LALGARH Children STARVE Just Because the Schools remain CAPTURED and MID Day Meal Stopped. Riverine Agriculture Economy Destructed for Indiscriminate Industrialisation and Urbanisation Creates Lalgarh!
Lalgarh (Midnapore) - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Lalgarh is the headquarters of Binpur–I CD block. Midnapore Railway station is the nearest important station about 45 km from the village. ...
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lalgarh_(Midnapore) - Cached - Similar -'Lalgarh will be torn by violence if I'm arrested': Rediff.com news
22 Jun 2009 ... 'Lalgarh will be torn by violence if I'm arrested', Rediff.com: Indian news | news columns | interviews | news specials | newshound & more.
news.rediff.com/.../interview-with-convenor-of-peoples-committee-against-police-atrocities.htm - Cached - Similar -The Hindu : National : Lalgarh situation worsens
16 Jun 2009 ... KOLKATA: The situation in the troubled Lalgarh area of West Bengal's Paschim Medinipur district took a turn for the worse on Monday when a ...
www.hindu.com/2009/06/16/.../2009061660561100.htm - Cached - Similar -The Hindu : National : Problem at Lalgarh spreading: official
17 Jun 2009 ... Unabated violence: Tribals take out a rally at Lalgarh in West Bengal on Tuesday in support of the People's Committee against Police ...
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World NewsMaoists abduct police officer in Lalgarh - 22 hours ago
... 14 km from Lalgarh in West Bengal's Paschim Medinipur district on Friday. Though the other two persons were later released, the police officer was held ...Hindu - 64 related articles »
Lalgarh lessons: now no police camps in schools - Indian Express - 8 related articles »Forces take Lalgarh back from Naxalites - India - NEWS - The Times ...
21 Jun 2009 ... LALGARH: Three days after the West Bengal government finally moved against the Naxalites, security forces marched into Lalgarh on Saturday ...
timesofindia.indiatimes.com/...take-Lalgarh.../4679617.cms - Cached - Similar -Lalgarh Movement – Mass uprising of adivasis in West Bengal at Sanhati
July 10: EPW articles on Lalgarh. Editorial piece: Lalgarh - Questions to the Left [PDF, English] », Sumit sarkar and Tanika Sarkar: Notes on a dying people ...
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Lalgarh google map. Satellite image of Lalgarh, India and near destinations. Travel deals.
www.maplandia.com/india/west-bengal/medinipur/lalgarh/ - Cached - Similar -The Hindu : National : Violence continues in Lalgarh
Another CPI(M) activist, Phagu Baskey, was killed by suspected Maoists at Madhupur, 20 km from Lalgarh, on Wednesday for his political connections. ...
www.thehindu.com/2009/07/24/.../2009072455081000.htm - Cached - Similar -The Telegraph - Calcutta (Kolkata) | Bengal | Lalgarh-like ...
The Telegraph on the Web: Daily international, national international news, daily newspaper, national, politics, science, business, sports, weather, ...
www.telegraphindia.com/1090724/jsp/.../story_11276059.jsp - Cached - Similar -The Telegraph - Calcutta (Kolkata) | Bengal | Lalgarh entry bid ...
12 Apr 2009 ... The Telegraph on the Web: Daily international, national international news, daily newspaper, national, politics, science, business, sports, ...
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India's Maoist dilemma: the case of Lalgarh | open Democracy News ... - open Democracy News Analysis - - 8 Jul 2009India: Lalgarh Revolt & the Hoax of "Development and Democracy ... - Revolution in South Asia - 17 hours agoLalgarh glare on security forces | News, Daily News Updates - News, Daily News Updates - 9 hours ago
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WikiAnswers - How many children starve in India each day
India History question: How many children starve in India each day? Well in India there are lots of beggars such a children so i would say that a lot of ...
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Yet malnourishment is still very much a problem in India. Only two years ago it emerged that several children had starved to death in villages in West ...
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endless millions of children inevitably doomed to starve. A mother who smoth- .... Committee for India, published March 4, 1946, comes to hand. ...
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by CFSS ThemThe Tattoo - Teens nourish book-starved children in India's ...
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Rising India leaves poorest children behind to starve. Four-month-old Ujala weighs 1.5 kilograms, a third of what she should according to the World Health ...
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Kids left alone to starve'Independent Online - - 13 hours ago Three children found living on their own in a Mitchell's Plain home by Metro Police last Friday have returned home to their mother after ... Dallas man says he didn't starve children in hotelHouston Chronicle - Jul 23, 2009 2009 AP DALLAS — The man accused of keeping three emaciated children in a hotel bathroom for about a year and sexually assaulting one of them said in an ... Children to starve as funding for food runs outJakarta Post - Jul 6, 2009 A center for the treatment of malnourished children in Timor Tengah Utara regency, East Nusa Tenggara, has ceased operation due to a lack of funding. ... Private Education Is Most Effective for Every ClassDaily NK - - Jul 24, 2009 Among those parents lucky enough not to starve, very few in the poorer classes bothered educating their children at all, saying, "Since you can't move up ... Family aches for kids found starving in bathroomKDBC - 21 hours ago ... abused mother trying to explain how she could possibly let 3 of her children starve in a hotel bathroom day and night for at least nine months. ... Nutritional Meals your Child Will EnjoyHealthNewsDigest.com - - 6 hours ago Healthy children do not starve themselves. Keep the portion sizes appropriate for the child. A good rule of thumb is to use the child's hand as guide. ... Medical myths: Separating fact from fictionKVBC - Jul 23, 2009 And does it matter if you feed a fever and starve a cold? Or is it the other way around? News 3's Sue Manteris and the Healthline Team are digging deeper ... Judge: Katie Holmes "Put Herself Out There" For SYTYCD PerformanceUs Magazine - - Jul 24, 2009 She needs to detox, take laxatives and starve herself if she wants to look at good as Karen Carpenter. That's what I'm doing. I'm so insecure and afraid my ... "Universal" Health Care Is Debatable, Children's Health Care Is NotThe Moderate Voice - Jul 19, 2009 Whenever anyone was against expanding the program, they were accused of WANTING CHILDREN TO STARVE TO DEATH. Who could ever vote to starve kids? ... Indigenous children starve to death in Sierra NevadaColombia Reports - - Jul 9, 2009 The children are showing "skin lesions and other symptoms related to malnutrition." Carlos furthermore revealed that a 35-year-old man also starved to death ... |
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Mamata bills of woe |
| OUR BUREAU |
| New Delhi, July 24: The Centre will go ahead and re-introduce the Land Acquisition (Amendment) Bill 2007 and the Rehabilitation and Resettlement Bill 2007 in Parliament, overruling the objections of Mamata Banerjee, several official sources said. "It was a commitment the UPA made in the President's address to Parliament (in June 2009) and the address was cleared by the cabinet that included Ms Banerjee. Again, she is also a member of the cabinet that okayed the bills," a Congress minister pointed out, underlining the importance of collective decision-making. The only concession is that the government will not push the bills through in the next two weeks before the House adjourns. In keeping with practice, they will be referred to the standing committee on rural development. The standing panels have yet to be formed. Till that is done and the bills are studied, Mamata, said sources, can breathe easy. The committee's reports are routed to the law and justice ministry that takes the final call. The government is not bound to accept the reports but, by convention, some of the recommendations are incorporated. The law ministry gives the bills to the cabinet for ratification before they return to Parliament. When the cabinet met on Thursday night to endorse the bills that had lapsed because they could not be sent to the Rajya Sabha under the previous government, Mamata said they were unacceptable. The proposed changes allow private parties to acquire 70 per cent of the land for a project from farmers. The state government is to acquire the rest 30 per cent. Mamata does not want the state government to be involved or private buyers to be allowed directly to purchase land because the provisions do not protect the farmers from acquisition either by force or by the lure of money or material bribe, Trinamul sources said. Trinamul's agitation in Singur and Nandigram was based on opposition to "forcible" takeover of land by the government. A party MP said: "It is impossible for us to accept these amendments as these are opposed to the stand we have taken in Bengal." |
Cost of CM's concern: Rs 20 lakh per visit
;Tarun Goswami
KOLKATA, 24 JULY: It's entirely justified for a chief minister to try and "tone up the administration", even if the timing of Mr Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee's forays to the districts after a string of electoral reverses may be used by his political opponents to score brownie points. Equally, and in the public interest, it is in order given the state of the implementation of the Right to Information Act in West Bengal that people know how much each visit costs. To the end the suspense: The state government is spending anything up to Rs 20 lakh on each chief ministerial visit.
Mr Bhattacharjee has so far visited seven districts ~ Murshidabad, Nadia, Bankura, Purulia, Birbhum, Howrah and Hooghly ~ at an approximate cost of Rs 1.2 to 1.4 crore, and he has miles to go before he covers them all.
West Bengal's top bureaucrats, speaking on condition of anonymity, shared with The Statesman their assessment of the costs involved:
aAs the chief minister is visiting the districts by road, "patch repair" of roads has been undertaken by the PWD.
aThe circuit houses where he is put up are refurbished before his visit. The room where he rests in the afternoon is given a fresh coat of paint, the curtains are changed and the air-conditioners are overhauled.
aThough the chief minister is a small eater himself, lunch prepared for him and his entourage of officials comprises at least four courses including rice or chapaati, fish, mutton or chicken, a vegetable dish and dessert.
aLarge sums of money are spent on the deployment of security forces as Mr Bhattacharjee travels by road; a comprehensive mine-detection exercise is carried out one hour before his visit by experts brought in from Kolkata.
aFuel costs for the chief ministerial road trips are high; a "follow-up vehicle" accompanies Mr Bhattacharjee's convoy from Kolkata each time he heads out and stays with him till the visit is completed.
This and other expenditure on the district visits, a senior official said, is met from the state contingency fund.
As an example of how the costs mount, Mr Bhattacharjee's visit to Bankura on 14 and 18 July is illustrative. Patch repair on a long stretch of road between Bankura (town) and Beliatore was carried out. An additional contingent of security forces comprising 1,000 policemen was deployed; in fact, on 14 July two schools and a college at Beliatore were closed as security personnel were billeted there. As there was a possibility that the chief minister might visit Durgapur on 19 July evening on his way back to Kolkata from Bankura, a guest house run by the Asansol Durgapur Development Authority (ADDA) was booked, and an area surrounding the Energy Park was brought under security cover. The exercise went in vain as the chief minister could not make time.
http://www.thestatesman.net/page.news.php?clid=1&theme=&usrsess=1&id=262032
Water as Foe, Water as Friend
Lessons from Bengal's Millennium Flood
Graham P. ChapmanGraham P. Chapman, Department of Geography, Lancaster University, UK.
Kalyan Rudra
Kalyan Rudra, Member, National Flood Disaster Management Core Group, India.
In September 2000 at the end of a good monsoon and during a tropical cyclonic storm, Bengal suffered a particularly severe flood in which more than 1,500 people died. In West Bengal more than 20 million people and in Bangladesh more than 3 million lost their homes and virtually all of their possessions. This paper explores different experiences of the disaster, and many differing explanations of its causes, both physical and social. It proposes the idea that the specific form of development that has taken place in Bengal since the mid nineteenth century, the 'standard' road–rail and urban–industrial model, has been transplanted into an inappropriate geographical setting. The result is that the urban sector has externalised its costs onto the rural poor. In this context it is suggested that the new 'open policy' on floods, also advocated elsewhere in the world, be seriously considered as more appropriate and sustainable for Bengal.
Journal of South Asian Development, Vol. 2, No. 1, 19-49 (2007)
DOI: 10.1177/097317410600200102
Lalgarh lessons: now no police camps in schools
Kolkata:
Taking a lesson from Lalgarh, where police faced opposition for setting up their camps in schools, the state government has decided not to use school buildings for setting up camps in the Junglemahal area.
"After the Lalgarh incident, we have decided that the police will undertake only patrolling to maintain peace in the disturbed areas and will not set up camps in local schools," said state Home Secretary Ardhendu Sen.
