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Jyoti basu is dead

Dr.B.R.Ambedkar

Friday, August 31, 2012

Naroda Patiya riots: BJP MLA Maya Kodnani sentenced to 28 yrs in jail, Babu Bajrangi life

Naroda Patiya riots: BJP MLA Maya Kodnani sentenced to 28 yrs in jail, Babu Bajrangi life

Maya Kodnani, a state assembly lawmaker and former Gujarat state minister, arrives for a court hearing in the western Indian city of Ahmedabad. Kodnani and 31 others were convicted for their role in one episode of bloodletting that took place during the Gujarat riots -- the Naroda Patiya massacre, in which 97 people were killed. (Reuters)

Ahmedabad

Maya Kodnani

BJP MLA and former minister in the Narendra Modi government Maya Kodnani and 30 others were today sentenced to life imprisonment by a special court which described the Naroda Patiya massacre of 97 Muslims during the 2002 post-Godhra riots as "a black chapter in the history of Indian Constitution".

Additional Principal Judge Jyotsna Yagnik dubbed communal riots as "a cancer on constitutional secularism" and Kodnani the "kingpin" of the Naroda Patiya carnage and sentenced her to 18 years life imprisonment.

Question Asked Earlier: Does Maya Kodnani deserve death sentence?

She will, however, have to serve 10 years in jail under section 326 (voluntarily causing grievous hurt by dangerous weapons or means) of IPC before her life sentence gets underway, thereby effectively getting a 28-year imprisonment.

Another high-profile accused, Babu Bajrangi, the notorious leader of Bajrang Dal's moral police who was often caught on the wrong side of the law, will spend the rest of his life in jail.

Seven other accused have been given enhanced life imprisonment and they will have to first serve a 10-year term under section 326 before their life sentences begin.

22 others have been handed down simple life imprisonment of 14 years.

Maya Kodnani

Coming in an election year, the verdict that has established for the first time involvement of a senior BJP leader in the post-Godhra conflagration, may have an adverse fallout on Modi's efforts to remove the taint of the communal riots.

"Communal riots are like cancer on constitutional secularism and incident that happened in Naroda Patiya was a black chapter in the history of the Indian constitution," the judge observed.

"Acts of communal violence was brutal, inhuman and shameful, it was a clear incident of human rights violation as 97 people were killed brutally within the day which included helpless women, children aged persons and the climax of this inhuman and brutal act of violence was reflected in murder of an infant who was 20 days old," the court said highlighting the enormity of the crime.

Social activist Teesta Setalvad, who has taken up the case of the post-Godhra riots victims in Gujarat, said they are "completely satisfied" with the manner in which the court has given "exemplary punishment".

"It is the first time that a politician's involvement in communal violence has been recognised," she said.

Judge Yagnik also ordered the Gujarat government to pay a compensation of Rs five lakh to a victim of gangrape but did not charge anybody for the offence for want of evidence.

The court had on Wednesday convicted 32 and acquitted 29 accused in the case. It did not pronounce sentence against one absconding accused.

Though maintaining that death penalty was "desirable" to reduce crime in the society, the court said it believes that such a punishment "undermines human dignity".

"Death penalty brings justice and it is desirable to reduce the crime in the society but this court cannot overlook the global trend prevalent in recent years as by 2009, 139 countries have repealed death sentence and there is a global campaign against death penalty and progressive societies are advocating for restricting death penalty and this court believes use of death undermines human dignity".

It rejected the defence's argument that communal violence in Naroda Patiya was a reaction to Godhra train burning incident.

"This was a pre-planned conspiracy and it cannot be mitigated just by saying that it was a reaction of Godhra train burning incident," it said.

Describing Kodnani as the "kingpin" of the riots, the court said she led the mob and incited it for violence.

Kodnani, who was an MLA at the time of the riots, was made minister of state for women and child development in 2007 but had to resign after she was arrested in March 2009.

Kodnani, a three-time MLA from Naroda who was considered to be close to Chief Minister Modi, is the first woman to be convicted in a post-Godhra riots case.

She broke down after the sentenced was pronounced.

The Naroda Patiya massacre had taken place just a day after the Godhra train-burning incident on February 27, 2002.

Responding to a bandh called by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, armed mobs had gone on the rampage, slaughtering and burning 97 people, including women and children, and wounding 33 others as communal frenzy gripped Gujarat.

Naroda Patiya

Fear stalks Naroda Patiya on D-Day eve

Prosecution wants death for Maya Kodnani

Thursday, August 30, 2012

अमेरिका की ओर से मध्यस्थ बने हैं मनमोहन, ईरान को मुख्यधारा में लाना मकसद नही प्रधानमंत्री मंत्री तेहरान में हैं और डालर वर्चस्व के प्रति वफादारी जताने के लिए रिजर्व बैंक के गवर्नर डी सुब्बाराव न्यूयार्क में!

अमेरिका की ओर से मध्यस्थ बने हैं मनमोहन, ईरान को मुख्यधारा में लाना मकसद नही प्रधानमंत्री मंत्री तेहरान में हैं और डालर वर्चस्व के प्रति वफादारी जताने के लिए रिजर्व बैंक के गवर्नर डी सुब्बाराव न्यूयार्क में!

​​एक्सकैलिबर स्टीवेंस विश्वास

"आर्थिक गतिविधियाँ जी-77 देशों का अधिकारक्षेत्र है जिसे विकासशील देशों का 'ट्रेड-यूनियन' कहा जाता है, जबकि नैम एक राजनीतिक गुट है"
शशि थरूर

ईरान की राजधानी तेहरान में गुरुवार को गुटनिरपेक्ष आंदोलन (नाम) का 16वां शिखर सम्मेलन शुरू हो गया। इस अवसर पर ईरान के सर्वोच्च नेता अयातुल्लाह अली खामनेई ने कहा कि उनका देश परमाणु हथियार बनाने के प्रयास नहीं कर रहा है। समाचार एजेंसी सिन्हुआ के अनुसार खामनेई ने कहा, ईरान का नारा है कि सबके लिए परमाणु ऊर्जा, परमाणु हथियार किसी के लिए नहीं।अमेरिका की ओर से मध्यस्थ बने हैं मनमोहन, ईरान को मुख्यधारा में लाना मकसद नहीं!सरकारी रजनयिक संतुलन का करिश्मा यह है कि प्रधानमंत्री तेहरान में हैं और डालर वर्चस्व के प्रति वफादारी जताने के लिए रिजर्व बैंक के गवर्नर डी सुब्बाराव न्यूयार्क में! सद्दाम हुसैन ने तो सिर्फ डालर को खारिज करने की धमकी दी थी और तेल का कारोबार यूरो में चलाने की तैयारी की थी। अमेरिका के लिए यही जनसंहार का असली हथियार था। वैश्विक अर्थ व्यवस्था पर डालर का वर्चस्व अगर खत्म हो जाये तो तीसरी दुनिया के किसी भी देश से ​​बदतर हालत हो जायेगी अमेरिका की। अब ईरान की घेराबंदी के लिए जो परमाणु कार्यक्रम का हौआ बनाया जा रहा है, वह भी बेवजह है। दुनिया और अंतरिक्ष तक का पारमाणविकीकरण में अमेरिका की भूमिका जगजाहिर है। इजराइल को भी परमाणु आतंक से आतंकित होने की जरुरत ​​नहीं है। पर ईरान ने जो उपभोक्ता बाजार डालर को खारिज करके बना लिया है, उससे न सिर्फ अमेरिका और इजराइल बल्कि तथाकथित तमाम विकसित देशों की डालर आधारित अर्थव्यवस्था तबाह होने का अंदेशा है। अमेरिकी राष्ट्रपति चुनाव का भविष्य भी मध्यपूर्व नीति पर निर्भर​ ​ है। ओबामा के मुकाबले रिपब्लिकन उम्मीदवार रोमनी की चिनावी रणनीति विदेश नीति और खासकर मध्यपूर्व के सवाल पर ओबामा की घेराबंदी करने की है। वरना वाशिंगटन की हरी झंडी के बिना निर्गुट सम्मेलन में ईरान जाने की क्या जुर्रत करते डा.मनमोहन सिंह, जिनका चेहरा घोटालों की कालिख से इतना पुत चुका है कि मजबूत जनादेश के बावजूद संसदीय घेराबंदी तोड़ने में नाकाम है।बहरहाल घरेलू जनता को आतंकवाद के विरुद्ध युद्ध के प्रति प्रतिबद्धता का यकी न दिलाते हुए ईरान में गुट निरपेक्ष सम्मेलन से इतर प्रधानमंत्री मनमोहन सिंह और पाकिस्तान के राष्ट्रपति आसिफ अली जरदारी के बीच गुरुवार को मुलाकात हुई। दोनों देशों के नेताओं के बीच यह बैठक 26/11 हमलों में शामिल आतंकी अजमल आमिर कसाब की फांसी की सजा बरकरार रखे जाने के सुप्रीम कोर्ट के फैसले के एक दिन बाद हुई। मनमोहन और जरदारी की बातचीत के एजेंडे में आतंकवाद सबसे अहम मुद्दा है। प्रधानमंत्री मनमोहन सिंह और पाकिस्तान के राष्ट्रपति आसिफ अली जरदारी इस बात पर सहमत हुए कि भारत और पाकिस्तान के रिश्तों को सुधारने के लिए कदम दर कदम आगे बढ़ना बेहतर होगा। प्रधानमंत्री मनमोहन सिंह ने पाकिस्तान के साथ शांतिपूर्ण सहयोग की भारत की इच्छा दोहराई।

