form of dress that conforms to the precepts of Islam reveals "a project to introduce Shariah" and is a blatant "abuse of power." That is the reaction of Christians in Pekanbaru, capital of Riau province, Sumatra, to the local mayor's decision to make the traditional clothing that leaves only the face uncovered mandatory by law.

" I strongly oppose the idea," says a local Christian, speaking on the condition of anonymity for security reasons - of imposing the Muslim attires to any students in Pekanbaru". He stresses that the decision "is contrary to the Constitution of 1945" because all legislation must be "general" and not specifically relate "to a particular religious confession." Another resident - also under conditions of anonymity - adds that "the introduction of the law is just one more step towards the full implementation of Islamic law in the city" and an example "of abuse of power."

The dispute stems from the decision by Erizal Muluk, Mayor of Pekanbaru, to introduce a dress code that conforms to Islamic precepts for students in the city. The rule came into force July 13 last, and is valid for the school year 2009/10, involving students from elementary to higher school level.

The mayor says that the law applies to the families of Muslim faith and aims to "restore the local cultural identity", as part of a larger project entitled Pekanbaru's vision for 2021. It aims to transform the provincial capital into a centre for education, business and services Malay culture, closely bond to Muslim tradition. Favorevole alla legge la maggior parte degli esponenti della comunità islamica locale, che parlano di una "buona" decisione. Con alcune eccezioni: un gruppo di donne della città si lamenta perché la nuova norma - che impone il rinnovamento del guardaroba - ha "gravato in modo significativo" sul bilancio familiare.

Most representatives of the local Islamic community favour the law, describing it as a "good" decision. With some exceptions: a group of women from the town complain that the norm- which imposes a complete wardrobe change - places a "significant burden" on the family budget.

http://www.asianews .it/index. php?l=en& art=15797& size=A

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12.

Jammu and Kashmir RTI Rules - negative aspects, omissions and weak a

Posted by: "Venkatesh Nayak" venkatesh@humanrightsinitiative.org

Wed Jul 22, 2009 3:42 am (PDT)

Dear all,
The Jammu and Kashmir Government has notified the Jammu and Kashmir Right to
Information Rules, 2009 (JK RTI Rules). These Rules will come into effect
upon publication in the official gazette. Unlike when the Jammu and Kashmir
Right to Information Act, 2009 (JK RTI Act) was passed, the State Government
has not even put up a pretence of consulting with civil society and media
sectors while formulating these Rules. Hence the presence of howlers, errors
of grammar and more seriously, errors of law amidst several positive
features. Given below is an analysis of the negative features, omissions and
weak areas of the JK RTI Rules.

The JK RTI Rules are accessible at:
<BLOCKED::BLOCKED: :BLOCKED: :http://jkgad. nic.in/roi/ JK-RTI-Rules- 2009.PDF>
http://jkgad. nic.in/roi/ JK-RTI-Rules- 2009.PDF and on CHRI's website at:
<BLOCKED::BLOCKED: :BLOCKED: :http://www.humanrig htsinitiative. org/programs/ ai
/rti/india/states/ jk/jk_rti_ rules_2009. pdf>
http://www.humanrig htsinitiative. org/programs/ ai/rti/india/ states/jk/ jk_rti_
rules_2009.pdf

The JK RTI Act is accessible at:
<BLOCKED::BLOCKED: :BLOCKED: :http://jkgad. nic.in/roi/ JK-RTI-Act- 2009.PDF>
http://jkgad. nic.in/roi/ JK-RTI-Act- 2009.PDF and on CHRI's website at:
<BLOCKED::BLOCKED: :http://www.humanrig htsinitiative. org/programs/ ai/rti/indi
a/states/jk/ jk_rti_act_ 2009.pdf>
http://www.humanrig htsinitiative. org/programs/ ai/rti/india/ states/jk/ jk_rti_
act_2009.pdf



NEGATIVE FEATURES, OMISSIONS AND WEAK AREAS IN THE J&K RTI RULES:

1) PIOs can charge exorbitant costs:
Rule 7 permits the PIO to charge additional costs under section 7(3) of the
JK RTI Act. This could include wages of the officers involved in processing
the RTI application, search fees, compilation fees etc- the list of costs
could be endless. There is no provision for collecting such costs under the
JK RTI Act. There is only one category of additional cost mentioned in
section 7. The Rules have been mischievously drafted to allow for the
collection of two kinds of costs - one prescribed by the State Government
under Rule 5 and the other to be charged by the PIO at his discretion under
section 7(3). This is a figment of the Government's imagination. Section
7(3) merely provides the procedural detailing of collection of costs for
providing information that are mentioned in section 7(1) of the JK RTI Act.
In fact a similar dispute is pending before a large bench of the Central
Information Commission in the context of the Central RTI Act. While some
Information Commissioners think that the corresponding provision in the
Central RTI Act can be used by the PIO to charge any kind of fees, RTI
activists have strongly opposed such misinterpretation of the Central RTI
Act. Despite this dispute remaining undecided, the J&K Government has
twisted the meaning of section 7. Allowing discretion to the PIO to charge
any kind of fees will result in exorbitant fees being charged from
applicants. This is as good as denying people their fundamental right to
obain information from government for financial reasons. This mischievous
Rule must be deleted immediately to prevent abuse of power by PIOs. (For the
full text of the arguments presented by CHRI on the scope and ambit of
section 7(3) of the Central RTI Act before the Central Information
Commission click on:
<BLOCKED::http://www.humanrig htsinitiative. org/programs/ ai/rti/india/ nationa
l/2008/cic_addl_ fees_submission_ dec08.pdf>
http://www.humanrig htsinitiative. org/programs/ ai/rti/india/ national/ 2008/cic
_addl_fees_submissi on_dec08. pdf)