Chandrakona in West Midnapore is the first place where the state government has implemented the decision and avoided setting up police camps even after getting reports of violence in the area. A Trinamool Congress supporter was killed in Chandrakona on Thursday in a clash with the CPM cadres.
"We have reports that one person was killed in Chandrakona. A large contingent of police has moved to the area. Around eight persons have been arrested," said Sen.
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/lalgarh-lessons-now-no-police-camps-in-schools/493883/
Maoist whiff in hunger strike | ||
| OUR CORRESPONDENT | ||
Midnapore, July 22: Students of a Lalgarh village were made pawns in the Maoists' bid to get rid of security forces from the region days after being used as human shields during a march to a police camp. Over 30 students today sat on a relay hunger strike, allegedly under pressure from the Maoist-backed People's Committee Against Police Atrocities, demanding that the forces camping in their school leave immediately. Supporters of the outfit marched through Gohomidanga and its neighbouring villages last evening knocking on doors and telling parents that they send their children for the agitation. "They came last night and told us we better take our children to the hunger strike. I couldn't go today because I was unwell, but I sent my daughter with a neighbour," said the father of a Class V girl. Seven guardians and 32 students were sitting on a dais about 500 metres from Gohomidanga High School today. Some of the students held placards that condemned the baton charge by the police to disperse the marchers on Monday. Many students had got sandwiched between the police and 10,000 committee supporters during the march and bore the brunt of batons. Some of the placards today tried to draw the chief minister's attention to the students' plight. Others slammed Union home minister P. Chidambaram for sending central forces to the region. "We are really suffering as our school is closed since July 1. But it is the People's Committee that is forcing us to take to the streets. Why should we risk our lives and face the lathicharge otherwise?" said a Class XII student. The first group of fasting students sat from 2pm to 6pm. A group of seniors (Classes IX to XII) and a new set of parents replaced them. This will continue till Friday, a committee leader said. A senior student pointed out that schools in the region were shut for days on end at the height of the Lalgarh movement. "The committee did not show any concern for us then. Now it's doing all this to help someone else." Gohomidanga High School was shut for over a fortnight late last year. Several schools in the region where the police are camping now were shut for far longer periods. "The Maoists have created a fear psychosis among the villagers by killing several CPM men in the past month," a police officer said. "Now they want to involve common people, even if by force, under the banner of the committee to project to give the impression that it is a spontaneous people's movement. Their goal is to drive out the forces from Lalgarh." | ||
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Govt rings rice alarm |
| OUR SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT |
| New Delhi, July 24: Poor rainfall has reduced the area under paddy cultivation by 21 per cent and may depress India's rice production this year, the government said today in its latest assessment of the impact of the 2009 monsoon on crops. The weak monsoon has adversely affected sowing of crops and the area under paddy cultivation is 11.46 million hectares this year compared to last year's 14.52 million hectares, agriculture minister Sharad Pawar told Parliament today. Although overall monsoon performance has improved, key paddy cultivation regions including the north-west, Uttar Pradesh and Gangetic Bengal have rainfall deficits greater than 40 per cent, according to new data from the India Meteorological Department. The shortfall in paddy cultivation varies across states — from 875,000 hectares in Uttar Pradesh to 280,000 hectares in Bengal. "Rice area and productivity may be adversely impacted," Pawar said. He said contingency plans tailored for specific agro-climatic regions would be operationalised in areas that have experienced prolonged dry spells. The plans involve replacing the main crop, such as rice, with a substitute crop such as millet, picking early maturing (short-duration) varieties of rice and promoting special sowing practices such as reducing space between plants. Pawar said 100MW additional power would be released to farmers in Punjab and Haryana to help them irrigate their land to complete transplantation of paddy and protect crops they have already sown. Punjab and Haryana account for 15 per cent of India's total rice production which was about 95 million tonnes last year, a senior agrometeorological scientist said. "Punjab and Haryana have irrigation... the main reduction in rice yields are likely to be seen in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh," said Kamlesh Singh, a scientist with the National Centre for Medium Range Weather Forecasting, Noida. Singh said computer-based weather forecasts indicate that rainfall was unlikely to improve in the north-west paddy regions until at least July 28. "Punjab and Haryana will get some rain, but not enough," he told The Telegraph. The productivity potential of any rice transplanted after July 20 is lower than the productivity potential of rice transplanted between July 15 to July 20, Singh said. Farmers in some regions may still have the option of planting short-duration paddy. Typical paddy varieties are in the fields for 130 days to 140 days, but direct-planted short-duration rice varieties could grow in 100 to 110 days. But the erratic monsoon has had little effect on the sowing of other kharif (summer) crops. The area under cotton, maize, pulses and oilseed cultivation is near normal, Pawar said. The area under cotton has actually increased from 6.1 million hectares last year to 6.8 million hectares this year. The farm areas under soyabean, sugarcane and pulses are only slightly lower than last year's. |
After Nepal Maoists, UN objects to Indian arms sale
| KATHMANDU: After Nepal's former ruling party, the Maoists, warned the government that the resumption of arms sale by India would derail the The UN Mission in Nepal (UNMIN), that became a key player in the peace process when it was asked by both the government and the Maoists to monitor the arms and armies of both sides till they were merged, Friday said it "strongly discourages any activities, by either the Nepal Army or the Maoist army that may be constituted as a violation of Article 5.3 of the Agreement on Monitoring of the Management of Arms and Armies." Article 5.3 says it would be a violation of the peace pact if either side made fresh recruitment or unauthorised replenishment of military equipment. For an arms sale to be authorised, it has to be agreed to by the Joint Monitoring Coordination Committee that includes officials from the Nepal Army, the Maoists' People's Liberation Army and UNMIN. UNMIN's spokesman in Nepal, Kosmos Viswokarma said Nepal had not broached the issue of buying arms from India at the committee. On Thursday, when the UN Security Council decided to extend UNMIN's tenure till January 2010, UNMIN chief Karin Landgren told the media in New York the same thing about any possible resumption of arms sale by India. The row erupted after Nepal's Defence Minister Bidya Bhandari, currently on a visit to India, met Indian Defence Minister A K Antony and reportedly discussed fresh Indian military assistance for Nepal Army. India had stopped lethal military aid to Nepal, provided at a 70 percent subsidy, in February 2005 after King Gyanendra rejected New Delhi's advice and decided to become head of government himself through an ill-advised army-supported coup. Bhandari's meeting with the Indian minister is being regarded as ill-timed, coming at a juncture the peace process is in the doldrums and a deadline given by the Maoists nearing expiry. The rebels, who had blocked parliament for nearly two months, allowed it to resume on the condition that Prime Minister Madhav Kumar Nepal would have to indicate by August 9 that his government puts civilian supremacy above the military. However, with the Nepal Army deliberately continuing recruitment and promoting officials and the government becoming involved in a controversy over arms sale, the former rebels would find a fresh excuse to lay siege to the house once more. There is growing fear in Nepal that the fight between the self-seeking parties would lead to the derailment of the new constitution, which has to be promulgated by May 2010. | ||
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- Police officer released unharmed by Maoists
Midnapore (WB), July 25 (PTI) A junior police officer, who was kidnapped at gunpoint by Maoists from near a jungle in West Midnapore, was today released unharmed.
Assistant sub-inspector Deepak Pramanik, who was taken away by the ultras from Pidrakhali jungle yesterday when he was ferrying drinking water in a lorry for camps of the state armed police and CRPF personnel at Bhimpur, five-km away, was well treated, the police said.
"They let me go when they found that I was unarmed and told me that they had no quarrel with lower-level police," Pramanik said.
He said the Maoists allowed him to call up his home from his mobile phone at 11:15 last night and was promised that he would be released in the morning.
The Maoists escorted him the Dherua bus stand in the morning.
The driver of the lorry, which was torched, and helper were allowed to go yesterday, the sources said.
LALGARH Children STARVE Just Because the Schools remain CAPTURED and MID Day Meal Stopped! The tribal areas all over the country lives in Intense Food INSECURITY! They have been ejected out of Jungles and lost every means of Livelihood. The COLONIAL Legacy of Ethnic Cleansing of the Aboriginal, Indigenous and minority Communities CONTINUE in the COUNTRY directly taken Over by Tri Iblis Satanic Global Order of Illuminati Zionist, India Incs and LPG mafia! Thus, our CHILDREN have been Predestined to live on ALMS! SARVA SHIKSHA Abhiyaan has made it SYSTEMATIC! And this system also Breaks in Lalgarh!
Riverine Agriculture Economy Destructed for Indiscriminate Industrialisation and Urbanisation Creates Lalgarh! Bengal INHERITS Riverine Agricultural Economy Nature Associated and the FRAGRANCE of Jungle from its Aboriginal Indigenous Ancestors! The Tribal People NEVER Surrenderd their ARMS since the great fall of Mohonjodoro and Harappa. santhals bear with them the traditional KAALCHAKRA inherited fro the Indus valley Civilisation!
Colonial Rulers adoted Mass Destruction technology to Capture the Natural Resources as the stories of Columbus, Vasco De gama and captain Cook proves! But the Saga of Columbus continues! post Modern Clone Columbus Armies have launched MONOPOLISTIC Aggression against the Aboriginal, Indigenous and Minority Communities, the Black Untouchables worldwide! Any Resistance is Branded INSURGENCY by the State Power and the Ruling Hegemony! Finally it is All Out REPRESSION!
Lalgarh is no Exception!
Fables like 1500 Maoists or 100 specially-trained-in arms-operations Maoists are at Lalgarh or its surroundings, scripted by West Bengal chief minister EVAPORATED like Superstition most Disgusting as the Security Forces seat Idle amidst Lalgarh Tribal Areas KILLING the Children!
The Maoists are far from gone from Junglemahal of West Midnapore. They reasserted their presence today when they torched a police vehicle and abducted two cops ~ an assistant sub-inspector, a constable ~ and the cleaner in Pidrakuli forest in Salboni after disarming them.
The constable and the cleaner were assaulted and later let off. The additional SP (headquarter) of the district, Mr Subhankar Singha Sarkar, said forces have been sent to the spot and a gunbattle is currently on between Maoists and the joint forces.
Meanwhile, students of Bhimpur Girls' High School and Bhimpur Santhal High School in Salboni today staged a demonstration outside the office of the Midnapore Sadar SDO demanding that their school be vacated by the joint forces immediately.
Anand Bazaar Patrika published a FRONT page story written by KINSHUK Gupta presenting the Graphical details of the CHILDREN who have lost their Class Rooms as the OCCUPYING forces have chosen all schools as their Shelter to DIG in Within for SELF Defence from the feared AMBUSHES! As the Children in Lalgarh, the area which inhibites an Odd Two Million aboriginal people belong to the families who have been deprived of the Natural Resources for Industrialisation, urbanisation and influx of developed communities!
These Children depend for their Daily food on the MID Day Meal! Since the schools have been shut down, it is not only a question of Future, it relates to Hardcore Present as they just struggle for SUSTENANCE!
Suspected Maoists abducted a policeman in PIDRAKULI Friday afternoon while he was travelling in a van to the Bhimpur police camp, adjoining Lalgarh.
This is the first instance of a policeman being abducted in West Midnapore.
Around 2.45pm, assistant sub-inspector Dipak Pramanik was returning in a hired van to Bhimpur after collecting water in two large tanks from the Pirakata police outpost 8km away. With him were the driver and his helper.
After travelling about 3km, the van was stopped by about 20 lathi-wielding people at Pidrakuli. As the men milled around the van, some others armed with guns emerged. They started questioning driver Banamali Mahato.
When they learnt the trio were headed for the Bhimpur camp and that one of them was a policeman, they asked Mahato to get off and join the helper at the back of the van.
One of the Maoists drove the van about 3km into the jungle. Mahato, who emerged from the jungle late this evening along with the helper, said that after a while, Maoists on motorcycles, guns slung from their shoulders, emerged from behind trees and started following the van.