'नाम' की स्थापना अप्रैल 1955 में हुई थी। भारत इसके संस्थापक सदस्यों में से एक है। दुनिया के 118 देश इसके सदस्य हैं तथा यह विश्व की 55 प्रतिशत जनसंख्या का प्रतिनिधित्व करता है।सन् १९५४ में शीत युद्ध के दौर से गुजर रहे विश्व के समक्ष पंडित जवाहरलाल नेहरू ने गुटनिरपेक्षता का सिद्धांत प्रस्तुत किया, जिसे बाद में यूगोस्लाविया के मार्शल टीटो, इंडोनेशिया के सुकर्णो और मिस्त्र के गमाल अब्दुल नासिर ने अंगीकार करते हुए गुटनिरपेक्ष आंदोलन को जन्म दिया।जब पूरे विश्व में शीतयुद्ध चल रहा था, उस वक्त इंदिरा गांधी ने बेहद संतुलन और राजनैतिक कौशल के साथ अमेरिका और रूस के खेमों से अलग हटकर गुटनिरपेक्ष आंदोलन को मजबूती देकर विश्व नेता के तौर पर अपनी छवि मजबूत की।नेहरु और इंदिरा की तरह निर्गुट आंदोलन के जरिये मनमोहन सिंह के विश्व नेता बनकर उभरने की संभावना नही है। इस समय जबकि संसद के दोनों सदनों की कार्रवाई 7 दिनों से ठप्प पड़ी है, प्रधानमंत्री स. मनमोहन सिंह पूर्व निर्धारित कार्यक्रम के अनुसार ईरान की राजधानी तेहरान में 29-30-31 अगस्त को हो रहे गुटनिरपेक्ष देशों के संगठन 'नाम' के राष्ट्रराध्यक्षों के 16वें शिखर सम्मेलन में भाग लेने 28 अगस्त शाम 4 बजे दिल्ली से चल कर 7 बजे (भारतीय समय के अनुसार 8 बजे) तेहरान पहुंच गए। भारत इस अवसर पर ईरान के नेताओं से सीरिया और मध्यपूर्व की समस्याओं, विशेष रूप से सीरिया और बहरीन में चल रहे संघर्ष का समाधान ढूंढने के लिए काम करने को कहेगा।उल्लेखनीय है कि सीरिया में ईरान वहां की असद सरकार का साथ दे रहा है जबकि ईरान के अपने परमाणु कार्यक्रम के परिणामस्वरूप वहां राजनीतिक अस्थिरता बनी हुई है और इस सम्मेलन के माध्यम से ईरान अपनी नीतियों के प्रति विश्व समुदाय के समर्थन का दावा पेश करने की कोशिश करेगा।इस बीच तेहरान में सम्मेलन के दौरान सड़कों पर भीड़ घटाने के लिए पांच दिनों का अवकाश घोषित कर दिया गया है तथा वहां के विदेश मंत्री अली अकबर सलेही ने आशा व्यक्त की है कि पाश्चात्य देशों द्वारा उस पर अपने परमाणु कार्यक्रम के दंड स्वरूप लगाए गए प्रतिबंधों के विरुद्ध विश्व समुदाय उसे अपना समर्थन प्रदान करेगा।

गौरतलब है कि बान की मून के गुरनिरपेक्ष आंदोलन के शिखर सम्मेलन में भाग लेने की खबर सार्वजनिक होने के बाद अमरीका और इजराइन आदि देशों ने तुरंत ही इस का विरोध कर दिया , लेकिन बान की मून फिर भी ईरान गये हुए हैं । 29 अगस्त की सुबह तेहरान पहुंचने के बाद बान की मून ने थकावट की परवाह न कर क्रमशः ईरान के संसद अध्यक्ष लारिजानी , राष्ट्रपति अहमेदीनेजाद और सर्वोच्च नेता हामेनेई के साथ वार्ता की ।अहमेदी नेजाद के साथ वार्ता में बान की मून ने कहा कि इस क्षेत्र का बड़ा देश होने के नाते ईरान सीरिया सवाल के शांतिपूर्ण समाधान के लिये यथासंभव प्रयास कर सकता है । उन्होंने कहा कि ईरान को न्यूक्लीयर ऊर्जा का शांति पूर्ण रुप से प्रयोग करने का अधिकार है । वर्तमान में मौजूद मामलों के समाधान के लिये शीघ्र ही आपसी विश्वास पुनः स्थापित करना ही होगा । इस के अलावा ईरानी विदेश मंत्री सालेही ने उसी दिन संवाददाता सम्मेलन में कहा कि यदि बान की मून की इच्छा हो , तो ईरान उन्हें अपने न्यूक्लीयर संस्थापनों को देखने पर आमंत्रित कर देगा ।

इसी बीच अमेरिका को खुश करने का इंतजाम भी पुख्ता हुआ है, जबकि राष्ट्रीय सुरक्षा से जुड़े साजो-सामान में सुधारों के बारे में सुझाव देने के लिये गठित नरेश चंद्र समिति ने रक्षा क्षेत्र में प्रत्यक्ष विदेशी निवेश की मौजूदा 26 प्रतिशत की सीमा बढ़ाने की वकालत की है।समिति का कहना है कि इससे विदेशी कंपनियां(पढ़ें, अमेरिकी कंपनियां) सैन्य उपकरण बनाने को लेकर नई प्रौद्योगिकी देने के लिये आकर्षित होंगी। प्रधानमंत्री कार्यालय ने हाल ही में राष्ट्रीय सुरक्षा साजो-सामान में सुधारों के बारे में सुझाव देने के लिये नरेश चंद्र समिति का गठन किया था।फिलहाल रक्षा क्षेत्र में एफडीआई की सीमा 26 प्रतिशत है। रक्षा मंत्रालय इसमें और किसी प्रकार की वद्धि किये जाने का विरोध कर रहा है। समिति ने अपनी रिपोर्ट में सिफारिश की है, उच्च एफडीआई का समर्थन करने की जरूरत है, ताकि विदेशी कंपनियों द्वारा रक्षा क्षेत्र में विकसित अत्याधुनिक प्रौद्योगिकी भारत आ सके।वैश्विक तथा भारतीय कंपनियां रक्षा क्षेत्र में एफडीआई सीमा बढ़ाये जाने की मांग करती रही हैं। उनका कहना है कि इस क्षेत्र में एफडीआई सीमा बढ़ाकर कम-से-कम 49 प्रतिशत की जानी चाहिए।हाल ही में अमेरिकी उप रक्षा मंत्री एसटोन कार्टर ने भी कहा था कि अगर भारत एफडीआई सीमा बढ़ाता है तो इससे वैश्विक कंपनियां निवेश के लिये प्रोत्साहित होंगी।