2) No detailing as to who is a public authority:
The JK RTI Rules do not give the detailing of who or what is a public
authority under the JK RTI Act. For example, the Government of Uttarakhand
issued a notification in 2005 after a consultation meeting held with senior
government officers and representatives of CHRI as to the levels of the
administration at which public authorities may be identified. (for an
unofficial English translation click:
<BLOCKED::http://www.humanrig htsinitiative. org/programs/ ai/rti/india/ nationa
l/uttaranchal_ govt_rti_ orders_2005_ english.pdf>
http://www.humanrig htsinitiative. org/programs/ ai/rti/india/ national/ uttaranc
hal_govt_rti_ orders_2005_ english.pdf) For example, para 2 states as follows:

" 2. In Sec. 2(h) of the RTI Act, 2005 the definition of .public
authority. has been given. According to this definition the following bodies
in the State of Uttaranchal are public authorities .

(i) All administrative departments of the Secretariat; (ii) All
Directorates of the Government;

Public authorities may be identified at the following levels as well
depending upon the structure and nature of functions of each Directorate .

(a) Head Office level; (b) Mandal level; (c) District level; (d)
Sub-divisional level; (e) Block level

(iii) All Public Corporations, councils, authorities, institutes,
autonomous bodies and other similar bodies (whose offices may be located at
different levels in

the manner of Directorates) ;

( iv) All local bodies in urban areas including Nagar Panchayats,
Municipal Councils and Municipal Corporations.

(v) All local bodies in rural areas such as Gram Panchayats, Kshetra
Panchayats and Zilla Panchayats

(vi) All such NGOs which are substantially financed directly or
indirectly by the State Government."

Unless this kind of detailing is not provided there will be considerable
confusion as to which entity constitutes a public authority and what is its
jurisdiction. This has major implications for the preparation of proactive
disclosure documents under section 4 of the JK RTI Act. the more
decentralised the public authorities the richer the proactive disclosure.
Decentralisation of public authorities is also useful in ensuring that the
benefit of transfer of applications available under section 6(3) of the JK
RTI Act can be utilised. This can ensure that the office which collects and
holds the information must deal with decisions regarding disclosure instead
of their seniors sitting in other offices.

3) No procedural detailing laid down for selection of Information
Commissioners:

As the JK RTI Act is a law that changes the paradigm of governance from
officially sanctioned secrecy to legislatively guaranteed transparency one
would have expected some detailing of the procedure regards selection of
Information Commissioners to sit on the Jammu and Kashmir State Information
Commission (JKSIC). The Rules are silent about this process. There is no
requirement for the adoption of participatory and consultative processes in
the appointment of Information Commissioners. In countries like Mexico which
adopted their own information access law much before India and J&K vacancies
on the Information Commission are publicly advertised. If IAS, IPS and IFS
officers can be appointed through an open competitive process, why should
Information Commissioners nt be appointed in a similar manner. In fact the
selection process continues to be shrouded in secrecy very much like the
process for appointing judges to the Supreme Court and the High Courts. This
is not a desirable start for filling up seats in a body that is expected to
engender standards of openness in the State sector.

4) No procedure laid down for deciding first appeals:
Rule 18 which deals with disposal of first appeals filed against the
decisions of the Public Information Officers (PIOs) is sparse and this is
not very helpful. A major reason why Information Commissions around the
country are saddled with a huge backlog of appeals is because first level
appellate authorities are not doing their job well. This is primarily due to
the absence of procedures in the Rules notified by the Central and State
Governments. The JK RTI Rules do not require the appellate authority to
invite the appellant for a hearing in every case. Instead an appellant may
invited only if the appellate authority finds no merit in the appeal. This
is bad practice. Instead, the appellant should be given the choice of
appearing in person or through a representative. This procedure is provided
for in the appeal/complaints stage before the JKSIC. There is no reason why
similar procedure cannot be prescribed by the first appellate authority.

5) No procedure laid down for pre-penalty- hearings:
Rule 34 lays down detailed procedure for the recovery of penalty from an
errant PIO. However there is no detailing of the procedure to be followed
before the penalty is imposed. Section 17 requires that the PIO be given an
opportunity to justify why he/she should not be penalised. The Rules are
silent about the procedure to be follwoed in such cases.


6) Double jeopardy for erring officers:
Rule 34(iv) empowers the JKSIC to cause the initiation of departmental
action against an officer who has not complied with a directive of the JKSIC
to deduct penalty from the salary or pension of an errant PIO. In addition
to this the JKSIC is also empowered to initiate criminal action against such
officers by causing a complaint to be filed before the appropriate
Magistrate. This position is reiterated in Rule 42A. While the intentions
behind such strict provisions may be appreciated it must be remembered that
contraventions of the provisions of the RTI Act are not criminal offences.
For criminal prosecutions to be launched against erring officers there must
be a enabling provision in the J&K RTI Act itself. In the absence of such a
provision in the main Act, it would be illegitimate for the subordinate
legislation to prescribe such action. This amounts to doubly punishing an
erring officer. This is against the principle of double jeopardy in law
which states that no person shall be punished twice for the same
offence/action.