When the van got stuck in the mud, Pramanik was ordered to get out and climb onto a motorcycle. The Maoists then set fire to the van.
Pramanik twice made a bid to escape but the Maoists caught him and beat him up "mercilessly". Mahato said they trudged for an hour after the second abortive attempt till they reached "what looked like a Maoist camp".
Once news arrived that the police had begun looking for Pramanik, the Maoists freed the driver and the helper and went away with Pramanik.
The police later said they and the CRPF traded bullets with Maoists from 7pm to 10pm in Kantapahari, Lalgarh, hitting at least two rebels.
Few days back,Hundreds of villagers, including women and children, Monday marched in West Bengal's trouble-torn Lalgarh region to protest against the month-long security operation against Maoists there and also clashed with security forces. Security forces used batons to disperse the agitating crowd at Gohomidanga near Dharampur locality in Lalgarh.The villagers, led by the People's Committee against Police Atrocities (PCAPA), were also demanding withdrawal of the security forces from all school buildings claiming it was affecting the education of students.
"There was a clash between villagers and the security forces near Dharampur locality. The situation is now under control," Deputy Inspector General of police (Criminal Investigation Department) S.N. Gupta said.
Gupta was in charge of the Lalgarh operation and led a team of security forces into the violence-scarred region last month. The operation was called after Maoists declared the region 'liberated' in November 2008.
"Two landmine explosions took place near Ramgarh and two other landmines were recovered from the same area followed by a gun battle between the security forces and the Maoist rebels," he said.
Meanwhile, the villagers claimed that around 50 people, including women and children, were injured when the security forces rained baton blows on them.
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National KOLKATA: Violence continued to trouble the Lalgarh region in West Bengal's Paschim Medinipur district on Thursday. Life has been affected by successive bandhs called by the Police Santrash Birodhi Janashadharaner Committee (PSBJC) and the Maoists since July 19. Armed with traditional weapons, PSBJC supporters ransacked the house of a local committee member of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) at Pirrakhuli, 10 km from Lalgarh, for allegedly informing the police about the PSBJC. However, Madan Mahato, who had received several threats from PSBJC supporters as well as the Maoists for his party affiliation, fled from his home before the attackers arrived. Another CPI(M) activist, Phagu Baskey, was killed by suspected Maoists at Madhupur, 20 km from Lalgarh, on Wednesday for his political connections. Following the murder of CPI(M) supporters in the past month, despite the presence of security forces, the general secretaries of the district committees of all four Left Front partners submitted a deputation to district magistrate Narayan Swarup Nigam. "In view of the recent spate of killings of our party supporters, we have urged the district magistrate and the Superintendent of Police to ensure their safety and security from the Maoists as soon as possible," Dipak Sarkar, general secretary of the CPI(M)'s district committee, told The Hindu on the telephone from Midnapore. Mr. Nigam assured the leaders that measures would be taken to protect the people and also to crack down on the Maoists. |
Maoists are terrorists
NEW DELHI: After targeting the state police and Central forces engaged in counter-Naxal operations, CPI(Maoist) has now resorted to the publicity
"Both PM and Sonia Gandhi will meet a fate like former prime minister Rajiv Gandhi," a CPI (Maoist) press release warned on Monday. Rajiv Gandhi, it be recalled, was killed by a LTTE suicide bomber during an election rally in Sriperumbudur, Tamil Nadu, in 1991, allegedly in revenge against his decision to send the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) to Sri Lanka to contain LTTE rebels.
Maoists minced no words against Mr Chidambaram for pledging to put an end to Naxalism. "..Chidambaram says the government will end Maoisim in the country...his statement will remain dream...If Chidambaram has the courage, he should come to Jharkhand," dared the CPI (Maoist) release, signed by Jharkand state committee member Atulji.
The Centre, which feels the latest tactic of CPI (Maoist) to name Mr Singh, Mrs Gandhi and Mr Chidambaram as its likely targets, is more of an eyeball-grabbing campaign than a real threat that needs to be assessed and immediately acted upon. "Obviously, by killing a constable, they could not have generated enough media interest...by aiming their guns at VVIPs, they are only ensuring enough publicity to counter the "terrorist" tag imposed on CPI(Maoist) recently by the Centre," commented a senior MHA official.
Obviously, the Union home ministry is not too worried over the latest threat issued by CPI(Maoist) against the three top leaders and will not let itself be distracted from its immediate plans of a major offensive against Left-wing extremists or its long-term strategy to strengthen the counter-Naxal grid by strengthening the police in rural and tribal areas.
"The prime minister and Sonia Gandhi are fully secure...don't worry," said Mr Chidambaram when asked for a reaction to the CPI (Maoist) latest threat.
In its press release issued late on Monday, CPI (Maoist) also threatened Congress leaders in Jharkhand, asking them to quit their party or face dire consequences.
CPI (Maoist) has called a 24-hour bandh across Jharkhand and Bihar starting Tuesday midnight. Incidentally, the bandh comes even as huge crowds were expected in Taregna, some 30 km from Patna, in Bihar and Daltonganj in Jharkhand to watch the century's longest solar eclipse. The two places have been named by NASA as spots from where the rare celestial event will be best visible.
Meanwhile, MHA has decided not to be deterred by the threats issued against top government functionaries and politicians and is going ahead with arranging the manpower for the big counter-Naxal offensive by redeploying the Central forces. As a long-term strategy, the Union home ministry officials are preparing a concept paper to be presented before the 13th Finance Commission seeking non-plan assistance for Naxal-hit states to revamp rural policing.
According to a senior MHA official, there is a need to strengthen police stations in the rural Naxal-hit belt by stepping up recruitment and aiming to increase their staff to 40-60 police personnel each. The recruitment drive could cover locals as well, thus not only helping generate employment but also attracting police personnel familiar with the local terrain.
The concept paper will also seek more funds for setting up police training institutes, a must to impart skills to the additional policemen that would be hired as part of the overall plan to strengthen rural police stations.
http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/News/PoliticsNation/Maoists-are-terrorists/articleshow/4805413.cms
World to Win: Uprising in Lalgarh
India: Uprising in Lalgarh
[Note from AWTW] 29 June 2009. A World to Win News Service. Central government troops and state police and militias are continuing the brutal assault on the adivasis (tribal people) and the Communist Party of India (Maoist) in and around Lalgarh in the West Midnapore area in the state of West Bengal that began in mid June. Indian Air Force helicopters rained down leaflets on the masses warning them not to support the Maoists. While the repressive forces boast that they will achieve a quick victory, the Maoist-led guerrillas melt away and reappear in other villages and forests nearby Lalgarh with the support of the people. Urban intellectuals from Kolkata who have gone to the Lalgarh area confirm that the armed forces are beating and humiliating the masses in every way imaginable and herding them into refugee camps.
The area encompasses vast tracts of the forests of West Midnapore, Purulia and Bankura districts of West Bengal and adjoins parts of the states of Jharkhand and Orissa, where the CPI5Maoist) enjoys strong mass support. Unrest in Lalgarh had been going on for a number of months, reaching a boiling point last November with the arrests, torture and rape of women and children after a bombing that almost killed a West Bengal chief minister. The state has been dominated by a reactionary so-called Left Front led by the Communist Party (Marxist). Decades ago this oppressor party abandoned any semblance of Marxist or communist thinking and joined forces with the Indian ruling classes to suppress and exploit the people and steal their land. After making a series of demands, the tribal people of the area took matters into their own hands, forcing out government agents and police. CPI(Marxist) officials were run out of the villages and some killed. Their offices as well as many police stations were torched. Trees were felled to block roads and prevent security forces from re-entering the area.
The CPI(Maoist) have broad support in the Lalgarh area due to their uncompromising stand against rich landlords and corrupt officials. They recently claimed the area as the first liberated zone in West Bengal. The Maoist party was declared a nationally banned organisation under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act by the Indian government on 20 June 2009. The Indian government describes them as the greatest threat to the country's internal security. Gour Chakraborty, described as a CPI (Maoist) spokesperson, was arrested as he was leaving a radio studio where he had been interviewed. Many other suspected supporters have also been arrested.
Following is a condensed version of an article appearing in People's Truth Bulletin No. 5, April-June 2009. It gives their views on the situation in the Lalgarh area and its background, and traces events in late 2008. For the full article, go to http://peoples- truth.googlepage s.com.
What sparked off the rebellion was the brutal reign of terror unleashed by the police in the Lalgarh region committing indescribable atrocities against innocent people in the aftermath of the blast. Along with state terror, the social-fascist [socialist in name, fascist in deeds] goons belonging to the CPI(Marxist) had pounced on the villages with firearms, abducting and beating up people on suspicion of being sympathetic to the Maoists. On 3 November, West Midnapore police raided far-flung villages of Lalgarh at the Belpahari end of Jangalmahal, and detained 15 people. Three of these were high school kids who were tortured badly and charged with sedition or waging war against the state, conspiracy and use of explosives. They were returning in the evening after attending a village festival when police picked them up with four other "suspects". These incidents provoked the initial protests. But the police continued with their terror campaign.
The turning point came when the Lalgarh police tortured 11 adivasi women during the night of 6 November in Chhoto Pelia. Mrs Chitamoni Murmu, a poor Santhal woman, lost her vision after policeman struck her in the left eye with a rifle butt. Some, like Panmani Hansda, suffered fractures. This brutal incident set off a prairie fire spreading to the rest of West Midnapore and neighbouring Bankura and Purulia districts too.
The month-long agitation was initially spearheaded by locals under the banner of the Sara Bharat Jakat Majhi Madowa Juran Gaonta, a Santhal organisation of adivasi elders, but was later led by an independent organisation that was set up exclusively to fight state repression – Polishi Santras Birodhi Janasadharaner Committee or People's Committee Against Police Atrocities.
A 12-point People's Charter was drawn up. Among other things, it called for withdrawal of all "false cases" foisted on the people since 1998, adequate compensation to the victims of police atrocities, an immediate halt to police raids on clubs run by Santhals, an agreement not to carry out raids without the presence of Majhi Maroas [a tribal organisation] , etc. But the committee's most important demand was that the Superintendent of Police of West Midnapore, Rajesh Singh, and the culprits responsible for the outrage on women, should hold their ears and crawl with their nose to the ground all the way from Dalilpur Chowk to Chhotopelia Chowk apologizing for the police raids and detentions since the landmine blast on 2 November. They demanded that the chief minister too should apologise for the high-handedness of his police officials. And though most of the other demands were met, it was this demand that became the driving force behind the agitation that went on for almost two months.
To lead the movement, committees known as Gram Committees (GCs) were formed at the grass-roots level. Each committee had five men and five women, something unheard of in the highly patriarchal and male-dominated semi-feudal social set-up in India. Moreover, every committee had to get its decisions ratified at a general assembly of the people that acted as the supreme decision-making body. Such Gram Committees based on genuine democratic values and traditions were formed in the villages of Belpahari, Binpur, Lalgarh, Jamboni, Salboni, Goaltore and adjoining blocks. 85 GCs were formed in Lalgarh block alone and 65 GCs in Belpahari block.
From Lalgarh, the agitation soon spread to Goaltore, Garbeta, Salboni, Gopiballavpur and Nayagram blocks. Attempts by the government and CPI(Marxist) goons to isolate the adivasis from the Maoists had miserably failed. A 65-kilmetre stretch of road from Banspahari to Lalgarh was blocked by villagers during the agitation.
The People's Committee Against Police Atrocities which led the protests in Lalgarh remained uncompromising on its major demand that the SP of West Midnapore should apologise before the people by doing sit-ups. Given the incessant harassment, humiliation, torture and arrests of poor and helpless adivasis by the police for decades, such a demand came as no surprise.