सबसे मजेदार बात तो यह है कि प्रधानमंत्री मनमोहन सिंह ने कहा है कि महंगाई से निपटने के लिए गुट निरपेक्ष देशों को मिलकर काम करना होगा!मंहगाई और मुद्रास्पीति वित्तीय और मौद्रक नीतियों और वित्तीय प्रबंधन पर निर्भर है, न कि राजनय पर।इसके विपरीत रिजर्व बैंक के गवर्नर डी सुब्बाराव ने कहा है कि मुद्रास्फीति को स्वीकार्य स्तर तक नीचे लाने के प्रयासों के चलते आर्थिक वृद्धि के मोर्चे पर कुछ बलिदान तो करना ही होगा। उन्होंने कहा कि आर्थिक वृद्धि को नुकसान पहुंचाये बिना मुद्रास्फीति को काबू में लाया जाये, रिजर्व बैंक के सामने यह बड़ी चुनौती है।न्यूयार्क में  वैश्वीकरण के दौर में भारत: कुछ नीतिगत दुविधा विषय पर एशिया सोसायटी को दिये अपने भाषण में कहा कि आने वाले कुछ समय में, भारत की आर्थिक वृद्धि की बेहतर संभावनाओं को बनाये रखने के लिये निम्न और स्थायी मुद्रास्फीति आवश्यक है।सुब्बाराव ने कहा कि कई बार केन्द्रीय बैंक की इस बात के लिये आलोचना की जाती है कि ब्याज दरों में वृद्धि और सख्त मौद्रिक नीति के बावजूद, मुद्रास्फीति की दर अभी भी ऊंची बनी हुई है और लगातार इसका दबाव बना हुआ है, जिससे आर्थिक वृद्धि को नुकसान पहुंच रहा है।रिजर्व बैंक गवर्नर ने कहा कि इस आलोचना का यही जवाब है कि आर्थिक वृद्धि के मोर्चे पर कुछ बलिदान तो अवश्यंभावी है, मुद्रास्फीति को नीचे लाने के लिये हमें कुछ तो कीमत चुकानी होगी। हालांकि, आर्थिक वृद्धि का यह नुकसान कुछ समय के लिये ही होगा।थोक मूल्य सूचकांक पर आधारित मुद्रास्फीति जुलाई माह में 6.87 प्रतिशत रही। एक महीना पहले जून में यह 7.25 प्रतिशत पर थी। रिजर्व बैंक के 5 से 6 प्रतिशत के संतोषजनक स्तर से यह अभी भी काफी ऊंची बनी हुई है।सुब्बाराव ने कहा कि यदि रिजर्व बेंक ने सख्त मौद्रिक नीति नहीं अपनाई होती तो मुद्रास्फीति और ऊंची होती। उन्होंने कहा कि मुद्रास्फीति की दर वर्ष 2010 में 11 प्रतिशत की ऊंचाई छूने के बाद जुलाई 2012 में सात प्रतिशत से नीचे आ गई है।

संयुक्त राष्ट्र महा सचिव बान की मून , भारतीय प्रधान मंत्री मनमोहन सिंह , सीरियाई प्रधान मंत्री हेलजी , जनवादी कोरिया की सर्वोच्च जन असेम्बली के स्थायी अध्यक्ष किम युंग नाम, फिलिस्तीनी राष्ट्रीय सत्ताधारी संस्था के अध्यक्ष अबास और अफगानीस्तान के राष्ट्रपति करजाई आदि नेता तेहरान पहुंच चुके हैं । मिश्र के राष्ट्रपति मोर्सी भी स्थानीय समय के अनुसार तीस अगस्त को तेहरान पहुंचने ही वाले हैं ।शिखर सम्मेलन के प्रवक्ता मेहमानपारास्ट ने परिचय देते हुए कहा कि कुल 125 देशों के अधिकारी या प्रतिनिधि , जिन में 24 राष्ट्रपति , 7 प्रधान मंत्री , दो संसद अध्यक्ष और 8 उप राष्ट्रपति शामिल हैं , इस शिखर सम्मेलन में भाग ले रहे हैं । हिस्सेदार देशों की संख्या से वर्तमान तेहरान शिखर सम्मेलन अभूतपूर्व है ।गुटनिरपेक्ष आंदोलन का मौजूदा शिखर सम्मेलन बेहद ध्यानाकर्षक है , मेजबान देश ईरान को छोड़कर लोकमत का ध्यान कुछ हिस्सेदार नेताओं , खासकर संयुक्त राष्ट्र महा सचिव पान की मून , मिश्र के राष्ट्रपति मोर्सी और भारतीय प्रधान मंत्री मनमोहन सिंह पर भी केंद्रित हुआ है ।भारतीय प्रधान मंत्री मनमोहन सिंह ने 28 अगस्त की रात को सौ से ज्यादा सदस्यों वाला प्रतिनिधि मंडल लेकर तेहरान पहुंचे , वे गुटनिरपेक्ष आंदोलन के शिखर सम्मेलन में भाग लेने के अलावा ईरान की चार दिवसीय राजकीय यात्रा भी करेंगे । यह पिछले दस सालों में किसी भारतीय प्रधान मंत्री की प्रथम ईरान यात्रा ही है ।

तेहरान में स्थानीय लोकमत का मानना है कि ईरान ने गुट निरपेक्ष आंदोलन के शिखर सम्मेलन के सफल आयोजन से अपनी शक्ति प्रदर्शित की , साथ ही इस बात का द्योतक भी है कि ईरान के खिलाफ प्रतिबंध लगाने और अलगाव में डालने की पश्चिमी नीति विफल रह गयी है । ईरान में 16वें गुट निरपेक्ष सम्मेलन के पहले दिन परमाणु संव‌र्द्धन, वैश्विक आतंकवाद और सीरिया संकट छाया रहा। गुरुवार को बैठक की शुरुआत ईरान के सर्वोच्च नेता आयतुल्लाह अली खामनेई ने की। सम्मेलन में शिरकत करने गए प्रधानमंत्री मनमोहन सिंह ने निर्गुट राष्ट्रों से पश्चिम एशिया व उत्तरी अफ्रीका में तनाव कम करने के लिए तत्काल कदम उठाने को कहा।प्रधानमंत्री ने सीरिया में विदेशी हस्तक्षेप पर भी कड़ी आपत्ति दर्ज कराई। उन्होंने कहा कि वैश्विक व्यवस्था के अभाव में अंतरराष्ट्रीय शांति और सुरक्षा कायम रख पाना कठिन हो गया है। इस स्थिति को बदलने में गुट निरपेक्ष आंदोलन अहम भूमिका निभा सकता है। उन्होंने निर्गुट राष्ट्रों से सीरिया पर अपना रुख स्पष्ट करने की बात भी कही।मनमोहन ने तेहरान के मंच से पश्चिमी देशों के प्रभाव वाली संयुक्त राष्ट्र सुरक्षा परिषद, विश्व बैंक और अंतरराष्ट्रीय मुद्राकोष जैसी संस्थाओं में सुधार का आह्वान किया। उन्होंने निर्गुट देशों से कहा कि वे इन वैश्विक संस्थाओं में बदलाव पर सहमत हों और आगे बढ़ें। उन्होंने कहा, 'विश्व व्यापार, वित्त और निवेश के मुद्दे पर जब तक विकासशील देश मिलकर आवाज नहीं उठाएंगे, तब तक मौजूदा सममस्याओं का प्रभावकारी हल नहीं निकल सकता।'पश्चिम एशिया और उत्तरी अफ्रीका की स्थिति पर प्रधानमंत्री ने कहा, भारत लोकतांत्रिक और बहुलतावादी आकांक्षाओं का समर्थन करता है, इसलिए इस तरह के रूपांतरण में बाहरी हस्तक्षेप को बढ़ावा नहीं दिया जा सकता, क्योंकि इससे आम नागरिकों की दशा और बिगड़ सकती है।

मनमोहन ने तेहरान के मंच से पश्चिमी देशों के प्रभाव वाली संयुक्त राष्ट्र सुरक्षा परिषद, विश्व बैंक और अंतरराष्ट्रीय मुद्राकोष जैसी संस्थाओं में सुधार का आह्वान किया। उन्होंने निर्गुट देशों से कहा कि वे इन वैश्विक संस्थाओं में बदलाव पर सहमत हों और आगे बढ़ें। उन्होंने कहा, 'विश्व व्यापार, वित्त और निवेश के मुद्दे पर जब तक विकासशील देश मिलकर आवाज नहीं उठाएंगे, तब तक मौजूदा समम

अमेरिका ईरान को परमाणु हथियार हासिल करने से रोकने के लिए कृत संकल्प है और वह कोई विकल्प भी नहीं छोड़ रहा है। बहरहाल, अमेरिका का यह भी मानना है कि यह समय कूटनीति अपनाने का है और इसकी गुंजाइश भी है।ईरान के सर्वोच्च नेता आयतुल्लाह अली खामनेई ने कहा कि ईरान परमाणु बम बनाने की कोशिश कभी नहीं करेगा, लेकिन परमाणु ऊर्जा के इस्तेमाल से भी वह पीछे नहीं हटेगा। निर्गुट सम्मेलन की शुरुआत करते हुए खामनेई ने अमेरिका और उसके देशों को भी आड़े हाथों लिया।ईरान के राष्ट्रपति महमूद अहमदीनेजाद ने भी निर्गुट सम्मेलन के मंच पश्चिमी देशों को खुली चुनौती दी और अमेरिका पर ईरान, अफगानिस्तान व पाकिस्तान में निर्दोष लोगों की हत्या का आरोप लगाया। उन्होंने निर्गुट आंदोलन में शामिल 120 राष्ट्रों से अपने लक्ष्य फिर से निर्धारित करने की अपील भी की। ईरानी राष्ट्रपति ने कहा कि शांतिपूर्ण उद्देश्यों के लिए परमाणु कार्यक्रम चलाने का प्रत्येक राष्ट्र को हक है और इस मुद्दे पर वैश्विक बहस की जरूरत है।