7) Filing criminal complaints against erring officials is not going to be
easy:
While RTI activists may rejoice at the possibility of imposing criminal
liability on erring officials under the JK RTI Act, the actual
implementation of Rule 34(iv) will have to clear a major stumbling block.
Under section 197 of the J&K Criminal Procedure Code sanction of the State
Government is an essential requirement for launching prosecution against a
serving government officer. The relevant passage is reproduced below:

"197. Prosecution of Judges and public servants.- (1) When any person who is
Judge within the meaning of Section 19 of the Ranbir Penal Code or when any
Magistrate, or when any public servant who is not removable from his office
save by or with the sanction of the State Government or the Government of
India, is accused of any offence alleged to have been committed by him while
acting or purporting to act in the discharge of his official duties, no
Court shall take cognizance of such offence except with the previous
sanction.

(a) in the case of persons employed in connection with the affairs of the
Union, of the Government of India; and

(b) in the case of persons employed in connection with the affairs of the
State, of the Government;

Given this statutory requirement prosecuting a government officer in a
Magistrate's court is not going to an easy task. This Rule may remain a dead
letter in terms of its effective use.

8) No limitation period for filing appeals against JKSIC decisions:
Sections 16(10) and 20 of the JK RTI Act hint at the possibility of filing
appeals against the decisions of the JKSIC. However where such appeals shall
lie is not mentioned in the Act. The effect of this omission has not been
rectified in the JK RTI Rules. Under the Central RTI Act also this omission
had occurred and the Rules did not rectify its effect. As a result appeals
against the decisions of Information Commissions are being filed before the
appropriate High Courts under Article 226 (writ jurisdiction) of the Indian
Constitution. However these writ petitions are filed long after the period
for compliance with the order of the Commissions is over. This amounts to
contempt of the orders of the Commissions as their decisions are binding.
However High Courts have taken a lenient view on this matter and allowed
petitions well after the compliance date. In order to avoid such situations
in J&K the JK RTI Rules must include a limitation period for filing
petitions before the High Court challenging the decisions of the JKSIC.

Although the JK RTI Rules appear to be very progressive and comprehensive an
indepth analysis shows that several provisions have not been well thought
out. There is a lot of scope for improvement in the J&K RTI Rules.
Thanks
Venkatesh Nayak
Programme Coordinator
Access to Information Programme
Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative
B-117, I Floor, Sarvodaya Enclave
New Delhi- 110 017
tel: 91-11- 2686 4678/ 2685 0523
fax: 91-11- 2686 4688
website: www.humanrightsinit iative.org

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13.

INDONESIA Jakarta bombings: Muslim leader reveals the name of one of

Posted by: "marco.pertoni@libero.it" marco.pertoni@libero.it   sitrep_comalp

Wed Jul 22, 2009 3:42 am (PDT)

07/20/2009 16:43
INDONESIA
Jakarta bombings: Muslim leader reveals the name of one of the attackers
by Benteng Reges
Nur Hadi, aka Nurhasbi, "entered and registered himself as guest" in the days before the attack. He was recruited by the deputy-in-command in the Jemaah Islamiyah cells under the leadership of Noordin Moh Top. An expert suggests the attack might represent a break in Jemaah Islamiyah ranks.

Jakarta (AsiaNews) - A terrorist on the run is suspected in last Friday's Marriot Hotel bombing. Nur Hadi "used a fake ID when he entered and registered himself as guest in the Marriott Hotel," said a leader of the Islamic Indonesian Movement (Gerakan Umat Islam Indonesia or GUII).

In an interview Saturday on a Jakarta TV station, GUII leader Abdurrahman Assegaf said that Nur Hadi, AKA Nur Sahid and Nurshasbi, was involved in Friday's deadly attack.

"He was recruited by Teddy alias Reno alias Mubarok who is now believed to be the deputy-in-command in the Jemaah Islamiyah cells under the leadership of (Malaysian terrorist) Noordin Moh Top," he said.

Assegaf said that Nur Hadi was a member of the Jemaah Islamiyah and a graduate of the Ngruki Islamic Educational Boarding School (Pesantren)" , which is run by Islamist hardliner Bakar Baasyir.

School administrators have rejected Assegaf's allegations, saying they will sue him for his claims.

The Muslim leader insisted however that the suicide bomber was able to register at the hotel using a fake ID.

In the past "he had joined the Banten Connection, a Jemaah Islamiyah group, which was also involved with Bali bomber Imam Samudra," he explained.

Indonesian media have reported that investigators have identified the suicide bomber, using DNA samples from relatives. But so far they have not made any public statement on the matter.

Terrorism expert Sidney Jones seems to agree that the bomb attack was orchestrated by Noordin Top's aides, but in her opinion this doesn't mean that it had prior Jemaah Islamiyah approval.

If confirmed this would indicate that Noordin's followers acted on their own in order to turn Indonesia into an Islamic state and impose Sharia.

Closed-circuit television tapes show that suicide bomber who hit the Ritz Carlton was a woman. The Marriot Hotel attack was instead carried out by a man.

http://www.asianews .it/index. php?l=en& art=15831& size=A

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14.