The agitation drew wide support from various sections of people throughout the entire state. Students from all over West Midnapore, Purulia, Bankura and other districts of the state came out in large numbers expressing solidarity with the Lalgarh uprising. Students from Kolkata's elite institutions like Presidency College and Jadavpur University and some rights activists went to Belpahari in support of the movement. The Jharkhand Disam Party called a 12-hour bandh [strike] in the district on 16 November. Traffic on the NH-6 was disrupted as the Kurmi Chhatra Yuva Sangram Committee blocked the highway at Lodhasuli point in Jhargram. The town of Jhargram remained inaccessible as the Lodhasuli-Jhargram Road was blocked with tree trunks dumped at Kalaboni and Belphari-Jhargram Road.
By the end of November, the agitation had spread to over 400 villages. Deputy Superintendent Shyamal Ghosh, now posted at Lalgarh police station, said: "The large area that includes Belpahari, Banspahari, Lalgarh, Binpur and Shilda has become a free-zone for Maoists. We can't go even 500 metres from the police station because of the roadblocks." "We don't call it a tribal movement," said Sidhu Soren, secretary of the apex committee elected by the Dalilpur meet. "Most villagers, cutting across caste and creed, have endorsed our charter of demands against the police. We will continue with the blockade 'till the administration concedes to our demands."
Unable to suppress the mass agitation, the social-fascist CPI(Marxist) government had drawn up a heinous plan of pitting adivasis against adivasis as done by the BJP-Congress governing coalition in Chhattisgarh in the name of the salwa judum that had earned world-wide condemnation. Hordes of CPI(Marxist) goons pounced on the villages and unleashed a wave of terror on the tribal masses. At least 50 truckloads of armed CPM men, flaunting the banner of Adivasi O Anadivasi Shramajibi Janasadharan, and accompanied by policemen, cleared all the blockades along the entire 22-km stretch from Gurguripal near Midnapore town to Dherua on 4 December. They issued warnings of death to the adivasis if they continued with the agitation. A similar operation has been planned from Kalabani, where two top district officials had been arrested by the people a day before.
On 27 November, bowing to pressure from the People's Committee Against Police Atrocities, the West Bengal government withdrew all thirteen police camps from the Ramgarh, Lalgarh, Belpahari and Salboni areas of West Midnapore as protestors dug up the road branching off from NH 6 to Jhargram, cutting off the town from the rest of the state. These camps were set up on 10 November. The PCAPA demanded that the police camps be withdrawn within 24 hours or they would confine police officers in the camps and boycott police and civil administration. The setting up of police camps in school buildings had prevented the children from continuing their studies at schools and drew the anger of the masses. Most of the 700-odd policemen posted at these camps and outposts moved out. "The withdrawal of the police camp was a virtual 'surrender' to the Maoists as this was part of the Maoist-backed PCAPA's 12-point demand," decried a newspaper.
Seven of those arrested by the West Midnapore police who were produced in court and remanded in police custody untill 14 November were released. The charges of sedition, conspiracy, illegal assembly, use of explosives and the attack on the minister foisted upon them had to be dropped after ten days as no evidence could be found against any of them.
Despite this, the mass agitation continued demanding punishment of the police officials responsible for the torture of adivasi women. To appease the agitators, the state government ordered an inquiry into the torture on 1 December, but the PCAPA dubbed this move nothing but a farce intended to hush up the case since the so-called probe was conducted by an officer of the department charged with some of the torture.
The mass agitation became further intensified as adivasis blocked fresh roads at Sankrail and Nayagram on 1 December. They also demanded the withdrawal of the main police camp from Lalgarh town. The town of Jhargram was cut off again from the rest of the state. The fury of the people also took the form of several attacks on CPI(Marxist) offices and goons. When CPI(Marxist) cadres forcibly cleared the road blockades put up by the tribals in the area, the latter set ablaze a CPI(Marxist) office in the Belatikri area of Binpur, West Midnapore on 1 December.
The month-long adivasi agitation under the banner of the PCAPA at Lalgarh, Jhargram, Belpahari, Binpur and adjoining blocks of Midnapore West was called off on the evening of 7 December. Agreement was reached on ten issues, including the release of three schoolboys, the withdrawal of the cases against others held on charges of involvement in the land-mine blast of 2 November, the withdrawal of the police camps, meeting the medical expenses of villagers injured during police raids, the removal of the Lalgarh inspector-in- charge, an end to night raids by the police, the setting up of an enquiry committee to investigate the atrocities committed by the police as well as CPI(Marxist) cadres and compensation for the damage to the houses during police raids, and so on. The administration agreed to consider the criminal cases filed against the adivasis and other indigenous people for their alleged Maoist links since 1998, particularly in cases where charge sheets have not been submitted. The committee, headed by the principal secretary of the backward class [lower caste] welfare department, was to begin meeting on 15 December. After the committee report is submitted, the PCAPA demand for compensation to each of the affected people will be considered by the government. West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadev himself apologized for the police atrocities on adivasi women.
A day after the truce in Lalgarh came a huge government bounty for adivasi development in trouble-torn Jangalmahal. West Midnapore district magistrate Narayan Swaroop Nigam announced the package for Lalgarh, Belpahari, Jamboni and the adjoining areas of Jhargram. The package includes augmenting drinking water facilities, setting up new hostels for tribal students and upgrading the existing ones, and a land development programme to facilitate cultivation.
The Lalgarh uprising stands out as a shining example of how people can ensure their lives and liberty in face of ever-growing state terror and state-sponsored terror by waging a resolute, united, militant mass resistance movement. It demonstrates how the masses of ordinary people can become part of the decision-making process and how they can make history by active participation in the people's movements at the grass-roots level. Today, as the reactionary ruling classes of India, in collusion with the imperialists, conspire to strengthen the state apparatus in order to unleash the cruelest state terror to suppress the struggling masses in the name of the "fight against terror", Lalgarh shows a way to unite the masses into organized resistance.
One image stands out from the Lalgarh resistance. Chattradhar Mahato, the most visible leader of the People's Committee Against Police Atrocities (PCAPA), distributing food to ordinary villagers -- not as a high-up leader doing charity but as one among them. Is this the 'new' image of the Maoist? But maybe Mahato is not a Maoist -- he himself denies being one. But if he is not, given his power and influence in the area, the 'dictatorial' Maoists must have eliminated him by now? Then maybe he is only being used by them, following their 'diktat' out of fear. But a man with the kind of popularity and love from the masses would fear the Maoists? So, is he a Maoist, or like a Maoist, after all? But a Maoist who is this popular among the masses and who does not seem to terrorise them?
Lalgarh defied the long-standing shackles on social movements in the country that would ultimately restrict their forms of struggle within the confines given by the lines of command emanating from the Indian state's monopoly over violence. Lalgarh showed that, when the democratic struggle of the masses runs into conflict with the repressive apparatus of the state which has lost all democratic legitimacy, the struggle assumes the form of a violent mass movement. This violent action, being the expression of heightened mass democratic struggle, bringing down structures that anyway have lost all basis, is in every sense a political struggle, an armed struggle if you like, but has nothing to do with a so-called 'conflict situation' where ordinary civilians are shown as only trapped and suffering.
Take the violent Dharampur mass action of June 19, an event many on the left and right decried as a Maoist take-over and an end to the democratic struggle. When this action triggered an offensive by security forces to 'reclaim' the area, did the situation turn into a conflict zone between the state and the armed Maoists, with 'ordinary civilians' trapped and waiting for outside aid? This then is the crucial point: Lalgarh refused to lend itself to the usual narrative which presents every armed struggle into a depoliticized 'conflict situation' with images of suffering women and children waiting for the international community and NGO aid workers to come and save them.
The image of the 'ordinary civilian' here was not one of 'refusing to take sides' and rushing to grab the first bit of relief supplies, but one exemplified by someone like Malati. Clearly showing where her political sympathies lay, Malati stayed on in the PCAPA-run camp and refused the administration's medical help as she gave birth to a baby -- the ambulance waiting for her went back empty (The Statesman, Kolkata, June 30, 2009). Malati's 'humanitarian needs' were fulfilled by the very struggle which carried out the 'violent mass action' -- no space for NGOs and the welfarist state, exemplifying the autonomous character of the resistance. What happened was not just that 'ordinary civilians' and adivasis supported the Maoists; the very image of a Maoist underwent a change so that anybody, including women and children, could be a Maoist.
'Ordinary Civilians', Maoists
The question then: do ordinary civilians stand opposed to and separate from the Maoists? This point becomes pertinent from another angle. Large sections of democratic forces in the country opposing the security-centric solution to the upsurge in Lalgarh proclaim the need to always separate the ordinary villagers/adivasis from the Maoists. The chief minister, Buddhadev Bhattacharya, is attacked for conflating the two and using the 'bogey of Maoists' to victimize ordinary civilians and crush the democratic struggle of the masses.
Lalgarh thus throws several questions: Is the tribal morphing into the Maoist? Is the groundswell of support for the Maoists such that the adivasis will mostly be Maoists? In today's situation, is it possible to be other than Maoist and still assert the kind of political resistance and autonomy that the masses of Lalgarh are presenting today?
The question really is: where and how does the adivasi in resistance stand vis-à-vis the Maoist? What if the separation of the two is integral to the present statist approach to the Maoists, so central to it that it has to be invented and enforced where one does not exist? Then, the democratic rights approach calling on the state to make this separation, and spare 'innocent civilians', may be a dangerous double-edged sword.
Now what Lalgarh showed is that separating the adivasis from Maoists is no great democratic act, but is in fact what allows the state to undertake severe repression and at the same time claim that it acted in the interests of ordinary civilians. Thus where this separation cannot be made, the state in fact invents it. This was clear from the responses of state officials. When the West Bengal home secretary Ardhendu Sen admitted that "it is tough to distinguish between the PCAPA and the Maoists", it was clear that the separation does not hold (The Statesman, Kolkata, 19 June 2009). And yet, even though ordinary people cannot be separated from Maoists, the State chief secretary invented this separation, when he stated, in the same news report, that security forces would "ensure security for ordinary people". Further, "he stated that common villagers are not involved directly involved with the violence but they are the victims of the violent activities of the Maoists".
There were reports of the "Maoists support base in women and children" (The Statesman, 28 June 2009). This support base meant that state officials could hardly find locals for gathering crucial intelligence inputs about the Maoists after the CPIM network collapsed; a senior state officer was quoted stating that "unless we have local sources, it is going to be extremely difficult to identify the Maoists, who have mingled with the villagers. Although these (new) men are from Lalgarh, we haven't got people from the core area. Those villages are still out of bounds"(The Telegraph, Friday June 26, 2009).
In this light, as in the case of Malati, it is not really the armed Maoist who is most dangerous in Lalgarh; it is the 'ordinary civilian', the PCAPA supporter who is indistinguishable form the Maoist supporter. Is Malati a Maoist? If she refuses health care offered during her most vulnerable moment, then what is the state supposed to do to win back her support? If 'ordinary civilians' do not want to get out of the 'conflict situation', and want to take sides, maybe not in any dramatic manner but at least by wanting to err on the side of the 'violent Maoists', then the task of separating the Maoists from the civilians becomes tough -- and in fact politically reactionary.
What the state realized in Lalgarh was that if anyone can be a Maoist, and if the separation does not hold, then the way to go, under a democracy, is to technically enforce a 'separation'. A technical solution: reports tell us that the security forces in parts of Lalgarh would sprinkle a special kind of an imported dye from a helicopter in areas where Maoists are present. This dye makes a mark on the skin which stays for almost a year. Well, now you can clearly separate Maoists from the 'ordinary civilians'!
Inventing and enforcing a separation therefore allows the state to repress a popular movement in the name of winning over or defending ordinary civilians. This enforced separation is such that even when the adivasi in Lalgarh stands with the Maoist or is a Maoist it is regarded not as the condition of the adivasi in the given conjuncture, as part of what it means to be an adivasi, his being or life, but negatively understood as the fallout of government policies. Thus an adivasi Maoist is treated as just waiting to be rescued or won back into the democratic mainstream by benign policies and favours.