विवादास्पद परमाणु कार्यक्रम के मुद्दे पर दुनिया के प्रमुख देशों के साथ बगदाद में होने वाली वार्ता से ठीक पहले ईरानी राष्ट्रपति महमूद अहमदीनेजाद ने इस बात पर जोर दिया कि इस्लाम परमाणु हथियार एवं अन्य जनसंहारक हथियारों की इजाजत नहीं देता।अहमदीनेजाद ने कहा कि इस्लाम की तालीम और सर्वोच्च नेता की ओर से जारी फतवे के मुताबिक जनसंहारक हथियारों का निर्माण और इस्तेमाल हराम है। ईरान के रक्षा तंत्र में इसकी कोई जरूरत नहीं है।सरकारी समाचार एजेंसी इरना के मुताबिक अहमदीनेजाद का संदेश पश्चिमी शहर बोरुजर्द में 1980 से 1988 तक इराक के साथ युद्ध के दौरान रसायनिक हथियारों के इस्तेमाल में मारे गए लोगों की अकीदत पेश करने के दौरान पढ़ा गया। बगदाद में आज ईरान के परमाणु कार्यक्रम को लेकर वार्ता होगी।

व्हाइट हाउस के प्रेस सचिव जे कार्नी ने यहा संवाददाताओं से कहा कि हम ईरान को परमाणु हथियार हासिल करने से रोकने के लिए कृत संकल्प हैं। इस मुद्दे से निपटने के लिए विचार करते समय हम कोई विकल्प नहीं छोड़ रहे हैं। उन्होंने कहा कि यह समय ईरान पर उसका आचरण बदलने के लिए दबाव बनाने, नए प्रतिबंध लगाने से लेकर कूटनीति पर चलने का है और इसके लिए गुंजाइश भी है।

कार्नी ने कहा कि ईरान के लिए एक और रास्ता यह है कि वह अपनी अंतरराष्ट्रीय बाध्यताओं का सम्मान करे, परमाणु हथियारों की अपनी महत्वाकाक्षा त्यागे और अंतरराष्ट्रीय समुदाय की बाध्यताओं का पालन करते हुए उससे जुड़े। उन्होंने कहा कि हम मानते हैं कि तेहरान पर दबाव बनाने के लिए अपने साझीदारों के साथ हमने जो रणनीति अपनाई है उसका ईरानी अर्थव्यवस्था पर गहरा असर पड़ा है और हम इसे जारी रखेंगे।

कार्नी ने कहा कि अमेरिका अच्छी तरह जानता है कि ईरान अपनी बाध्यताओं का पालन करने में लगातार नाकाम रहा है, उसका वह आचरण जारी है जिसके चलते उसके परमाणु कार्यक्रम के इरादों पर संदेह जताया जाता रहा है और वह लगातार वही सब कर रहा है जिसने इस प्रक्रिया को ईरान के लिए और जटिल बना दिया है। उन्होंने कहा कि पूरी दुनिया इस तथ्य से अवगत है कि अंतरराष्ट्रीय समुदाय द्वारा लगाए गए प्रतिबंधों का बड़ा असर हुआ है।

कार्नी ने कहा कि हम हर दिन, हर सप्ताह दबाव बढ़ाने के लिए अपने सहयोगियों के साथ काम करते हैं। इस्राइल की तरह ही हम भी ईरान को परमाणु हथियार हासिल करने से रोकने के लिए प्रतिबद्ध हैं। उन्होंने कहा कि राष्ट्रपति बराक ओबामा के अथक प्रयासों के फलस्वरूप ईरान गहरे आर्थिक दबाव में है।

ईरान का इतिहास शुरू से ही उथल-पुथल से भरपूर रहा है। इसने अनेक राजवंशों का उत्थान और पतन तथा अनेक विदेशी आक्रांताओं का हमला झेला है। यहां सेलजुक तुर्क 11वीं शताब्दी में पहुंचे और उसके बाद चंगेज खान और उसके पोते हलाकू के नेतृत्व में 13वीं शताब्दी में मंगोल यहां आए। 14वीं शताब्दी में यहां तैमूर आया। वहीं 16वीं शताब्दी में इसे साफाविद नामक एक अन्य तुर्की राजवंश की गुलामी झेलनी पड़ी और 18वीं शताब्दी में एक और तुर्की कबीले 'कजार' ने इस पर कब्जा कर लिया।साफाविदों ने ईरान में शिया इस्लाम प्रणाली लागू की और इसे ईरान का सरकारी धर्म बनाकर ईरानी मुसलमानों का बड़े पैमाने पर धर्मांतरण किया। इसी कारण आज भी ईरान की बहुसंख्या शिया मुसलमानों की है जबकि अल्पसंख्यकों में सुन्नी, जोरास्थ्रियन, जूडा, ईसाई, बहाई आदि धर्मों के लोग शामिल हैं। ईरान के 98 प्रतिशत लोग इस क्षेत्र की मूल फारसी भाषा बोलते हैं।18वीं और 19वीं शताब्दी में ईरान अन्य यूरोपीय देशों के दबाव में आ गया और 19वीं शताब्दी में तेल की खोज के बाद यह इंगलैंड और रूस के बीच प्रतिद्वंद्विता का केन्द्र बन गया। 1921 में रजा खान नामक एक सेनाधिकारी ने यहां सैनिक तानाशाही कायम की और पहलवी राजवंश स्थापित किया।1963 में ईरान में अयातुल्ला खुमैनी ने तथाकथित 'गोरी क्रांति' के विरुद्ध देशव्यापी धार्मिक क्रांति का बिगुल बजा दिया। 1979 में इस्लामी क्रांति की सफलता और ईरान के पूर्व शाह मोहम्मद रजा पहलवी के देश निकाले के बाद इसे एक 'धर्म शासित देश'  का दर्जा देकर इसका नाम 'इस्लामिक रिपब्लिक ऑफ ईरान'  रख दिया गया और उसी वर्ष देश के संविधान ने अयातुल्ला खुमैनी को इस देश का 'सर्वोच्च नीति निर्धारक, मार्गदर्शक एवं निर्णायक' का दर्जा दे दिया।

बीबीसी की यह रपट,किस काम का है गुटनिरपेक्ष आंदोलन?लेखक शशि थरूर, इस पूरे प्रसंग को समझने में सहायक हो सकती हैः

ऐसे वक्त जब भारतीय प्रधानमंत्री 16वें गुटनिरपेक्ष आंदोलन (नैम) में हिस्सा लेने के लिए तेहरान पहुँचे हैं, सवाल पूछे जा रहे हैं कि इस आंदोलन का कितना औचित्य रह गया है और इसकी दिशा क्या होगी?

मनमोहन सिंह के अलावा करीब सौ से ज़्यादा देशों के नेता भी ईरान में हैं.


नैम का जन्म करीब 50 साल पहले हुआ. उस वक्त दुनिया अमरीका और उसके धुर विरोधी, तत्कालीन सोवियत यूनियन, और उनके साथी देशों के बीच बंटी हुई थी.

उस वक्त नैम विकासशील देशों के लिए ऐसा माध्यम था जिससे वो इन दोनों सुपरपावर देशों को दिखा सकते थे कि वो दोनो समूहों से स्वतंत्र हैं.

शीत युद्ध के बाद अब दोनों प्रतिस्पर्द्धी समूह नहीं बचे हैं. इसी कारण कई लोग सवाल पूछ रहे हैं कि अब ऐसे आंदोलन का क्या औचित्य है?

नैम ने अपने आपको ऐसे देशों के आंदोलन के तौर पर पुनर्भाषित किया है जो किसी भी बड़ी शक्ति के साथ नहीं खड़ा है.

नैटो से बाहर के ज़्यादातर देश किसी गठबंधन से नहीं जुड़े हैं, इसलिए उनके लिए नैम से जुड़ने के लिए यही कारण काफी नहीं है. नैम ने अपनी छवि ऐसे संगठन के तौर पर बनाई है जो दुनिया की एकमात्र सुपरपावर अमरीका के अधिपत्य का मुकाबला करे.

साथ ही नैम ने खुद को ऐसे देशों के संगठन के तौर पर पेश किया है जो 'पश्चिमी साम्राज्यवाद' के प्रभुत्व से स्वतंत्र हैं.

नैम में ज़्यादातर ऐसे विकासशील देश हैं जो पूर्व में उपनिवेश रह चुके हैं.

पुराना आंदोलन?

राजनीतिक गुट

पुराने से सुनाई पड़ने वाले नाम से ऐसे आरोप लगते हैं कि नैम आंदोलन पुराना पड़ चुका है.

ये छवि इस बात से मज़बूत होती है कि नैम देशों में संगठन अध्यक्ष ईरान और अगले अध्यक्ष वेनेज्युएला को अमरीका का कटु विरोधी माना जाता है. इससे नैम की पश्चिम-विरोधी छवि को बल मिलता है.