A BNP Leader Shipu Abducted and Killed in Mohammadpur, Dhaka, Bangla

Posted by: "odhikar" odhikar@citech-bd.com

Wed Jul 22, 2009 3:43 am (PDT)

[Attachment(s) from odhikar included below]

Dear Friends,

Please find attached Odhikar's fact-finding report on Shipu, a leader
of Bangladesh Nationalist Party who was abducted and killed in
Mohammadpur, Dhaka, Bangladesh on 19 June 2009.

Best regards,

ASM Nasiruddin Elan
Director
Odhikar

Tel: 8802-9888597, Fax: 880-2-9886208
Email: odhikar@citech- bd.com, odhikar.bd@gmail. com
Website: www.odhikar. org

Attachment(s) from odhikar

1 of 1 File(s)

Shipu_Mohammadpur_Dhaka_19.06.09_Eng.doc

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15.

PAKISTAN Swat, Christian refugees excluded from government reconstru

Posted by: "marco.pertoni@libero.it" marco.pertoni@libero.it   sitrep_comalp

Wed Jul 22, 2009 3:43 am (PDT)

07/16/2009 15:12
PAKISTAN
Swat, Christian refugees excluded from government reconstruction fund
Christian activists denounce disparity in treatment for victims of the war between the army and the Taliban. Only Muslim families, registered in government centres, receive funding. Christians helped by relatives and friends, because chased from refugee camps and deprived of aid.

Peshawar (AsiaNews) - The Christian refugees in the Swat valley and Malakand Division are not receiving refugee aid promised by the government to, reports the Pakistan Christian Post, which calls for equal treatment for the three million displaced persons, without any confessional discrimination.

On July 13 Islamabad initiated proceedings for the return of internally displaced persons. Premier Yousaf Raza Gilan said that the army operations have successfully removed the Taliban from Bonier, Dir, Swat valley and many other parts of Malakand division. Several areas of the north-west of the country - near the border with Afghanistan - are now safe and refugees can return to their homes.

To encourage a return to normalcy, the government decided to allocate 25 thousand rupees (about 230 euros) compensation for families affected by the war between the army and the Taliban. The first operation for the repatriation of refugees started with the refugees in camps in Mardan, with the delivery of the sum of money as an incentive for the reconstruction of homes.

The Pakistan Christian Post points out that there are no significant records of Christians in refugee government camps. Only 60 families obtained refugee status from the government: they are registered at the Christian relief centre in Mardan, set up by the Church in Pakistan. But "thousands of Christians" who have been adopted by relatives and friends in the North West Frontier Province and Punjab, risk receiving no compensation.

In recent weeks, AsiaNews reported on the unequal treatment of Christian victims of the war, driven from the camps for their faith and the victims of multiple discrimination. For this reason, Caritas, the Catholic Church of Pakistan and other Christian organizations have begun fundraising and distribution of food and basic necessities for displaced persons, benefiting both Christians and Muslims.

Nazir S Bhatti, President of the Pakistan Christian Congress (PCC), expresses "concern" about the disparity of treatment and has asked the government to "ensure compensation to the refugees of Christian faith", who have found accommodation with relatives.

http://www.asianews .it/index. php?l=en& art=15803& size=A

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16.

Jammu and Kashmir RTI Rules- more omissions and weak areas

Posted by: "Venkatesh Nayak" venkatesh@humanrightsinitiative.org

Wed Jul 22, 2009 3:43 am (PDT)

Dear all,
The Jammu and Kashmir Government has notified the Jammu and Kashmir Right to
Information Rules, 2009 (JK RTI Rules). These Rules will come into effect
upon publication in the official gazette. Unlike when the Jammu and Kashmir
Right to Information Act, 2009 (JK RTI Act) was passed, the State Government
has not even put up a pretence of consulting with civil society and media
sectors while formulating these Rules. Hence the presence of howlers, errors
of grammar and more seriously, errors of law amidst several positive
features. We have sent out three emails analysing the positive, negative and
weaker aspects of these Rules. Given below is an analysis of some more
omissions and weak areas in the JK RTI Rules.

The JK RTI Rules are accessible at:
<BLOCKED::blocked: :http://jkgad. nic.in/roi/ JK-RTI-Rules- 2009.PDF>
http://jkgad. nic.in/roi/ JK-RTI-Rules- 2009.PDF and on CHRI's website at:
<BLOCKED::blocked: :http://www.humanrig htsinitiative. org/programs/ ai/rti/indi
a/states/jk/ jk_rti_rules_ 2009.pdf>
http://www.humanrig htsinitiative. org/programs/ ai/rti/india/ states/jk/ jk_rti_
rules_2009.pdf

The JK RTI Act is accessible at:
<BLOCKED::blocked: :http://jkgad. nic.in/roi/ JK-RTI-Act- 2009.PDF>
http://jkgad. nic.in/roi/ JK-RTI-Act- 2009.PDF and on CHRI's website at:
<http://www.humanrig htsinitiative. org/programs/ ai/rti/india/ states/jk/ jk_rti
_act_2009.pdf>
http://www.humanrig htsinitiative. org/programs/ ai/rti/india/ states/jk/ jk_rti_
act_2009.pdf



MORE OMISSIONS AND WEAK AREAS IN THE JK RTI RULES:

1) No procedure for handling urgent information requests:
The proviso to Section 7(1) of the JK RTI Act entitles a person residing in
J&K to receive information relating to life and liberty on an urgent basis
i.e., within 48 hours. This proviso is of particular value in J&K due to its
law and order situation. The media has been reporting excesses, human rights
violations and abuse of authority committed by functionaries of security
agencies almost every week. Given this scenario a family's timley access to
information about the whereabouts of its near and dear one's picked up by
the police is absolutely crucial. The JK RTI Act makes a special provision
for providing such information on an urgent basis. However the JK RTI Rules
are silent about the detailing of this process. For example is a claim from
the applicant that the information requested relates to life and liberty
adequate for the Public Information Officer (PIO) to honour the 48 hour
deadline? Or is the applicant required to present materials or facts to the
PIO indicating that the life or liberty of a person/persons is under threat
in order for the latter to make a decision? Should application fees be paid
for seeking such information? How will fee intimation letter be sent and the
information given to the applicant within 48 hours? Should the information
not be given free of cost as it is not a routine matter of seeking and
obtaining information? What is the procedure if there is no response from
the PIO in such matters? What happens if the PIO rejectes the request?
Should the applicant go to the first appellate authority and wait for 45
days for a decision? Or should the applicant approach the JKSIC and wait for
120 days for a decision? Should the appellate authority and the JKSIC not
treat the appeal/complaint as being most urgent if the information relates
to life and liberty of a person under threat? None of these issues have been
addressed in the JK RTI Rules. It may be recollected here that none of these
issues have been addressed in the Rules notified under the Central RTI Act
either. There is an urgent need for the Rules to be amended to provide for
simple and quick procedures that ensure timely access to information regards
life and liberty.

2) No procedure for disclosure of information by notified security and
intelligence organisations:
Section 21 of the JK RTI Act partially excludes security and intelligence
organisations from obligations of disclosure under the Act. However they
must disclose information relating to allegations of corruption and human
rights violation. While information about corruption allegations will be
given directly by the concerned security or intelligence agency, information
about allegations of human rights violation will be given only with the
approval of the JK State Information Commission (JKSIC). This is similar to
section 24 under the Central RTI Act where central security and intelligence
agencies have been partially excluded from obligations of transparency. The
State Government has not yet notified the list of organisations it wishes to
exclude under this section. The JK RTI Rules do not specifically indicate
that security and intelligence agencies are required to appoint PIOs for the
purpose of handling requests for information regards corruption and human
rights violation. Nor are they required to appoint appellate authorities for
adjudicating first appeals. The Rules made under the Central RTI Act are
also silent about this issue. However the Department of Personnel and
Training (DoPT) under the Union Government had issued a circular requiring
central intelligence and security agencies to appoint PIOs and appellate
authorities. A similar requirement must be included in the JK RTI Rules.
There is much scope for improving the JK RTI Rules to clarify crucial
provisions of the JK RTI Act.

3) Who is the chief public information officer?
Rule 3(i) requires that only officers of the rank of Under Secertary to
Government may be designated PIOs. Rule 3(ii) allows for the designation of
a lower ranking officer as the Chief Public Information Officer (Chief PIO)
if there is no officer of Under Secretary rank in any public authority.
According to Rule 3ii) such officer invariably must be the head of the
public authority. There are problems with both Rules. First, there is no
mention of a Chief PIO in the JK RTI Act. The only references are to a PIO
and an Assistant PIO. This is a minor anomaly that needs to be clarified.

Second, there is a more serious problem in this arrangement. If the head of
a public authority is designated as the PIO, who is available in that public
authority for appointment as the appellate authority? According to section
16(1) of the JK RTI Act, the appellate authority must be senior in rank to
the PIO and both the PIO and the appellate authority must belong to the same
public authority. This is the sense of section 16(1). If the head of a
public authority is designated as the PIO then the appellate authority will
by default belong to another public authority. The intention of section
16(1) has been violated by Rule 3. This Rule must be amdned to harmonise it
with section 16(1) of the Jk RTI Act.

4) Who will be the PIO for Panchayats?
Panchayats are the single largest category of public authorities under the
JK RTI Act. The head of a panchayat in J&K is the Sarpanch. He/she is
elected directly by the Halqa Majlis (equivalent of the gram sabha or
assembly of voters). He is not an officer of the Panchayat unlike the
Secretary (Sachiv). According section 5(1) of the JK RTI Act only an officer
of a public authority can be designated PIO. So the Sarpanch is disqualified
from being appointed a PIO under the provisions of the JK RTI Act. Under the
JK RTI Rules where an officer of Under Secretary rank is not available the
head of a public authority must be the PIO. The Secretary is not teh head of
the Pachayat, so he/she is disqualified from being designated as PIO under
the JK RTI Rules. Who then will be the PIO for panchayats? Then again, who
will be the appellate authority in Panchayats? The JK RTI Rules have
needlessly created confusion by ignoring the scheme of the JK RTI Act in
this regard. Rule 3 needs to be amended urgently in order to bring it in
line with the provisions of the JK RTI Act.