Images of Adivasi and Forms of Struggle
Now the Maoist cadre can and must be distinguished from the 'ordinary villager' or adivasi. However some quarters are not just making this distinction but heavily invested in proactively separating the two -- trying to understand Lalgarh through it. This is happening since this separation is sustained by at least two other long established images of the 'ordinary villager' and in particular of the adivasi.
In one case, this separation is sustained by presenting a now familiar image of the ordinary villager or adivasi as the victim, the displaced, a negative fallout of the Nehruvian belief in science and industrial development. In the second case, there is the image of the adivasi resisting 'modern development and industrialisation' and engaging in democratic forms of struggle, engaging in non-hierarchical and autonomous welfarist activities outside the state and statist logic.
The first image informs some 'pro-poor', welfare policies of the state, for the 'upliftment of tribals and displaced', the kinds declared in rehabilitation packages or 'poverty alleviation' programmes. The second one comes from the dissident, anti-state left where being the marginalized and the subaltern ('outside' of modernity and capital) in itself is supposed to form the basis of 'political' struggle. These two images, often running counter to each other, however start converging as they get invested in and start deriving their rationale and intensity from their ability to ideologically pit the benign, democracy-loving 'ordinary villager' or adivasi against the supposed violence, top-down terror methods and repressive character of the Maoists.
However the events in Lalgarh have shown that this separation pushes back the 'ordinary villagers' into political infancy, not allowing them to break with the statist logic and the morass of parliamentary democracy. For once the 'ordinary villagers' or adivasis break with being mere victims and act autonomously as political subjects, they very soon come into conflict with the logic of not just the state but also of oppressive power relations more generally. Deep-rooted power structures that have found their expression in the abstraction called the state do not fade away progressively through democratic practice and rational deliberation; they exist with a necessity, a knotted base which cannot be untangled unproblematically, without a rupture.
Dharampur marked this rupture where the use of force bringing down the now decrepit power structures was anticipated by the democratic struggle and marked its intensification and qualitative expansion. From the perspective of the longer struggle, the use of violence at this stage is only a gentle push to bring down terribly weakened but knotty oppressive structure -- a push to eliminate the now even more intolerable limits imposed on the democratic practices of the masses. The mass violence at Dharampur was such an intensification of the autonomous practices of the Lalgarh adivasis. This 'ordinary villager' or adivasi who refuses to limit his democratic practices and struggle within the lines of command given by the state and its oppressive relations, at this point, emerges as the Maoist. In the given conjuncture, the 'Maoist' is the articulation of the ordinary villager or adivasi as the political subject.
What Lalgarh showed is the interplay and interrelation between the 'peaceful' and 'violent' methods of struggle. This means that it is not possible to separate the democratic struggle from the Maoist moment in it. However the state as the defender of oppressive relations in its most generalized form, isolates the violent methods of the Maoists and tries to show it in isolation from the larger struggle of the people against oppression. In a bid to force 'ordinary villagers' to restrict their democratic struggle and practices within the limits set by the state and its agencies, by the limits of parliamentary democracy, the state wants to target Maoists. This is where the state and, perhaps not surprisingly, the democratic rights activists make the separation between ordinary villagers waiting to be uplifted and the violent Maoists exploiting their plight.
It is against such deft ideological operations that it needs to be pointed out that the 'violent Maoist' is actually an emergent quality of the democratic struggle and autonomous political practices of the 'ordinary villager' or adivasi in Lalgarh. For, the moment you separate the two, you are back to enclave democracy, NGOisation. It is here that we have to ask what it means to oppose the state for using the 'bogey of Maoists' in order to kill and repress ordinary villagers and ordinary civilians. Now, the state does not always kill civilians; nor does it right away go after anyone who calls himself a Maoist (didn't the Bengal government arrest Gour Chakraborty1 only at an opportune time?). The state invariably kills, as we see in Lalgarh, when civilians, ordinary villagers, adivasis, enter into a symbiotic relationship with the Maoists; or when the Maoists enter into such a relationship with ordinary villagers. That is, 'ordinary villagers' now are no ordinary villagers engaged in 'participatory democracy' or 'rural empowerment' but are challenging the very framework given by the state as the generalized expression of power relations; similarly the Maoists are not a small band of abstract believers in violence roaming the countryside recruiting children and poverty-stricken tribals for a Cause but are now engaged in a real struggle on the side of the masses.
Therefore the state does not really kill ordinary villagers in the name of killing Maoists; it kills those who are 'supporters' of the Maoists, those who are part of the larger, longer struggle which at some point or other assumes the name of Maoist. To be sure there are armed Maoist combatants and unarmed civilians and one needs to differentiate the two. However if the democratic struggle and the 'violent' struggle so often get intertwined and intersperse each other, if the Maoist moment is an integral moment of the overall struggle, then unarmed civilians are an integral part of the Maoist movement.
To say that the Maoist is the name for the articulation of the ordinary villager/adivasi as a political subject is to say that autonomous democratic practices do not close shop once the repressive state moves in, the form of struggle often alternates between 'peaceful' and 'violent' ones, and armed revolutionaries as much as unarmed civilians form part of the struggle. Thus the resistance in Lalgarh was such that it was extremely difficult to sustain the separation between the Maoists and the adivasi population.
Benign Government
Even as there is mounting evidence that ordinary adivasis are part of Maoist politics in the area, the government today is forced to somehow act as though the adivasis are waiting to be won over through the right development policies, employment opportunities. First security forces were sent in to flush out Maoists. With hardly any encounters with the Maoists, the armed forces basically marched endlessly from one village to the next, across empty fields and villages whose male members had mostly fled. It is anybody's guess where the male members had escaped to! After the 'success' of this 'flushing out' operation, sincere attempts are being made to reach out to the people there with all kinds of development plans, employment generation, food and medical provisions. Under express directions form the chief minister, the secretaries from different ministers are posted in the different villages finding out the problems and needs of the people there.
One should not here doubt the sincerity of the CPIM to really follow the democratic rights perspective here in separating ordinary villagers and the Maoists. In fact it declared that it wants to fight the Maoists politically, grudgingly accepting the centre's ban on the Maoists. So much so that the state government declared that it does not want to apply the UAPA, except in rare cases and that too the police will not have the authority to decide its use which will be decided by the government at the highest level.
Now all these welfarist proposals derive their rationale from the belief that ordinary villagers/adivasis stand opposed to the Maoists or got temporarily duped into supporting Maoists. However in a total reversal of this separation theory, in Lalgarh ordinary villagers not only rejected the welfarist state but upheld the Maoists precisely in their supposed violent avatar.
That is, while, on the one hand, you had the case of Malati rejecting the most benign offer the state can ever make, the 0ffer of medical care to the mother and new-born baby, on the other hand, you had 'ordinary civilians' cheering and celebrating (ululate) the mass action at Dharampur, destroying the house of the CPIM leader Anuj Pandey. Where does one draw the line between ordinary villagers and 'violent Maoists' when women who reject welfare measures offered by the state are more than participative in violent programmes of the Maoists? The Hindustan Times reports from Dharampur, "A huge crowd gathered below in the area now under Section 144 lustily cheering each blow that fell on the white two-story house, quite out of place in this land of deprivation under Lalgarh police station. By sundown, the hammers had chopped off the first floor, leaving behind a skeleton of what was a 'posh' house in the morning" (Hindustan Times, 16 June 2009).
Conclusion
Thus the approach of trying to defend the human rights of 'ordinary civilians' by arguing that they are not with the Maoists allows the state to justify repression of the Maoists in the name of defending the rights of these civilians. Far from this separation being something which the state must be forced to adopt, the state in fact was seen in Lalgarh to enforce it. Lalgarh showed that when the 'ordinary civilians' rejected the state even at its welfarist best and made it difficult to separate them from the Maoists, the state was forced to invent a technical separation (a particular dye mark on the body identifying a Maoist). This however did not work.
Those on the left who support the democratic struggle in Lalgarh but deplore its supposed Maoist takeover, too, vociferously uphold this separation. What this separation does is prevent the interplay between different forms of struggle, 'peaceful' and 'violent', and constrict it within the limits set by the decrepit structures of state power. In the name of defending the democratic struggle from the authoritarian Maoists, it actually precludes the autonomous emergence of this struggle, a full-fledged political struggle against and beyond the limits set by state power.
Lalgarh showed that the Maoist is the name for the articulation of the democratic struggle which now refuses to give up even when it comes face to the face with the state exercising its monopoly of violence. Opening a novel chapter in the interrelationship between the 'Maoist party' and mass resistance, the Maoist 'take-over' of the 'democratic struggle' was actually the latter's articulation beyond the last limits set up by given structures of power, the refusal of the struggle to recoil and rescind in the face of this power, refusal to remain merely another enclosure of democracy, the site of 'primitive accumulation' for capital and its democratic claims. It is a movement and a resistance where ordinary civilians no longer appear ordinary, and where the Maoists do not appear crudely vanguardist. Lalgarh today helps us rethink the entire question of political subjectivity, party, and the masses -- but above all of democracy and its concrete realisation through mass action.
1 Gour Chakraborty, a veteran and widely respected Communist in his early 70s, had been a leading figure of the Ganapratirodh Mancha (Democratic Resistance Front), a coalition of left revolutionary groups in Kolkata. On December 26, 2008 West Bengal chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee said that the government wished to deal with the Lalgarh rebellion "politically." Gour Chakraborty then announced that he had quit the Democratic Resistance Front to become the public spokesperson for the Communist Party of India (Maoist) in West Bengal, offered to meet with the chief minister, and said "we are giving the CPM a chance to deal with us politically." But despite efforts from other constituents of the Left Front in West Bengal, the leadership of the CPM refused to enter into political discussions with Chakraborty. On June 23, 2009 the West Bengal government arrested Chakraborty, using the provisions of the draconian anti-terrorism Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, as he was leaving a talk show on a TV channel. [ed.]