ईरान में हो रहे सम्मेलन से इस बात को भी बल मिलता है कि पश्चिमी देशों की कोशिशों के बावजूद ईरान अंतरराष्ट्रीय स्तर पर अलग-थलग नहीं पड़ा है. इससे नैम की भी ऐसी छवि उभरती है को वो पश्चिमी देशों की नीतियों का विरोध कर रहा है.

लेकिन इस झुकाव के अलावा गौर करने की बात ये भी है कि नैम के दूसरे सदस्यों में भारत, पाकिस्तान, सऊदी अरब, कीनिया, कतर और फ़िलिपींस जैसे देश हैं जो अमरीका के सहयोगी हैं.

इनमें से कुछ देश नैम की राजनीतिक बातों से ज्यादा आर्थिक दलीलों से आश्वस्त होंगे, खासकर ऐसे वक्त जबकि दुनिया भर में पूँजीवाद की नीतियों को चुनौती दी जा रही है. बाकी के देश अमरीकी आर्थिक नीतियों के समर्थक रहे हैं.

आर्थिक गतिविधियाँ जी-77 देशों का अधिकारक्षेत्र है जिसे विकासशील देशों का 'ट्रेड-यूनियन' कहा जाता है, जबकि नैम एक राजनीतिक गुट है.

नैम उन विकासशील देशों की भावनाओं का आइना है जो चाहते हैं कि उनकी नीतियाँ पश्चिमी देशों से अलग हों, चाहे वो ऊर्जा के क्षेत्र में हों, वातावरण के बदलाव को लेकर, तकनीक के हस्तांतरण को लेकर या फिर कुछ और.

नैम में शामिल कई विकासशील देश चाहते हैं कि दुनिया के मामलों में उनकी सामरिक नीतियाँ स्वायत्त हो और पश्चिमी देशों से स्वतंत्र हों.

मध्य-पूर्व में 'अरब स्प्रिंग' के कारण कई नैम देशों पर सीधे तौर पर प्रभाव पड़ा. इनमें मिस्र, लीबिया, ट्यूनीशिया और सीरिया शामिल हैं.

असहमत देश

भारत से दुनिया के संबंध
"भारत के कई देशों से कई अलग-अलग कारणों से संबंध हैं. इसलिए भारत एक साथ गुटनिरपेक्ष आंदोलन का सदस्य होने के अलावा जी-77 और जी-20 का भी सदस्य है"
शशि थरूर

इसलिए नैम आंदोलन एक ऐसा माध्यम होना चाहिए जिससे किसी क्षेत्र में छाई अशांति के कारणों से निपटने के तरीकों पर विचार हो. लेकिन नैम देश इतने विभाजित हैं कि एक बिंदु पर सहमत होना बहुत मुश्किल है. कई देशों की सोच सीरिया के नेता असद के विरुद्ध है जो कि पश्चिमी देशों की सोच से बहुत अलग नहीं है.

बहरहाल नैम सम्मेलन में अरब देशों में चल रही गतिविधियों पर विचार होने की उम्मीद है ताकि इस क्षेत्र के भविष्य पर संयुक्त समझौते पर पहुँचा जा सके. हालाँकि ये भी देखना होगा कि ऐसे किसी समझौते पर कितना अमल हो पाता है.

भारत जैसे देश में जहाँ पिछले दो दशकों से आर्थिक प्रगति के कारण विश्व के पटल पर उसकी भूमिका महत्वपूर्ण हो गई है, गुटनिरपेक्ष आंदोलन उसे उसकी उपनिवेश-विरोधी कार्रवाईयों की याद दिलाता है. लेकिन नैम भारत की अंतरराष्ट्रीय आकांक्षाओं को व्यक्त करने के लिए एकमात्र फोरम नहीं है.

इक्कीसवीं सदी के दूसरे दशक में भारत तेजी से गुटनिरपेक्ष से आगे बढ़ रहा है. मैने अपनी किताब 'पैक्स इंडिका: इंडिया ऐंड द वर्ल्ड ऑफ द 21स्ट सेंचुरी' में इसे "मल्टी एलाइनमेंट" या विविध एकत्रिकरण कहा है.

इसका मतलब है कि भारत के कई देशों से कई अलग-अलग कारणों से संबंध हैं. इसलिए भारत गुटनिरपेक्ष आंदोलन का सदस्य होने के अलावा जी-77 और जी-20 का भी सदस्य है.

भारत इब्सा (आईबीएसए) संगठन का सदस्य है जिसके दूसरे सदस्य देश हैं ब्राजील और दक्षिण अफ्रीका. इसके अलावा भारत रिक (आरआईसीएस) का भी सदस्य है जिसके दूसरे हिस्सेदार हैं रूस और चीन. दूसरे संगठन हैं ब्रिक्स (बीआरआईसीएस) और बेसिक (बीएएसआईसी).

भारत इन सभी संगठनों का सदस्य है और ये सभी संगठन उसके हितों को पूरा करते हैं.

इसी तरह भारत विश्व में अपनी जगह की ओर बढ़ रहा है और गुटनिरपेक्ष आंदोलन भी इस सफर का हिस्सा है.

(शशि थरूर भारत के पूर्व विदेश राज्य मंत्री रह चुके हैं)
http://www.bbc.co.uk/hindi/india/2012/08/120829_shashi_tharoor_vk.shtml

Indian Politics: Power Play with Corporate Money

http://hotnhitnews.com/Indian-Politics-Power-Play-with-Corporate-Money-By-Palash-Biswas-Hotnhitnews-India-11628082012.htm

Tuesday, August 28, 2012


POLITICS, INDIA, PARTIES, VEDANTA, CORPORATE MONEY  
Indian Politics: Power Play with Corporate Money  

"India (leaving apart its political class) is shocked to know about the USD 5.69 Million paid by UK based Vedanta Resources to some or most of its political parties. This fact raised questions on the integrity of political parties and their commitment for the people of India. Why Vedanta didn't name the parties in its report? Why Indian political parties kept quite till the fact came in Vedanta's annual report? Have they furnished detail of these funds in their annual return? Will the Enforcement Directorate (ED) take note of it and hold raids to bring all the irregularities made by all or a section of country's law makers and political parties? And, finally, who rules the country – the greed of parties and their leaders or the corporate interests?"

 

Palash Biswas

 

 

Mining group Vedanta Resources has paid USD 5.69 million (about Rs.28 crore) to political parties in India in last three years. Mind you, it is about just one company as we do not know about other company donations officially as yet. But Anti-Corruption Campaign remains silent on corporate mafia raj! It is no secret, or a wonder either, that policy making in India is all about corporate lobbying. Legislation and governance mean monopolistic aggression against the ninety nine percent masses! The militarised police state has no representation from the excluded excommunicated masses. Pushing the economic drive to boost dollar linked Americanised economy is nothing but ethnic cleansing.

 

India: Politics and Black Money

All political parties are caught red-handed in the game of black money hegemony. Mind you, it is not any sting operation or media exposure or a fact from any tweet or blog subjected to be banned, it is confirmed and official. Without disclosing the beneficiaries, billionaire Anil Agarwal promoted Vedanta in its annual report for 2011-12 stated that it paid USD 2.01 million to political parties in 2011-12. This donation was, however, lower than USD 3.66 million it had paid in 2009-10 when last general elections were held in the country.

So, how do you opt for an alternative government as every political party is hand in gloves with corporate financers to do the business of public relation in a country that has been converted into a slaughter house? A company spokesperson did not reply to the queries. However, the government's move to make donations to political parties tax-free is being seen as a sign of official acceptance of political money laundering in the form of corporate and non-corporate donations to these groups. It should be kept in mind that Union Budget 2009-10 provided for official acceptance of Companies' political donations. But we never know about the feeding in detail despite muscle flexing media and a viral social media.

Vedanta donation is tip of the iceberg. Thanks to UPA financial as well as corporate management, the Budget 2009-10 proposed to provide 100% tax exemption to electoral trusts. The only caveat is that the trust uses or distributes at least 95% of its income from such sources for the objective it was set up for. Finer details such as the bodies that are eligible to set up such trusts; the ceiling on the amount that could be collected; and maximum amount a political party can collect through such trusts, will be known only after the government finalises the scheme. It is yet another stimulus for making white out of black money in an economy of forgone taxes. And friends, it is an American system directly imported. US economy turned corporate imperialist as corporates fund US political system. All money is white there, nothing black. Money made from prostitution, drug network, mafia activities are also pumped into the democracy. For which America got involved in Afghanistan to break into drug network there to defend the American drug economy. It is happening in India very fast. Let us celebrate for the fact that Indian state defends corporate interest all in the name of internal security. Dare not to link Niyamgiri hills to Vedanta Donations.