5) Regulating contributions to the JKSIC from the private sector:
The JK RTI Rules provide a measure of financial autonomy for the JKSIC which
is truly necessary. The Commission has been given the freedom to accept
contributions from multilateral agencies, corporate entities and civil
society organisations in India. While this is a welcome provision there are
a couple of issues that need to be very closely regulated. First, if
contributions are collected from corporate entities and civil society
organisations that have operations or some involvement in J&K, accepting
contributions from them can create a conflict of interests for the JKSIC.
According to the section 2(d) of the JK RTI Act persons residing in J&K can
access information about such private entities from public authorities that
regulate their functions. For example, if a civil society organisation or
private company is registered in J&K then the Registrar of Societies or the
Registrar of Companies, as the case may be, will hold a considerable amount
of information about that entity as required by law. Under section 2(d) of
the JK RTI Act any person in J&K can obtain such information about the
private body from the relevant Registrar that regulates its functions. Let
us assume that JKSIC has received funds from such organisation or company
for financing its activities. If any person seeks information about such
body from the relevant Registrar and it is denied he/she will bring the
matter to the JKSIC eventually. The independence of the JKSIC would be
compromised in this case because it has already received monetary or other
forms of support from that organisation earlier. The JKSIC would not be the
right body to adjudicate this dispute. This potential conflict of interests
can be avoided if the Rules indicate that care must be taken to avoid
conflict of interests while soliciting financial support.

Second, private contributions made to the JKSIC may not be reflected in the
budget estimate it will submit to the State Legislature every year. This is
not a happy circumstance as the JKSIC is in effect an entity created to
exercise an element of the State's power, namely, the power to settle
disputes between public authorities and citizens. The finances of all such
bodies must be subject to approval by the State Legislature. Rule 43
provides for auditing of accounts of the JKSIC. It also requires tabling of
the audit reports in the State Legislature. This is a welcome provision as
it ensures legislative scrutiny over the finances and activities of the
JKSIC. However the JKRTI Rules do not make it clear whether the funds
received from private agencies will be covered by the audit. As private
funds are not subject to legislative approval a tendency could arise
eventually to hide such accounts from the State Legislature. In order to
ensure accountability for all finances received and expended by the JKSIC,
the Rules must be amended to clarify that all funds received by the JKSIC
irrespective of the source and all expenditure incurred must be covered by
the auditing exercise.

The State Government ought to have done more home work and in consultation
with civil society organisations before notifying the JK RTI Rules. However
not much harm has been done yet. The State Government could amend these
Rules immediately along the lines recommended above.

Thanks
Venkatesh Nayak
Programme Coordinator
Access to Information Programme
Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative
B-117, I Floor, Sarvodaya Enclave
New Delhi- 110 017
tel: 91-11- 2686 4678/ 2685 0523
fax: 91-11- 2686 4688
website: www.humanrightsinit iative.org
alternate email: <mailto:nayak.venkatesh@ gmail.com>
nayak.venkatesh@ gmail.com

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17.

Kalam on Begging Shaming India Mission To USA

Posted by: "Ravinder Singh" progressindia008@yahoo.com   progressindia008

Wed Jul 22, 2009 3:44 am (PDT)

Kalam on Begging Shaming India Mission To USA
 
I believe every public servant or government officer is duty bound to uphold the dignity and honor attached to their office but their failure brings heaps of insult to all of us.
 
Kalam ought to have upheld the honor attached to his rank as ex. President of India in not doing that invited ridicule and heaps of insult. When I was 20 years old I would tell even senior IAS Officers trying to intimidate - "I am serving President of India" and explain entire procedures to them. I am sorry President has not yet learnt to uphold dignity and honor attached to his official position that he asked even fellow Indians to follow Frisking Procedure.
 
He ought to have refused to be frisked - I know Continental wouldn´t have departed without Kalam.
 
But what hurts me most is his Nonsense Lectures full of wild or eccentric ideas that he imposed on India during and after full Presidential tenure is being Exported to USA - lecturing nonsense to Boeing and Microsoft.
 
Microsoft
 
In meeting with Gates Foundation he raked up for 1000th time PURA nonsense - relocating 0.8b population in 7000 New Towns with all amenities when India has yet to provided over 0.6b a power connection so far. (He stated "700,000 people live in 600,000 villages" mistake in cut paste job.)
 
Boeing
 
"There is definitely a need for space faring nations to work together to develop reusable launch vehicles, which can bring down the cost of payload in orbit from the present US $ 20,000 per kg to US $ 2000 per kg and eventually to $200 per kg." This sounds most stupid as if India plans to export Iron Ore, India´s top exports, to outer space.
 
"Studies in India have shown that the smallest size reusable space launch vehicle, weighing about 25-30 tonnes can be developed with high payload fractions which gathers air at cruise phase, liquefies air and then separates out the liquid oxygen for onboard storage while the spacecraft ascends directly from earth to orbit. These studies in India suggest that an "aerobic" space transportation vehicle can have a 15% payload fraction for a launch weight of 270 tonnes. This type of trans-atmospheric space transportation system has the potential to increase the payload fraction to 30% for higher take off weight."
 
Everyone at Boeing would have instantly found Kalam to be Sham space scientist for his utter stupidity. There are two issues here. Even Volvo Buses in India weigh around 15T but carry around 3T payload - 16%. Bulletproof Limousine used by the president weigh 3T-4T carried under 50 kg payload.. Just about 2% payload.
 
But most stupid of Kalams "Disclosure" that Indian Space Scientists were working on a Spacecraft that will extract Oxygen from air in flight until LOX tanks are full before taking off to sky.
 
Surely each of Boeing Executives would have realized they are lectured by an extreme idiot. Firstly a spacecraft gather Oxygen from air weighing 270 tones would burn 10T of fuel per hour. Plants collecting Oxygen from air and compressing it would weigh many times more than payload.
 