FIRE AND FOREBODING - The CPI(M) itself is responsible for the predicament it is in | |
| - Ashok Mitra | |
Legal rhetoric is not the real issue though. Spokesmen of the administration led by the Communist Party of India (Marxist) in West Bengal had been importunating for the despatch of Central forces to quell the rebellion in Lalgarh. We have obviously travelled aeons since the days the Left questioned the very right of the Centre to raise police and security forces on the ground that law and order were an exclusively State subject. In response to the state government's plea, CRPF personnel have entered West Bengal, taken charge in Lalgarh and its neighbourhood, and are currently engaged in combing operations with gusto. The drama, however, has only reached Act One, Scene Three. Having answered the state government's prayer, New Delhi is now intent on extracting its pound of flesh. The Maoists are a national menace; to combat that menace, other states have banned them in terms of the relevant Central legislation. West Bengal too must fall in and apply the same legislation; the West Bengal government has agreed to do so. From the first day of Independence, the Left has fought against what it used to describe as the obnoxiousness of preventive detention. The regime in West Bengal, led by the CPI(M), has now gone on reverse gear. It is, in consequence, in the tentacles of a double jeopardy. The perverse logic they subscribe to induces the Maoists to target the Marxists as their biggest enemies. The grisly, indiscriminate killings of Marxist cadre in and around Lalgarh have no other explanation. But are the Marxists sufficiently aware of the other peril lying in wait for them? The Congress leadership mapping the strategy in New Delhi wants to liquidate not just the Maoists but the entire Left, including the CPI(M). To make a particular coalition partner happy is only one part of it. The 'soft Hindutva' line of the Bharatiya Janata Party does not worry the Congress; it is confident about containing that challenge — if necessary, by organizing a spell of round-the-clock temple-hopping by the Nehru-Gandhis. There is, in any event, no class divide as far as the BJP is concerned. That is not the case with the Left, which, at the national level, continues to put up irritating roadblocks to thwart the completion of the 'economic reforms' agenda, class interest according to demands choking the Left wherever possible. The Marxists would therefore be living in a fool's paradise if they think that once Lalgarh is cleared of Maoists, the Centre would shake hands in a gentlemanly way and withdraw its forces from West Bengal. The aforesaid coalition partner, fired up further by the results of the state municipal polls, will turn more raucous with every passing day. It will, rest assured, plot to create a situation in the state where the demand will intensify to bring certain parts of the state under the purview of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. Chaos will mount, and the Left Front administration will be fighting simultaneously on several fronts; New Delhi, it is a fair surmise, expects it to collapse reasonably soon. Is not the CPI(M) itself responsible for most of the predicaments it finds itself in? It was inordinately confident of its ability to persuade the Congress to rein in enthusiasm for both neo-liberal economic policies and the strategic alliance with the United States of America. And in spite of its severe disappointment, elements in the party still seem to think all was not lost, the Congress might yet bail the Left out at the very last moment. Even more worrying is the gradual withering away of the party's mass base in what was hitherto its strongest bastion, West Bengal. The Left Front administration's desperate move to re-establish its control over certain parts of the state through induction of Central forces, with all its implications, is a sad admission of that reality. The CPI(M)'s political line for coping with the Maoist threat is unexceptionable: to isolate the Maoists from the people. In this context, should not the prime task of the party and the state administration have been to use all the energy and resources in their command to improve the conditions of the wretchedly poor adivasis in areas such as Lalgarh? The panchayats should have been made the focal point of welfare and developmental activities, with party leaders and cadre acting as the eye and ear of the masses. Nothing of the sort, it is now clear, took place. Funds allocated to the panchayat bodies under different heads were either not spent or disappeared in mysterious directions. Party leaders generally played a passive — if not negative — role. Many of them imbibed the habits and attitudes of feudal overlords and allowed a social distance to grow between them and the people. What Gunder Frank had called the development of under-development expanded its empire. This, in sum, is the story that unfolded over the past decade or thereabouts in several districts of the state. Lalgarh has, for the present, been freed from Maoist clutches through Central help. The prior question, though, is to ask how the Maoists got their opportunity to penetrate into territories where the CPI(M) had once overwhelming mass support. The answer is simple: instead of isolating the Maoists, the CPI(M) succeeded in getting itself isolated from the people. When Maoist mayhem was at its peak at Lalgarh last month, television cameras had occasion to zoom their sight on a particular event: a frenzied mob setting fire to an apparently newly built, dazzlingly white palatial building, standing in unabashed and isolated splendour in the midst of squalor and destitution all around: parched earth, dishevelled huts, rickety children with not a stitch on, men and women with sunken cheeks and deep hungry looks. Then came the astounding revelation: that mansion was owned by the CPI(M)'s zonal secretary — by profession, trader, and by caste, high Brahmin; the party's zonal office too was located there. When the Left Front assumed charge of the state administration in 1977, it made a commitment to itself: notwithstanding the restraints set by the Constitution, it would carve out a Left alternative for social and economic development that would inspire the rest of the nation. Its initial years, marked by land reforms, speedy decentralization of administration and animation of the panchayat institutions, enabled it to make great strides toward that direction. Something obviously snapped in the later years. It could be the lure of economic liberalization in spite of the general party line: class awareness wobbled, and hubris set in. The panchayats, once considered the salvation of the people, can no longer claim to be as clean as a hound's tooth. The state administration, as a whole, is in a state of atrophy. The CPI(M)'s state leadership, which was expected to act as a moral guide, is transformed into an unfeeling bureaucracy. Does not one almost hear the whispered foreboding of an excruciating tragedy? Objective conditions in the country call for radical initiatives on the part of the Marxists and their allies. Were they to fail to fulfil that task, the nation's millions, hapless victims of deprivation and relentless exploitation, would conceivably have no alternative but to migrate toward the direction of those who promise nothing beyond murderous anarchy. | |
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Economic Infrastructure of West Bengal
| Economic Profile | Economic Infrastructure | Institutes and Universities |
Kolkatta Port
Kolkata Port - the oldest port in India came in existence in the year 1870. It is the only riverine major Port in India situated 232 Kms. inside the river Hooghly from Sand head. The Kolkata Dock System is situated on the left bank of the Hooghly river 150 Km. from the Middleton Fairway buoy. In 1998-99 the Kolkata Port handled 9.163 million tons of cargo. In 1999-2000 the cargo had increased to 10.311 million tons.
The facilities of Kolkata Port can be grouped into four locational sets:
Kidderpore Dock in Kolkata
Netaji Subhash Dock in Kolkata
Petroleum wharf at Baj Baj
Anchorage at Diamond Harbour.
Kolkata Port is connected through Eastern railways. By road it is connected to North Eastern States and Western India through National highways NH-34 and NH-2, respectively. Through Inland waters it is connected to National Water way No.1, No.2, Sunderbans and to Bangladesh.
In Kolkata Dock System, Kidderpore Dock contains 18 births, 6 Buoy Mrgs and 3 Dry Docks. Netaji Subhash Docks contains 14 births, 2 Buoy Mrgs and 2 Dry Docks. Baj Baj River Mrgs consist 6 Petroleum wharves.
To cope with the requirement of the trade, the Kolkata Port started container handling facilities. In its modernization program a new approach jetty at Netaji Subash Dock to induct modern multipurpose vessels for marine services is completed. Kolkata Port is also the first in India to introduce VTMS System for a better service to maritime shipping. It also set up the facilities of Floating Storage Offtake.
The Kolkata Port provides appropriate navigational aids as: Light House, Light Vessels, Automatic Tide Gauges, Semaphores, River Marks, Wireless VHF network, Syledis Chain System, Differential Global Position Fixing System (DGPS), Vessel Traffic Management System etc.
The Port also maintains a flotilla consisting of dredgers, pilot vessels, survey research vessels, togs, launches etc.
Haldia Port
Haldia Dock Complex was commissioned in the year 1977 on the western bank of river Hooghly 50 kms from the pilot Boarding Point. The Haldia Dock Complex was projected to cater to the increasing foreign trade. Haldia Dock Complex was the first modern port project taken up in India having the facilities to handle all types of traffic and bulk cargo. It is also the first dock system in India to provide full-fledged container handling facilities.
There are twelve berths in Haldia Dock System. Nine berths are inside the compounded dock system and the oil jetties are situated on the Hooghly river bank. Out of nine berths inside the dock, two are mechanized coal handling births, berth no.9 is primarily used as a container handling berth, berth no.6 and 7 handle liquid bulk cargo. Others are used for general cargo and containers .
The facilities at Haldia Dock Complex can be grouped as :
Haldia Oil Jetties - 3 Reverine jetties
Impounded Dock - 9 berths and 3 under construction
Haldia Barge Jetties - 2 Reverine Barge jetties for handling of oil barges
Haldia anchorage for LASH Vessels
Haldia Dock Complex handled 20.224 million tons of cargo in 1998-99 which increased to 20.690 million tons in 1999-2000. By commissioning of third oil jetty at Haldia Dock complex the total annual capacity of POL crude handling by 3 jetties is now 16 million tons. In modernization plan two more berths will be constructed which will increase the handling capacity by another two million tons
Transport infrastructure
Surfaced roads/ 00 sq km: 50.7
Road length per 1000 km : 893
Durgapur Expressway
The Project
The Kolkata Durgapur Expressway, which is a 65 km, two- lane stretch connecting Dankuni to Palsit was completed in 1999 and has the status of a National Highway. It provides a much shorter and faster route from Kolkata to Durgapur.
Kolkata – Durgapur Expressway had originally been designed as a high speed high capacity 6-lane facility starting from NH2 By-pass near Dankuni meeting with NH2 at Palsit. In 1975 Ministry of Surface Transport (MoST), GoI, declared Kolkata-Durgapur Expressway a National Highway. In 1986, Ministry of Surface Transport, Government of India (MoST) sanctioned the project as a two-lane expressway. It was proposed that toll charges would be levied on the vehicles using the expressway facility.
Some Features of the project:
The expressway has service road from km 5 to km 13 on both sides.
There are eight at-grade intersections with State Roads, one road over-bridge and one underpass.
Viability of this project on BOT lies in direct tolling.
Panagarh – Moregam Road
This 150 km road project has been implemented. It involved improvement of State Highway from Panagarh on NH-2 to Moregram on NH-34. The work constituted widening of the existing single lane carriageway to two lanes with hard shoulder, strengthening existing pavement. This was done to take care of the projected traffic, improvement of geometric deficiencies, replacement/ rehabilitation of narrow and weak bridges, culverts etc., by-passing congested areas and replacing rail-road level – crossings by road over-bridges.
The project was financed by Asian Development Bank with a loan assistance of 80% of the cost of civil works and consultancy services of both international and domestic consultants.
Salient Features:
Length of the road 150 Km
Top formation width 12 m
Black Top 10 m
Major Bridges 3
Minor Bridges 15
Kona Expressway
Since 1970 CMDA has taken up program for improving transport infrastructure within Kolkata with the linkages to areas of importance. Kona Expressway is one of them.
Features
The viability of Vidyasagar Setu depends quite an extent on the completion of 7.3 km long Kona Expressway beginning at the new bridge (at the western end of toll plaza) and ending on NH 6 at Nibra (Kona). When operational, this vital link would function as the arterial dispersal route for Vidyasagar Setu providing a far better alternative to both Andul Road and Makardah Road.
Urban Infrastructure
30 Mgd Water Supply Project In Haldia
Presently, the 20 MGD water treatment plant at Geonkhali, in Haldia, supplies water for industrial and domestic use to the Haldia Area. It takes raw water from river Rupnarayan/Hoogly and treats it.
With the new large industrial units that are coming up in the region, is it estimated that the current water supply will soon be inadequate to service all Haldia's water requirements.
The Project
To cater to growing demand for water, a new plant with a capacity of 30 MGD has been proposed by Haldia Development Authority (HDA), which shall increase the overall water treatment capacity from 20 MGD to 50 MGD.
Features
95% of the water supply from the new plant is expected to be for industrial sector use.
Raw water source is River Hoogly on the banks of which Haldia is located.
The project is proposed to be implemented through private sector participation and financing.
Housing And Real Estate
Udayan Kolkata
Bengal Ambuja Housing Development Limited is a Joint Enterprise of the West Bengal Housing Board and Gujarat Ambuja Cement Limited, incorporated in 1993, to supplement the efforts of Housing Board to meet the housing demand in West Bengal particularly in urban areas. Udayan is their recently implemented housing project in Kolkata aimed at providing cost-effective yet comfortable housing to people.
The Project
It is a self-content project covering a 25.75 acre plot of land. It consists of three modules named "Utsarg", "Utsav" and "Udita" for the LIG, MIG and HIG categories respectively.
The prices of LIG (264 units of 345 sq. ft. each) and MIG (624 units of 625 sq. ft. each) categories are subsidised and fixed as per the direction of the West Bengal Housing Board between Rs. 1.10 — 1.25 lacs and between Rs. 3.00 — 3.30 lacs respectively. The HIG units are priced in the range of Rs. 1000—1300 per sq. ft.
Multi-faceted City Centre Project
The Rs 80 crore Multi - faceted City Centre project, a unique concourse of shopping mall, cineplex, entertainment arena, food court, offices and residencies, is proposed at Salt Lake. The City Centre is spread over a sprawling 550,000 sq ft. The Centre is a project of the Bengal Ambuja Metro Development Limited project, a joint enterprise of the Calcutta Metropolitan Development Authority (CMDA) and the Gujarat Ambuja Cements Limited.
The construction will commence from Poila Baishakh and expected to be completed by 2003. It is also expected that city development will be faster with joint sector projects, implying more private sector involvement.
The City Centre would mainly comprise of following facilities
- Residences
- Offices
- Shops
- Entertainment
- Food
- Amenities & services
For Shopping, four types of shops are proposed
- Independent store,
- Anchor Shops,
- Bazaar (non-AC), and
- Mall (AC)
Similarly, Anchor shops would also be available in following sizes: 10,000-20,000 sq ft, 20,000 - 30,000 sq ft, 30,000 - 50,000 sq ft and 50,000+ sq ft. These may also be acquired on Ownership, Revenue sharing with deposit or Rental with deposit basis.