Kevin Zeese writes, 'The 2012 presidential election promises to have the most anonymous campaign donations in U.S. history. Unless the Obama administration acts, unknown corporate and wealthy interests will fund massive advertising campaigns against and for candidates but the voters will not know who they are or their real agenda is. The Obama administration can prevent this further corruption of U.S. democracy by taking two steps, neither of which requires action by Congress.

However, in a U.S. election, dominated by multimillion-dollar donations, Democratic President Barack Obama's campaign is about to give small donors a new weapon by starting to accept text message donations for the first time in history, Reuter reports. Marking the beginning of what could be a revolution in U.S. campaign finance, the Obama campaign said on Thursday, it is wrapping up agreements with Verizon Wireless (VZ.N), Sprint Nextel Corp (S.N), U.S. Cellular and T-Mobile USA - a unit of Deutsche Telekom AG (DTEGn.DE), to open the floodgate for donations by text this week. In the coming days, voters are likely to start seeing a message on video screens at Obama rallies, at the end of ads or on fliers, encouraging them 'to contribute $10 to Obama for America, text GIVE to 62262.' The numbers spell out 'OBAMA.'

Civil Society distances from people's Issues?

Thus elections in India also have to be dominated by multimillion-dollar donations and, thus, the mandate to be manipulated depending on corporate strength. UID project exposed the corporate policy making and different colours of scams, scandals and sting operations just show the wall writing very clear as never before. Ironically, this system is hyped as transparency in political system despite the blooming political class inflicted with scams without any exception whatsoever. Incidentally, Anna Hazare targets both Congress and BJP for the corrupt political system. Targeting both Congress and BJP, Anna Hazare today said those whose hands are 'blackened' with corruption are levelling allegations against each other and that they cannot provide any future to the country. Hazare's comments came on a day when members of his disbanded team staged a protest against Congress and BJP in New Delhi, marching to the residences of the Prime Minister and Congress and BJP chiefs on the issue of coal block allocation. As the 75-yar-old social activist came out with a new blog handle, which is different from the one on the official website of India Against Corruption (IAC), where he said people will have to think now that no party will give a future to the country. Billion dollar question remains unaddressed at all. As people of India, are we empowered enough to think objectively!

It is quite amusing that the civil society, which does not stand against economic reforms replicating US economy, never does oppose the open market or mass displacement, repression, exclusion, excommunication and, even, ethnic cleansing, launched the anti corruption campaign to sustain the black money social economic political hegemony. The nation witnessed, only, yet another street drama while activist Arvind Kejriwal and hundreds of erstwhile Team Anna supporters were detained, while they marched to the residences of the Prime Minister and Congress and BJP chiefs to demonstrate on the issue of coal block allocation, with police using teargas and water cannons to disperse others in the crowd.

In the Dollar hegemony

Further, the elite ruling class never feels a little bit shame to showcase the shining India dream which has destroyed American masses already. The dollar hegemony is the only survival kit. Just de-link dollar from global economy, America has to starve. Saddam Hussain tried and doomed in the History. But Iran dared America and opened up consumer exchange refusing dollar exchange which is the bone of contention afresh in the Middle East. Nuclear Armament stand-off is nothing but media hype. NASA and Pentagon deleted entire middle class in United States of America. Twenty seven states are inflicted with drought. Internal economic crisis is just like hell losing break! Yet, the black money hegemony replicated and imported agrarian as well as economic crisis from America.

I get regular feed from America and I post them on my blog regularly. Please read! Moon mission is the destination - For whom? America has to defend its corporate interest worldwide and even in the infinite space. Most of American Tax Money is spent on defence. What do we intend to do? The super power nuclear icon, Missile man and former President APJ Abdul Kalam today said the country is suffering from the 'fifth nation syndrome' as it is always the fourth or fifth nation to launch any mission like the space mission or nuclear programme. Simply ridiculous! You want to be number one while majority of the masses are deprived of job and livelihood and subjected to ejection from home, deprived of citizenship and human as well as civil rights. Entire aborigine humanscape is seized within for whom space missions have to be launched, Vedanta has perhaps clarified very well!

Corporate Money in Power Play

According to its annual reports, Vedanta has paid USD 8.29 million to the political parties since 2003-04, when it got listed with London Stock Exchange. However, it did not make a single donation for three years between 2006-07 and 2008-09.

The recent expose of Nira Radia's taped conversations provided general public a sneak preview as to how PR consultants and corporate lobbyists orchestrate deals when it comes to nexus between mainstream news reporting and government officials. Moreover, this brewing source of scam would not have come to the public light if not for the leak of the tapes. It is of no secret that political parties are always on look out for funds to fuel their coffers and initiate spending activities to promote their alliance's agenda and theme directed towards the electorate. Most of such money is usually sourced internally or indirectly from tax-payers' pockets by some agdam-bagdam (ineligible) means. However, the buck doesn't stop over here. If the amount of inflow is substantial in its size, it has to come on record in form of voluntary donation receipts. It can not be stacked or utilized as black money for long without being embroiled into controversy. Thus, political parties gain heavily in the form of `so-called' donations from individuals or corporate entities. These donations could also be termed 'bribe' on the consideration that corporate pays only for the `favours' it receives from a political party.

Exemptions to such donations have been a long-standing demand of champions of democracy and anti-corruption activists. World over, illegal, underhand donations to political parties have been considered a major cause of corruption in public life. A senior tax lawyer, who is also a functionary of a political party, requesting anonymity, said, "After the enactment of Right To Information Act, this is the first major policy decision by the government for inculcating transparency in public life.

"Tata Sons Electoral Trust was the first body set up by a business conglomerate in the country to formalise the process of donating money to the political parties. This Trust was in news immediately after the elections when Union railway minister Mamata Banerjee declined a cheque of over Rs.27 lakh from the Trust. With then finance minister Pranab Mukherjee announcing a 100% tax deduction on companies and individuals contributing to electoral trusts, Political parties could now receive more donations. Electoral trusts are created as pass-through vehicles for routing donations to political parties, and are approved by the Central Board of Direct Taxes. Currently, 100% deduction is allowed only if donations are made directly to political parties.

In 2003, India enacted a new law that made private donations to political parties easier. This law allows contributions by private companies to political parties to a maximum limit of 5% of their profits. It also makes it mandatory for contributions to be made by cheque and requires that parties audit their annual accounts and maintain a list of donors who give in excess of Rs20,000 and submit this to the Election Commission.

Do Donations regulate Political Action?

Just see the bargaining! Environment and forests minister Jayanthi Natarajan nixed yet another attempt by Vedanta to get Niyamgiri bauxite mines in Odisha that Rahul Gandhi had stood up against, saving the Congress and its scion some blushes. She ordered that the preliminary nod given by her ministry to the expansion of Vedanta's aluminium refinery, which the company had claimed would source 150 million tonnes of bauxite from Niyamgiri mines in Lanjigarh, be held in abeyance to what effectively put the project on hold. The environment ministry had earlier cancelled the forest clearance to Vedanta for mining Niyamgiri hills alleging violation of green norms and hauled up the company for expanding the linked aluminium refinery without mandatory environmental clearance. It asked the company to file an application afresh for the expansion of the refinery. Vedanta went to the Supreme Court against the ban on mining.

Alongside, the company filed a fresh application for expansion of the aluminium refinery. But without a word on the existing rigmarole over Niyamgiri mines, the company said it would source 150 million tonnes of bauxite from the Lanjigarh mines. Disregarding the fact that the ministry had rejected Vedanta's bid for Lanjigarh mines, the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) division of the ministry gave preliminary nod to the project asking it to go ahead and hold a public hearing on the project based on the EIA report. The report of the company too did not mention, as required, that the claimed source of raw material was bound in legal disputes. Sources said Natarajan stepped in when informed and put the preliminary nod given by her officers to Vedanta on hold. The public hearing now stands cancelled till the ministry takes a final view on the case.

Surrounded and trapped by a number of disputes and controversial issues, Vedanta resorted to make its way to plunder the resources of the land by funding parties and taking political leadership to its side and manipulate with the system to get in and achieve its target. This has become clearer from the data given in its own report about political funding in India!

So, the question is, who and what decide the political actions in the country? Who, through our so called leaders, govern the nation? Can we say, our leaders and their parties are for the people and the nation?

[Palash Biswas is a Kolkata based Writer and Activist working for the upliftment of Black Untouchables worldwide]

 







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I will prefer death than acquire land forcibly: Mamata Banerjee

I will prefer death than acquire land forcibly: Mamata Banerjee

Sticking to her stand of not acquiring land forcibly, West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee on Wednesday said she would prefer death than agree to it.

"I am against acquisition of land forcibly. We will not acquire land by pointing guns at farmers. I will prefer death than acquire land forcibly from farmers," Banerjee said in Itahar in North Dinajpur district on the second day of her tour of five districts.