"India is working on both single and two-stage to orbit RLV (Reusable Launch Vehicle) with the goal of reducing the cost of access to Space by one or two orders of magnitude."
 
This comment to Boeing Executive would make even their grand children laugh.. Multi-staging of rockets helps them attain greater heights and go into space by dropping the dead weight then taking it around in space and increase range and performance of space flight - also reduce cost.
 
Multi-staging is essential and common in transportation. He traveled by Continental, moved to hotel in a taxi and walked last 100 yards to his room on own feet. It is possible to make a hole in the roof of hotel and drop him from Continental Flight in a computer guided parachute in to the hole landing him in bed straight.
 
Nations and businesses Collaborate when they expect to benefit from it not to promote stupid ideas.
 
But most unfortunately he doesn´t know that all technologies and inventions are protected by Patents- that India never promoted because people like never required it and didn´t want others to have it.
 
We need Capable People to govern and lead us to be developed not beggars and lunatics.
 
Ravinder Singh
July22, 2009
 

http://www.abdulkal am.com/kalam/ index.jsp
Private Meeting with Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation
22/Apr/2009 : Seattle, USA

Dear Mr. Jeff Raikes, CEO and Mr. William H Gates
 
I am delighted to visit the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation today and meet with you. My greetings to both of you. When I see the contribution of Bill & Melinda Gates foundation to the world community, I am reminded of Bill Gates Sr. What a great father you are to produce such a son and we are proud of you. You are remembered for two things that you are responsible for bringing up great family traits embedded in your children "Knowledge and Philanthropy". My greetings to you.

 

Dear friends, When you are in the important mission of addressing the issues of health, poverty, quality education leading to bringing sustainable development. I would like to focus only on two important missions. The missions are the following:
 
1. Awareness and Prevention of HIV/AIDS
2. PURA & Societal GRID

 

Awareness and Prevention of HIV/AIDS

In the world many organizations are more concerned on wide spread of HIV/AIDS. Majority are focusing on two actions. I call it as soft action and hard action. Soft action is creating awareness among the people and work for prevention of the diseases. The other group is constantly working on the Anti HIV Vaccines and other forms of prevention. I am confident that if we achieve the success in Anti HIV vaccines or Stem cell intervention through genetical modification of genes which will withstand or prevent the HIV Virus, then that is the greatest contribution that anybody makes to the world at large.

 

Dear friends, Today in India, all age groups put together on an average have incidence of 2.5 million HIV cases. 163 out of 611 districts in the country have high proportion of HIV cases.

a) The first issue is how to bring down the cost of HIV control drugs such as the following:

1. AZT, based on DNA synthesis, it halts the disease spread.
2. Another medicine found is INDINAVIR with equally good results.
3. One university abroad has tried a combination of AZT-INDINAVIR and 3TC, for some patients, which gave unique results fully suppressing the HIV AID virus.

However, the cost of medicine is prohibitive. The cost of the drugs have to be brought and it has to be made affordable and above all a temporary relief to the cost could be thought of, for the needy patients.

 

b) The next important area is the HIV Vaccines.

There are number of research work progressing in India related to Anti HIV - Vaccines and its human trails.

1. The HIV vaccine TBC-M4 using Modified Vaccinia Ankara (MVA) as the vector contains six of the 9 genes of HIV. This vaccine was basically designed by Dr Sekhar Chakrabarti of National Institute of Cholera and Enteric Diseases (ICMR). The clade C of HIV from Indian isolates was used in the preparation of this vaccine and therefore, it has direct relevance to our country.

 

2. Tuberculosis Research Centre (TRC), Chennai has conducted Phase I trial in 32 healthy, HIV uninfected and at low risk for getting HIV infections subjects. The vaccine was well tolerated by the volunteers and did not have any adverse or serious adverse effects (as per predefined criteria) attributable to the vaccine. This vaccine appears to be safe and promising. However, there are two aspects which need to be mentioned here. The first is whether the production of immune response will translate into protection when we test in Phase III trials. The second is, although all the volunteers have produced an immune response, we have to increase the strength of the response, the breadth of the response and sustenance of the response. With these objectives in view, Scientists are planning to initiate another Phase I trial which would combine a DNA vaccine with this MVA vaccine after getting necessary clearances.

 

3. Vaccine Development for HIV/AIDS Sub-type C: Dr. Pradeep Seth of AIIMS had isolated HIV-1 from infected individuals and showed that the Indian virus is subtype C strain of HIV-1, which accounts for 95% of HIV infection in India. Dr. Pradeep Seth used multi-gene vaccination strategy to design and develop HIV-1 subtype C vaccine candidates. These vaccine constructs were then evaluated for immunogenicity in mice and in bonnet monkeys in `prime-boost strategy format´ in which priming was done with DNA vaccine constructs and boosting was done with modified MVA constructs. The immunized animals developed robust HIV-1 subtype C-specific and also non-subtype C reactive immune responses.

 

4. Using MVA as a vector, a TB vaccine is currently under Phase II trial in Africa. Tuberculosis Research Centre has been collaborating with Prof Anil K Tyagi of the University of Delhi, South Campus in testing recombinant and DNA vaccines against TB. Currently, there is NO vaccine which combines both HIV and TB. However, theoretically, it is possible to use MVA as a vector to produce exactly such a vaccine. MVA is a good candidate vector as it can accommodate a large number of foreign genes.