Bazzar (non AC) would vary in shops of sizes 100-200 sq ft, 200-300 sq ft, 300-500 sq ft and 500-1,000 sq ft. Mall (AC) would vary in sizes of 1,000-2,000 sq ft, 2,000-3,000 sq ft, 3,000-5,000 sq ft and 5,000+ sq ft. Bazzar and Mall shops may also be acquired on Ownership, Revenue sharing with deposit or Rental with deposit basis
The Shops may be of following types
| Grocery | Liquor |
| Meat, poultry, fresh fish | Cured food |
| Confectionery & backery | snackfood and beverage |
| Menswear | Womenswear |
| Kidswear | Sportswear |
| Footwear | Leather products |
| Jute products | Designerwear and House appliances |
| Entertainment electronics | Glass & china |
| Wrought iron furniture | Pharmacy |
| Ayurvedic products | Homeopathic products |
| Optometrist & optician | Dentistry |
| Consultant allergist | immunologist |
| asthma specialist | Cosmetics |
| Beauty treatment | Fitness and slimming |
| Beauty parlour | Jewellery and ornaments |
| Travel agencies | Money changing |
| Luggage | Camp and trek gear |
| Cars | Scooters & motorcycles |
| Camera and photography | Toys & games |
| Party decor & supplies | Musical instruments |
| Electronic gaggets | Video |
| Music | Creche |
| Books | Magazines |
| Stationery | Phones, mobiles, pagers |
| computer hardware, Computer software, Computer peripherals | computer supplies |
| Computer and IT books | ATM |
| PCO, copying, binding, laminating | Pictureframing |
| Framing & gardening | Tailoring |
| Bicycles |
For entertainment purpose Cineplex, Bowling alley, Beauty parlour, Video games arcade, Karaoke bar, Kid's play area etc are proposed. These facilities may be available in different sizes ranging from 1,000 - 2,000 sq ft, 2,000 - 3,000 sq ft and 3,000-5,000 sq ft and may be acquired on Ownership, Revenue-sharing with deposit or Rental with deposit basis.
For Food, Food court Kiosk and Restaurants are proposed. Food court Kiosk may vary in sizes of 50-100 sq ft, 100-200 sq ft and 200-300 sq ft. Similarly, Restaurants are also proposed in different sizes of 1,500-2,000 sq ft and 3,000-5,000 sq ft. These Food facilities may also be acquired on Ownership, Revenue-sharing with deposit or Rental with deposit basis.
http://www.economywatch.com/stateprofiles/westbengal/economic-infrastructure.html
Mangalkot justifies attack on MLAs | ||
| OUR CORRESPONDENT | ||
Mangalkot, July 24: Scores of women today broke down in front of visiting Left legislators in Mangalkot and said their men had stoned the Congress delegation last week because it was accompanied by those behind a popular CPM leader's murder. "We want the immediate arrest of those who killed Falgunida (Falguni Mukherjee). He was such a good man," sobbed Jharna Pradhan, 47, housewife of a family of CPM supporters at Kherua village. The villagers accused the police of dragging their feet on the murder probe. A resident of Dhanyarukhi village, where the Congress team was chased across paddy fields and assaulted, Mukherjee was known to lend his hand to villagers in distress. "During the floods of 2006, Falgunida had worked like a labourer to repair the embankments of the Ajoy," said Sudarshan Mondal of neighbouring Lakshmipur. The villagers had apparently pleaded in vain with the police accompanying the Congress MLAs to arrest the murder accused with them. "Four of them were there. We shouted at the police pointing them out but they refused to listen to us. We lost our composure after that and started hurling stones," said Jharna Majhi. The villagers identified the four as Biswajit Ghosh, Bhetu Chattoraj, Nazir Sheikh and Nilu Ghosh. The police, who had earlier denied the presence of any of the murder accused among the Congress leaders, today said "they are not sure". "We are investigating the allegation," said a senior Katwa officer. The Congress has accused the CPM of launching a planned assault and forced a bandh on Bengal on July 17. But the outpouring of grief for "gharer chheley (boy next door)" Mukherjee was a common factor in all the villages where the Left leaders went today. Two CPM MPs, five party MLAs and one from the Forward Bloc also spoke to party supporters about restoration of peace in the area, rocked by clashes since the murder. The Congress MLA from neighbouring Katwa, who was among those injured last week, said today's visit was likely to foment more trouble. "Emboldened by it, their supporters will again attack our men and burn their houses." Additional superintendent of police Humayun Kabir denied any laxity in the murder probe. "We have arrested four and are looking for another 10. They are absconding." |
Cong stops rural work |
| OUR CORRESPONDENT |
| Behrampore, July 24: The Congress today stopped work for an indefinite period in nearly 150 gram panchayats and the dozen panchayat samitis it runs in Murshidabad, demanding the release of a leader held on a murder charge. Shiladitya Haldar, the chief of the Behrampore panchayat samiti, was picked up on the night of July 21 in connection with the murder of a CPM local committee member last month. The shutdown forced on development work across most of Murshidabad comes days after Congress ally Mamata Banerjee needled parties that call for strikes "at the drop of a hat". The Congress, which won all three Lok Sabha seats in Murshidabad, controls 147 gram panchayats of the 254 in the district and 12 panchayat samitis out of 26. "I have instructed Congress workers to stop work in all our rural bodies. They cannot sit idle when police are arresting our leaders on false charges," Behrampore Congress MP Adhir Chowdhury said. Additional district magistrate Debjyoti Bhattacharya said a large number of employees who today took the trouble to attend duty from far-flung villages despite the bus strike were not allowed to enter offices. "All development work in a major part of rural Murshidabad will be stalled if this continues," he added. The payment of around 50,000 poor villagers now engaged in digging ponds or building roads and homes will take the worst hit if the strike continues. "We won't be able to disburse the funds," said a subdivisional officer. Anjana Mondal, who came to collect a birth certificate for her one-month-old son spending Rs 5 on an auto ride, went back seeing the Bhakuri gram panchayat locked and Congress supporters demonstrating. |
Sibal clips AICTE wings - Corruption allegations cost council inspection power | ||
| CHARU SUDAN KASTURI | ||
New Delhi, July 24: Education minister Kapil Sibal has stripped the All India Council for Technical Education of the power to inspect institutions before they can increase student intake. The move comes as a fresh humiliation for the body already under the CBI scanner for corruption. The human resource development minister has ordered that recognised technical institutions can expand on their own, conditional on future inspections, clipping the council's wings after accusations that delays in granting expansion were a ruse to aid corruption, The Telegraph has learnt. Sibal's order comes in synchrony with his decision to allow the CBI to probe senior AICTE officials. All Indian technical institutions, barring the IIMs and institutes like the IITs set up under acts of Parliament, need their courses to be approved by the AICTE. Till now, an institution had to obtain AICTE approval — granted after an inspection — before they could expand any course. With Sibal's order, institutions can expand conditionally after simply submitting an application for increasing intake. The council inspection team can visit later and, based on its report, the institution will either be allowed to retain its expanded strength or ordered to reduce to pre-expansion levels. The idea, HRD ministry officials said, is to ensure that "good quality" institutions do not any longer have to suffer delays by the council while implementing expansion plans. A source clarified that the move in no way seeks to end the process of on-campus inspections by the council. "The inspections are still mandatory, but good institutions will not need to wait endlessly till the AICTE team visits." Sibal's order will not make expansion easier for "poor quality" institutions, the official argued. "Since the inspection is still mandatory, an institution can be ordered to return to its strength before expansion. This would mean a waste of the institution's resources spent on the expansion. So, only institutions confident of approval will expand," the official said. The move follows a series of complaints from institutions that AICTE officials would hold their expansion plans to ransom, demanding corruption money in exchange for quick sanction. AICTE member secretary K. Narayana Rao was arrested last Thursday by the CBI following a complaint from a Hyderabad-based technical education group that he had demanded a bribe. The CBI is also investigating complaints against AICTE chairman Ram Avtar Yadav, and has raided his house. The Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG), in its report tabled in Parliament today, also accused the AICTE of violating norms in approving travel grants to researchers and faculty for international conferences. |
Mamata sulks, skips House and lunch | |||
| OUR BUREAU | |||
New Delhi, July 24: Mamata Banerjee went into a sulk today, staying away from Parliament, after the government overruled her objections to two land-related bills. She was to answer questions related to her railway ministry in the Rajya Sabha but in Mamata's absence, her deputy K.H. Muniappa had to fill in. The Trinamul leader also abstained from a lunch hosted by Pranab Mukherjee, the finance minister and the leader of the Lok Sabha, for the heads of all political parties from the UPA, those that support it from outside and the Opposition in Parliament. To reinforce her protest, she did not send a single Trinamul representative to the occasion that was described by a Congress member as a "goodwill meal that induced nostalgia for the Left in us". Her ministers and MPs, however, attended Parliament. The Mamata-government tension has put in a piquant situation one of her ministers, Sisir Adhikari, who is the deputy to C.P. Joshi in the rural development ministry that is piloting the Land Acquisition Bill and the Rehabilitation and Resettlement Bill. Trinamul sources said Adhikari was "helpless". Congress sources said Mamata's options were "limited" at this point. "She is mature and will realise this. Her point is well taken because we cannot forget the fact that she kicked the Nano out of Bengal. Beyond this, we cannot do anything," a source said. At yesterday's cabinet meeting, Mamata had strongly objected to the bills in their current shape. Congress sources said that, having made her point, Mamata did not threaten to take any precipitate steps like walking out of the meet. Kamal Nath, the surface transport minister, tried to explain to Mamata that the state government would pay an extra amount on the 30 per cent land it would be allowed to acquire under the amendments so that on an average the seller would get "more than a fair deal". She was also informed that acquisition of agricultural land would be the "last resort" and that there was "no question" of buying two-crop land. "Fallow land will ideally be our first and last choice," said a Congress minister. However, sources said she "remained unmoved". |
Land a distant reality for Bengal's very own | ||
| OUR SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT | ||
Calcutta, July 24: Bengal's two leading industry houses — ITC and CESC — are unable to start their new projects for want of land. The two companies need only around 40 acres each, much less than what the steel, petrochemical and automobile firms are looking for in the state. While CESC's power plant is stuck in Haldia, ITC cannot proceed with its food processing factory near Sankrail because of litigation. "We are ready to tie up the finances and arrange a lead vendor for the project. However, this land is a must," Sanjiv Goenka, vice-chairman of CESC, said after the company's annual general meeting today. ITC chairman Y.C. Deveshwar could not hide his disappointment either. "The state government has done its bit. But the land they earmarked has now got litigated. If ITC, which has its headquarters in Calcutta, can't set up a plant here, it's very sad," he said. The delay faced by CESC in setting up the Haldia plant may affect power supply in the state, and Calcutta in particular. The proposed 2x300MW units will be catering to the city and is expected to reduce the demand-supply mismatch. Peak demand in the city is around 1,500MW, while CESC generates around 950MW. While Goenka did not elaborate, it is learnt that administrative hurdles delayed the transfer of land, which is with the Haldia Development Authority (HDA). The defeat of former HDA chairman and CPM strongman Laxman Seth in the Lok Sabha polls has created an impasse. After his defeat, Seth was stripped from the chairmanship of the HDA. CESC is ready to start its 250MW unit at Budge Budge. The company has also been shortlisted for taking up power distribution in Patna. |
Walking it is for City
;Statesman News Service
KOLKATA, 24 JULY: The indefinite transport strike that forced thousands of office-goers and students to stay indoors and immensely inconvenienced those who ventured out on its first day today was called off this evening soon after Calcutta High Court rejected the plea of one of the bus operators' unions to extend the deadline for changing 15-year-old engines of commercial vehicles. The Banijyik Paribahan Bachao Committee, an umbrella organisation of private transport operators, which gave the strike call, stated it would appeal before the Supreme Court challenging the High Court decision.