"I went on a 26-day fast and was about to die, but did not compromise," she said referring to her 26-day hunger-strike in December 2006 to demand return of 400 acre to farmers who unwillingly parted with their land for the Tata Motors small car project atSingur.

The immediate provocation of Banerjee's comment appeared to betargetted at Congress MP Deepa Dasmunshi who had earlier criticised her government for non-cooperation in acquiring land for an AIIMS-like hospital at Raiganj in North Dinajpur.

Without naming Dasmunshi who is MP from RaiganjBanerjee said "I see that some here are engaged in politicking over the hospital at Raiganj.

"I am telling those who are criticising me that we will not acquire land forcibly. 100 acre of land will be required. Let them those are politicking arrange the land. I have no objection," she said.

The chief minister also announced the setting up of two multi-specialty hospitals at Raiganj and Islampur.

Dasmunshi, on her part accused the chief minister of avoiding the responsibility to set up the hospital which was announced by the union cabinet in 2009.

Rejecting the charge of politicking over the issue, Dasmunshi said "The chief minister is saying that land will not be acquired by her government. If that is the case, then the hospital will not come up. The Chief Minister is avoiding her responsibility.

"We will fight to the last to see that this hospital comes up here," saidDasmunshi who does not see eye to eye with the CM and who fielded Congress rebels against Trinamool Congress nominees in three constituencies in North Dinajpur in the last assembly elections.

Earlier, speaking about the achievements of her government, Banerjee said that it has provided over six lakh jobs in the past one year and three months.

"More jobs will be created in the coming years," CM said.

She added that her government has also provided ten lakh kishan credit cards.

Stating that making a turnaround in the state was a challenge similar to ousting the Left Front government, Banerjee said, "Earlier I used to work 18 hours a day. Now I am working 20 hours. It is my challenge to turnaround Bengal in terms of development."

India needs a formal refugee policy

India needs a formal refugee policy

http://www.niticentral.com/2012/08/india-needs-a-formal-refugee-policy.html

By Sandhya Jain on August 25, 2012

The steady trickle of Pakistani Hindus coming to India for pilgrimage and refusing to return has shattered the secular pretensions of our political elite, bringing out the truth that India is the civilisational homeland and legitimate refuge of Hindus of the undivided sub-continent. Hence it is imperative that New Delhi enact a national refugee law that recognises the default claims of Hindus fleeing persecution to citizenship in this land.

Hindus railing against religious persecution, forced conversion, financial extortion, abduction and forced marriages of minor girls have exposed Mohammed Ali Jinnah's failure to integrate them as full citizens of his 'secular' Muslim-majority nation. This establishes the failure of the Liaquat-Nehru Pact of 8 April 1950, to protect the rights of their respective minorities, something India has achieved with distinction due to the inclusive spirit of the Hindu people.

Indian leaders knew Hindus would always be second-class citizens in Pakistan, but problems of nationhood and partition forced them to curb the refugee influx to the extent possible. Hence the charade of the pact which offered minorities "complete equality of citizenship, irrespective of religion…" The reality is that Hindus comprised 22 per cent of Pakistani population (including East Pakistan) in 1951; today they are 1.7 per cent in Pakistan (and 9.2 per cent in Bangladesh).

The veil of feigned ignorance was torn on 8 September 2011, when a group of 114 persons landed at Dera Dhunni Das Ji at Majnu ka Tila, Delhi, and demanded refugee status. Advocates Bhim Singh and Gaurav Bansal moved the Delhi High Court and got them a stay against eviction. They argued that Articles 21 and 14 of the Constitution provided any person resident in India the right to life, equality, and justice.

Finally, on 25 April 2012, nudged by the bench headed by Acting Chief Justice Rajiv S Endlaw, Additional Solicitor-General AS Chandhiok promised that the Government would not deport the refugees. These refugees are now working in the informal sector, releasing guardian Nahar Singh of the burden of maintaining them indefinitely.

Realising the courts would protect incoming Hindu refugees, the Government quickly declared that the new lot of 250-odd pilgrim-refugees from Sindh, Baluchistan and Punjab Provinces could apply for permanent asylum. What we need, however, is a specific policy for Hindu refugees to replace the case-by-case system.

Their plight is underscored by the fact that Pakistani authorities made them sign documents promising not to defame Pakistan and to return before they were allowed to cross Wagah border. This moved the BJP, Biju Janata Dal, Punjab Congress and Samajwadi Party to speak up for them, even as more refugees trickled in with harrowing tales of harassment, violence and death at the hands of fanatics.

The plight of minorities in Pakistan has captured international attention. In July, three Hindu traders of one family were abducted in Kalat district, Baluchistan. Mercifully, the women of the family were left unharmed in their abandoned vehicle. This time, enraged Hindus blocked the Quetta-Karachi highway, disrupting NATO supply vehicles. Earlier, a priest of the historic Kali Mandir was kidnapped from the same area and released on payment of a ransom of Rs 80 lakh. Those who refuse to pay are simply murdered.

Some of the families that arrived on 9 August said they decided to leave after their shops were looted, homes raided, and women forcefully converted. News reports said these families were forced to sell their houses at half the market value, similar to the experience of many Kashmiri Pandits two decades ago (until the community decided to abandon their homes without making legal sales).

Pakistan's President Asif Ali Zardari has conceded that forced marriages of women and security issues are major concerns of Pakistani Hindus – the very issues the Liaquat-Nehru Pact was to address. He has now set up a body headed by Maula Bux Chandio. But as recently as 10 August, a 14-year-old Hindu girl was abducted in Jacobabad city, Sindh. Hindus from Sindh are now reported to be planning an exodus. India must welcome and rehabilitate them.

Noakhali genocide

Noakhali genocide

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Noakhali genocide
নোয়াখালী গণহত্যা

Gandhi listens to a survivor in Noakhali
LocationNoakhaliBengalIndia
DateOctober–November 1946
Target Bengali Hindus
Attack typeMassacreForced conversion
Weapon(s)Ramdaos, Teta, Koch
Deaths 5,000 - 10,000
PerpetratorsMuslim National Guards, ex-servicemen, private militia

Noakhali genocide (Bengaliনোয়াখালী গণহত্যা), also known as the Noakhali Carnage, was a series of massacres, rapes, abductions and forced conversions of Hindus and looting and arson of Hindu properties, perpetrated by the Muslim community in the districts of Noakhali[N 1] and Tipperah[N 2] in the Chittagong Division of Bengal in October–November 1946, a year before India's independence from British rule. It affected the areas under the Ramganj, Begumganj, Raipur, Lakshmipur, Chhagalnaiya and Sandwip police stations in Noakhali district and the areas under Hajiganj, Faridganj, Chandpur, Laksham and Chauddagram police stations in Tipperah district, a total area of more than 2,000 square miles.

The massacre of the Hindu population started on 10 October, on the day of Kojagari Lakshmi Puja, and continued unabated for about a week. It is estimated that over 5,000 Hindus were killed,[1][2] hundreds of Hindu women were raped and thousands of Hindu men and women were forcibly converted to Islam.[3] Around 50,000 to 75,000 survivors were sheltered in temporary relief camps in Comilla, Chandpur, Agartala and other places.[4]Apart from that, around 50,000 Hindus that remained marooned in the affected areas were under the strict surveillance of the Muslim hooligans, where the administration had to say.[4] In some areas, the Hindus had to obtain permits from the Muslim leaders in order to travel outside their villages. The forcibly converted Hindus were coerced to give written declaration that they have converted to Islam on their own free will. Sometimes they were confined in houses not their own and only allowed to be in their own house, when an official party came for inspection. The Hindus were forced to pay subscription to the Muslim League and pay jiziyah, the protection tax paid by zimmis in an Islamic state.[5]

Haran Chandra Ghosh Choudhuri, the only Hindu representative to Bengal Legislative Assembly from the district of Noakhali, described the incidents as the organized fury of the Muslim mob.[6] Syama Prasad Mookerjee, the former Vice-Chancellor of the University of Calcutta and the former Finance Minister of Bengal, dismissed the argument that the Noakhali incidents were ordinary communal riots. He described the events as a planned and concerted attack by the majority community on the minority community.[4]

Mohandas Gandhi camped in Noakhali for four months and toured the district in a mission to restore peace and communal harmony. However, the peace mission failed to restore confidence among the survivors, who couldn't be permanently rehabilitated in their villages. In the meanwhile, the Congress leadership accepted the Partition of India and the peace mission and other relief camps were abandoned. The majority of the survivors migrated to West BengalTripura[7] and Assam.[8]

Contents

  [hide

[edit]Background

Demography of Noakhali Sadar sub-division[9]
Police Station VillagesMuslims (%)Hindus (%)
Raipur4589.17 10.46
Lakshmipur215 84.7015.28
Ramganj 23869.8330.16
Begumganj 31779.3820.60
Senbag9883.5815.21
Sudharam21284.49 15.13
Companyganj22 83.5616.44
Ramgati 2791.038.97
Hatia 2382.2917.69
Sandwip4978.1921.81

The districts of Noakhali and Tipperah lay in the south eastern corner of Bengal, in the division of Chittagong and bordering the princely state of Hill Tippera. The district of Noakhali constituted of two sub-divisions Sadar and Feni covered a total area of 1,658 square miles. Noakhali was situated on the eastern bank near of Meghna near its confluence and therefore included in its domain several river islands, known as chars in Bengali, the Sandwip and Hatia being the largest two of such islands. Mainland Noakhali itself was crisscrossed by a network of small rivers and canals. The economy was mainly agrarian, with extensive plantations of jute, betel, betel nuts and coconuts. Given the physiographic nature of the district, country boats were the primary means of transport with hardly any motorable roads in the district. A metre gauge railway connecting Comilla andChittagong ran through Feni, branching off at Laksham to connect Noakhali town.