 

Hence it is very important to accelerate the research and development efforts of producing the Anti HIV - Vaccines and realize its potential at the earliest to prevent the humanity to succumb from deadly disease. Certainly Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation has a great role to play.

 

PURA and Societal GRID

I would like Bill and Melinda Gates foundation to consider one thought which focuses the objectives of your foundation in an integrated way to address the following issues such as promote disease free society, eliminate poverty, bring sustainable rural development, out reaching quality education to all and empowering the youth with value added employment generation. The system which focuses an all around sustainable development is called PURA (Providing Urban Amenities in Rural Areas). PURA envisages 4 connectivities to realize the mission that is physical connectivity, electronic connectivity, knowledge connectivity there by creating economic connectivity to a cluster of villages. India needs to have 7000 PURA complexes. It is a business proposition and an answer today for India to face the economic turbulence experienced across the world, including India. If we empower the village economy of India, then that will become the feeder mechanism for the
continued GDP growth in our nation. Hence we are focusing on Rural development missions such as PURA. Already in India number of operational PURAs in 4 regions North, East, West and South, since any experiment tried should have a diverse ambience and diverse characteristics. We are committed to take this mission Forward. Certainly Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation can take up the PURA Missions, which will become the trend setter for not only india, but also a role model for many developing nations for brining sustainable development.

 

In this context, India is engaged in establishing Societal GRID, which comprises of Knowledge GRID, Health care GRID, E-governance GRID and PURA GRID. The other three GRID will act as input for PURA GRID - leading to the societal transformation using technology and a new innovative business model for empowering the rural areas, where 700,000 people are living in 600,000 villages

 

So, far I have discussed two important missions - one is creating awareness and prevention of HIV/AIDS mission, the second is PURA and Societal GRID. Bill and Melinda Gates foundation can participate in the Societal GRID missions in a big way. Any assistance needed in this direction, certainly we will help Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation to work on these missions..

 

Conclusion

Last week I have seen, a birth day celebration of 102 years of a great spiritual person and philanthropist at Karnataka. I was asking myself, how this 102 years man, so cheerful, so operational, so happy with long life. It looks to me, finally I concluded, his life is an embodiment of giving. By giving 200 educational and health institutions, H.H Shivakumara swamingal is empowering the orphans and the under privileged to have all the life continuity with quality education and quality healthcare in a spiritual ambience. When I see the enthusiastic Bill gates Senior, May I wish the great family of Bill gates, all the God´s wish for serving the humanity for many years and many more years.

My greetings and best wishes.

May God bless you.

 

 

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18.

Extreme Idiots Governing Punjab

Posted by: "Ravinder Singh" progressindia008@yahoo.com   progressindia008

Wed Jul 22, 2009 3:44 am (PDT)

Extreme Idiots Governing Punjab
 
[It is a national shame India has not learnt to manage its water resources productively and efficiently. Punjab state couldn´t send just one Capable Representative to address its problems in Punjab assembly and Indian Parliament and to BBMB in 60 years.]
 
On going through Tribune stories on water releases by BBMB, I downloaded all the data available on BBMB site and am HORRIFIED to find inadequate releases for Punjab considering both gross area under cultivation and food production but couldn´t believe much less water is released during summer Khariff Season when requirement of water and power is highest and very substantial amount of water is released during winter months when irrigation needs are lowest - at times winter rains are adequate for Rabi season.
 
http://www.tribunei ndia.com/ 2009/20090721/ punjab.htm# 1
 

 

21.05.2008 to
20.09.2008
MAF

21.09.2007 to
20.05.2008
MAF

PUNJAB

5.885

6.042

HARYANA

2.056

3.320

RAJASTHAN

2.605

4.212

DELHI JAL BOARD

0.062

0.241
 
In my earlier petition to The Prime Minister I highlighted how state producing 25 million tone food - contributing nearly 50% of surplus for PDS has only one member out of nine in BBMB when other states produce just 5-6 million tones in Indus Basin.
 
§         Since Hathni Kund Barrage was commissioned Haryana could draw 25,000 cusecs of water from Yamuna during Monsoon. Hence Haryana need little or minimum of BBMB waters for Khariff season.
 
§          Rajasthan mostly desert region in Indus Command outside Indus basin is unsuitable for raising crops during summer Khariff season.
 
So to oblige Haryana and Rajasthan BBMB releases were altered to suit their needs at high to Riparian State and Bread Basket of India Punjab.
 
This has resulted in -
 
1.            Lower power generation in summer months when Punjab needs maximum power for raising Kharif crop.
 
2.            Most dreadful was the filling of Bhakra and Pong Dams to 50% capacity on scheduled day of monsoon arrival led "Extreme Flood Situations Twice" last year.
 
3.     I have researched and found this practice of releasing substantial amount of water for winter Rabi season than Kharif and summer when Punjab needs much more water continues for many years.
 
4.    Punjab even agreed to two months delay in planting of paddy when early planting gives substantially more yield and most small farmers can get third short duration crop. Actually Punjab ought to have promoted 100-110 day paddy varieties. But biggest advantage to GOI is early availability of Rice when planted in May to reduce storage and handling costs.
 
5.    Punjab was fooled in to believing two months of Ban on Agricultural Activity would conserve water. Water table in summer goes down irrespective of weather paddy is planted or not. In Technical Terms water extraction for irrigation for Two Months of Ban and 110 day variety is much more than transplanting in May with 110 day variety.
 
Ravinder Singh
July22, 2009
 

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