Claiming that the state government had assured it of help in the matter, committee representatives charged the state government had suppressed before the court the fact that the National Auto Fuel policy had no provision for phasing out of 15-year-old commercial and transport vehicles.
A Division Bench of Mr SS Nijjar, Chief Justice and Mr Justice Biswanath Somaddar of Calcutta High Court observed sufficient time had been given for the change of engines. It didn't accept a petition moved by the Bengal Bus Syndicate for advancing the hearing before 31 July. The advocate-general Mr Balai Roy submitted the state government would take steps to implement the court orders. Commuters had a tough time reaching their destinations with a fleet of only about 550 buses of the CSTC and 210 buses of the WBSTC plying in the city. About 10,000 private buses, 4,000 mini-buses and 35,000 taxis are daily operated in the city. Hundreds of people were seen waiting for hours for buses at important places in and around the city.
Apart from a few state run buses, no vehicle was found outside Howrah and Sealdah stations. People were found clueless after reaching Howrah station from rural parts of the state. Many private vehicles charged exorbitantly. Ferry services across the river Hooghly were packed to capacity. A commuter Mr Sukhdeb Jana said he had to cough up Rs 55 for a ride in a private vehicle from Howrah station to Esplanade. Passengers at Sealdah Station were a little lucky to get trams to reach their destinations. There were long queues for auto-rickshaws at important crossings, including Hazra, Ultadanga, Manicktala, Rash Behari Avenue and Sealdah. Around 1,200 buses and pool cars were off the roads that left school students along with their parents waiting for transport. Some schools were closed for the day.
Metro Railway functioned throughout the day. The Airports Authority of India arranged two Volvo buses for carrying air passengers, while a number of luxury taxies plied between the city and the airport.
With less traffic on the road, driving, however, was smooth and enjoyable. Transport minister Mr Subhas Chakraborty claimed the strike had fizzled out, though his department conceded the operators' demand for permission to ply smaller buses. He added the banned vehicles won't be given fitness certificates and permits. The Trinamul Congress criticised the state government's "shoddy" handling of the issue.
http://www.thestatesman.net/page.news.php?clid=1&theme=&usrsess=1&id=262030
Writing on the wall
Maoist violence and political vendetta is once again set to eliminate every
intermediate space of democratic protest and struggle, leaving the people with only two options: either line up with the state or follow their
political opponents. This is the picture
everywhere, from Lalgarh to Darjeeling, writes Parag Biswas
TV footage of villagers and armed Maoist cadres demolishing the CPI(M) party office at Lalgarh on 16 June 2009 reminded me of the footage of fundamentalist Hindus pulling down the 16th-century Babari Masjid at Ayodhya 18 years back.
As happened on 6 December 1992, the inevitable happened in West Bengal. Soon after the Bharatiya Janata Party assumed power in four big states in the late '80s, the anger among a sizeable section of the majority Hindu population against the ruling Congress' "minority appeasement" policy became evident. Hindu fanatics waiting in the wings came out into the open. Similarly, as soon as the election results came out and the wall of fear collapsed and mass anger against the ruling CPI(M) became evident in West Bengal, the Maoists waiting in the wings have come out into the open. And with the winds of change blowing in the state, political parties are out to settle scores.
The deep-seated culture of political violence, often hidden by the veneer of Bengali bhadralok culture, is back in the state with a vengeance. Political violence was evident in the early '70s when Congress and Marxist workers killed each other routinely. Then the Naxalites joined in, lopping off the heads of vice-chancellors and innocent traffic policemen.
This was followed by the repressive regime of Siddhartha Shankar Ray during the Emergency. When the Left Front assumed power, it paid back in the same coin. Violence begat violence, and became the coin of political exchange in West Bengal — perhaps the only state where political workers are killed every now and then to settle political arguments. Unbroken Left Front rule for the past 32 years had settled the argument in the Marxists' favour, and there was a seeming calm in the state. But at the first sign of a credible rival surfacing in the Trinamul Congress, the lid has come off to reveal the ugly political cancer.
The sickening pattern of violence is being played out in different towns and hamlets with murderous intent. A brief 24-hour record of the spiralling violence in the state between 4-5 June 2009 emphatically proves the point. On 4 June, a CPI(M) mob marched to the house of Trinamul Congress activist Yudhistir Dolui, set it on fire and hacked him to death. The mob then ransacked the Trinamul office and eight neighbouring shops in Batanol at Arambag. Then they took out a "victory" rally in the hamlet.
In retaliation, Trinamul activists beat up the CPI(M)'s former gram panchayat member, Tarini Manna, and torched his motorbike. Taking the cue, rival groups clashed in the neighbouring hamlets of Jakri, Goghat, Rammohan, Batanol and Pursura in Hooghly district. On 5 June, in Panskura in East Midnapore, Trinamul supporters clashed with CPI(M) cadres over nine bighas of vested land, leaving 12 injured. Angry Trinamul activists destroyed two CPI(M) offices. A day earlier, two CPI(M) supporters had been killed in Gajgiri in West Midnapore.
In Bongaon's Gopalnagar, in North 24 Parganas, Trinamul activist Ian Nabi Mandal was shot dead on 4 June. In retaliation, Trinamul Congress supporters killed CPI(M) worker Sahadeb Sarkar at Gopalnagar the next day.
In villages, the propensity among party workers to settle scores, even with who are not direct political foes, is breaking up families, burying societal ties and eroding institutions built over the years. Yudhistir Dolui, for instance, was killed by his cousins who are with the CPI(M). Even media persons are not safe. Diganta Manna, part of a private television channel, was allegedly beaten up by CPI(M) workers on 5 June when he had gone to cover the Panskura incident.
On 15 July 2009, eight Congress legislators were injured when they were allegedly attacked by armed CPI(M) cadres at Dhanyarukhi village in Mongalkote in Burdwan district. A 14-member Congress delegation led by legislature party leader Manas Bhuniya had entered the village around 3:10 pm to distribute relief to party supporters whose houses had been burnt after the murder of CPI(M) district committee member Falguni Mukherjee, when the attack took place. Seven scribes who had gone to the spot to cover the delegation's visit were also injured, allegedly beaten up by CPI(M) cadres and hit by bricks. Five of the scribes had to be rushed to hospital.
The West Bengal Pradesh Congress called a 12-hour statewide shutdown on 17 July as one party supporter died and angry activists torched buses and obstructed rail and road traffic the day before in protest against the attack on their legislators in Dhanyarukhi.
While two buses were torched in the south Kolkata areas of Minto Park and Gariahat, two others buses were set ablaze in Howrah district and one each in North 24-Parganas and Murshidabad districts on 16 July. Several other state-run buses and taxis and many government establishments were damaged as Congress workers went on the rampage the next day.
Vengeance has clearly become the instrument for parties wanting to change the political equation before the assembly elections in 2011. The ruling CPI(M) is desperately holding on to its plummeting support, as in Arambag where the margin of victory has fallen 500,000 to a little over 250,000. The Trinamul Congress is looking to gain ground in other areas as it has in Nandigram, Panskura, Bhangar and parts of Hooghly. Battle lines have been drawn based on the Lok Sabha and local body election results and the flashpoints are quite predictable. This situation did not emerge in a day. Hooghly, West Midnapore, Birbhum and parts of Bankura have been turned into a war zone since 1998.
According to West Bengal assembly records, the number of political clashes is the highest in this zone. Until 2007, the CPI(M) had thwarted the challenge with sheer organisational might. Things have taken a turn after the land stir in Nandigram and Singur, when farmers broke CPI(M) ranks and joined the Trinamul Congress. That was in 2007. Since then, the CPI(M) is on a downslide that its leaders are yet to comprehend. Blinded by anger, they have often fomented violence. Right now, no one is giving peace a chance.
A spectre is haunting West Bengal — that of anarchy. How an administration, famous for its cadre culture that has been nurtured over three decades, can turn so helpless in the face of Maoist and Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha takeovers and violent anti-government outpourings in West Midnapore district and the Darjeeling hills may seem befuddling at first.
But what is happening today in Lalgarh and other parts of West Bengal cannot be justified by pointing at the CPI(M)'s totalitarian terror in the Bengal countryside alone.
A month after the Lok Sabha elections humbled the Left Front and delivered a moral booster to the opposition Trinamul Congress, post-poll violence has left at least 69 people dead in the state. And, for once, it is the CPI(M) that says it's at the receiving end in a state it has ruled for 32 years as head of the Left Front. The party, which accuses the police of failing to protect its workers, says at least 47 of its activists have died in post-poll violence.
In West Midnapore, Purulia and Bardhaman, which have traditionally been CPI(M) strongholds, several party offices have been vandalised and workers driven out of their homes. According to reports, the violence, killing of CPI(M) activists and members, especially in Lalgarh, acquired unprecedented proportions a few weeks back. CPI(M) members were driven out of their homes or killed. The offices of the party have been targeted on a largescale, not just in Lalgarh but elsewhere in West Bengal.
The Trinamul Congress claims its supporters, too, have been facing violence, with 22 off activists having been killed in the past two months.
A section of the CPI(M) leadership in the state is threatening retaliation. State secretary and CPI(M) politburo member Biman Bose recently hinted at the possibility.
The attack on CPI(M) workers and offices has fanned unrest within the party. And for the first time, party leaders are openly criticising chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee for his government's failure to protect them. In a way, however, the writing was on the wall. The administrative structure created by the CPI(M)-led Left Front was always held together by the spit and glue of networked politics, and not by the more sturdy nails and wood of genuine democracy. With more and more CPI(M) cadres cutting the umbilical cord that ties them to both party headquarters and Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee's government (the conflation of party and government being pretty much a CPI(M) speciality) since the "uprisings" of Nandigram and Singur in 2007, the state government finds itself cut off from its power sources even when encircled by Maoists, the GJMM and political opponents in their own strongholds. In the past, local party units, rather than any official law enforcement agency like the police, quelled any dissent in the province.
Today, with the local party enforcers themselves against the "mother ship", Bhattacharjee's government finds itself at sea brimming with anti-CPI(M) sharks. On 15 June 2009, three whole days after the war between the anti-government forces spearheaded by the invading Maoists and CPI(M) cadres started in earnest, the extent of anarchy in the face of statutory inaction was made glaringly clear.
A "zonal" Maoist leader held a veritable press conference in the middle of a CPI(M)-exorcised Lalgarh, not bothering to unstrap the AK-47 from his shoulder, even as police forces were pitifully absent. The government keeping a "tactical distance" was partly to avoid any hair-trigger moment that would unleash "police action" of the kind that led to the backlash in Nandigram in March 2007 and partly to play old Centre-state politics.
The Maoist atrocity in Lalgarh is particularly unfortunate as it is detrimental to the various democratic mass movements all over Bengal that are resisting the policies of land grab and diversion of natural resources to global and domestic corporations. The scenes of angry Congress party supporters taking to the streets, burning government buses, damaging public and private property is equally unfortunate as the Congress has been constantly saying that the Communist-led coalition government should step down unless it can "manage the state's worsening law and order situation."
"If the state police and administration cannot protect the lawmakers from mobs of armed Communist supporters, this government must go," Congress leader Subrata Mukherjee had said a few days before the 17 July strike.
The West Bengal government is bound to use Maoist atrocity as yet another excuse to crack down on the militant but non-violent struggles of the people against unjust development policies. It will also use the 17 July incidents as an excuse to settle scores with its political adverseries.
Today, once again, in West Bengal this is the threat that the democratic mass movement faces. Maoist violence and political vendetta is once again set to eliminate every intermediate space of democratic protest and struggle, leaving the people with only two options: either line up with the state or follow their political opponents. This is the picture everywhere, from Lalgarh to Darjeeling. That is the challenge before democratic struggles and public opinion today.
http://www.thestatesman.net/page.news.php?clid=31&theme=&usrsess=1&id=262027
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