Muslims constituted 80.57% of the population in Noakhali to 19.31% Hindus, reflecting a demographic pattern characteristic of the districts of eastern Bengal, where the Muslims were in overwhelming majority. Agriculture being the economic mainstay of the region, a majority of the population, Hindus and Muslims alike were cultivators, majority of them sharecroppers and landless agricultural labourers. Apart from agriculture, the Hindus were engaged in handloom, banking and small businesses. The educated Hindu gentry were white collared job holders, mainly teachers, lawyers and doctors, some of them small landowners.

[edit]Direct Action Day

In 1940, the Muslim League raised the Pakistan proposal at its Lahore convention, that envisaged a Muslim homeland in British India, consisting of the provinces where the Muslims were in a majority, including Bengal. In the 1946, the Muslim League contested the elections on the plank of Pakistan, and an overwhelming 97% of the Muslim population of Bengal voted for Muslim League.

The Muslim League refused to accept the Cabinet Mission plan and join the Interim Government. Instead it resolved to embark on 'direct action' in order to achieve Pakistan. The Muslim League decided to observe Direct Action Day on 16 August 1946. In Bengal, the only Muslim League ruled province in British India, the day was declared a public holiday. Kolkata witnessed an unprecedented mass violence in the next five days, leaving 4,000 dead according to official reports. The Direct Action Day was simultaneously observed in the district towns of Bengal, most notably in Dhaka where Hindu properties were looted and Hindus murdered. The situation in the districts of eastern Bengal became tense, and sporadic acts of violence against the Hindu minority were reported from places like Mymensinghand Narayanganj.

[edit]Prelude

Noakhali did not witness any violence during the Great Calcutta Killings. Though it was quiet the tension was building up. The Eastern Command Head Quarters in Kolkata received reports, indicating tension in the rural areas of Noakhali and Chittagong districts, a week after the Great Calcutta Killings, six weeks before the genocide in Noakhali.[10] The situation quickly escalated into violence on the day on Id-ul-Fitr. From 2 October onwards there were frequent instances of stray killings, snatching and looting.[11]

[edit]Id-ul-Fitr riots

Although there were no major incidents in Noakhali during the Kolkata riots, the district remained tense. On 29 August, the day of Id-ul-Fitr, a rumour spread that Sikhs, hired by Hindus were killing the Muslims en masse. Muslims mobs the suburban mosques from poured into the Noakhali town and resorted to loot and arson. Incidents of waylaying and murder of Hindus took place in the roads and waterways.

A group of Hindu fishermen were attacked with deadly weapons while fishing in the Feni river. One of them was killed and two seriously injured. Another group of nine Hindu fishermen from Charuriah were severely assaulted with deadly weapons. Seven of them were admitted to hospital.[6] Devi Prasanna Guha, the son of a Congressman of Babupur village under Ramganj police station was murdered.[12] One of his brothers and a servant was assaulted. The Congress office in front of their house was set on fire.[6] Chandra Kumar Karmakar of Monpura was killed near Jamalpur. Jamini Dey, hotel worker was killed near Ghoshbag. Ashu Sen of Devisinghpur was severely beaten up at Tajumiarhat at Char Parvati. Rajkumar Choudhury of Banspara was severely assaulted on his way home.[6]

In Chandraganj, the shops of Kamini Kumar Pal and Jadav Chandra Saha were looted. The latter was beaten up. The Hindu-owned shops of Koresh Munshi Hat were looted. At Bholakot, three boats full of clothes were looted. Hindu-owned shops including two pharmacies were looted in Kankirhat. The Hindu shopkeepers of Tajmohammad Hat were driven away. Some Hindu shops of Sahapur market were looted. At Sonapur market, the shop of Subal Chandra Banik was looted.[6]

All the properties of six or seven Hindu families of Kanur Char were looted. At Karpara, a Muslim gang armed with deadly weapons entered the house of Jadav Majumdar and looted properties worth Rs. 1,500. Nakul Majumdar was assaulted. The houses of Prasanna Mohan Chakraborty of Tatarkhil, Nabin Chandra Nath of Miralipur and Radha Charan Nath of Latipur were looted. Five members of the Nath family of Latipur were injured.[6]

The temple of the family deity of Harendra Ghosh of Raipur was desecrated. A calf was butchered and thrown inside the temple. TheShiva temple of Dr. Jadunath Majumdar of Chandipur was desecrated in a similar manner. The household shrines of Nagendra Majumdar and Rajkumar Choudhury of Dadpur were desecrated and the idols were stolen. The Durga images of Ishwar Chandra Pathak of Kethuri, Kedareshwar Chakraborty of Merkachar, Ananta Kumar De of Angrapara and Prasanna Mohan Chakraborty of Tatarkhil were broken.[6]

[edit]Communal propaganda

The Diara Sharif of Shyampur, the residence of Ghulam Sarwar Husseini.

In 1937, Gholam Sarwar Husseini the scion of a Muslim pir family had got elected to the Bengal Legislative Assembly on a Krishak Praja Party ticket. However, in the 1946 elections, he got defeated to a Muslim League candidate. Gholam Sarwar's father and grandfather were piousMuslims and had led lives of penance. Their family happened to be the hereditary khadims at the Diara Sharif in Shyampur, revered as a holy place by Muslims and Hindus alike. After theDirect Action Day riots in Kolkata, Husseini began to deliver provocative speeches, inciting theMuslim masses to take revenge of the Kolkata riots.[13][14] In some places Hindu shops began to be boycotted. In the Ramganj and Begumganj police station areas, the Muslim boatmen refused to ferry the Hindu passengers.[14] In the first week of September, the Muslim miscreants looted the Hindu shops in Sahapur market.[14] The Hindus were harassed and molested when they were returning to their native villages from Kolkata to spend the Puja holidays.[14]

[edit]Events

The immediate occasion for the outbreak of the disturbances was the looting of a Bazaar (market) in Ramganj police station following the holding of a mass meeting and provocative speech by Gholam Sarwar Hussein. This included attacks on the house of Surendra Nath Bose and Rajendra Lal Roy Choudhury, the erstwhile president of the Nokhali Bar and a prominent Hindu Mahasabhaleader.[15][16]

[edit]Killings

On 10 October, the day of Kojagari Lakshmi Puja, when the Bengali Hindus were busy in puja activities, the Muslim League leadership started a false rumour that the Sikhs had attacked Diara Sharif.[17] As the rumour spread Muslims from the surrounding areas began to assemble at the Diara Sharif. Ghulam Sarwar instructed the Muslim masses to march towards the Sahapur market. Another Muslim League leader Kasem too arrived at the Sahapur market with his private army, then known as Kasemer Fauz.[N 3] The shrine of Kali was desecrated and the Hindu shops were looted. The Muslim mob began to shout anti-Hindu slogans.

Surabala Majumdar, the wife of Dr. Pratap Chandra Majumdar, who was killed in the genocide.

After that Kasem's army marched to Narayanpur to the zamindari office of Surendranath Basu. Kasem's army was joined their by another Muslim mob from Kalyannagar. Some of the Muslim tenants too joined the mob and attacked the zamindari office. After a brief resistance Surendranath Basu was critically wounded by a sharp weapon. The Muslim mob tied his hands and legs burned him alive.[17] On hearing that Surendranath Basu had been attacked, Rajkumar Pal, a doctor from the nearby village of Panchgharia set out to rescue him. But he was stabbed by a miscreant on the way.[18]

The destroyed house of Rajendralal Roychowdhury.

On 11 October, the private army of Gholam Sarwar, known as theMiyar Fauz attacked the residence of Rajendralal Roychowdhury, the president of the Noakhali Bar Association and the Noakhali District Hindu Mahasabha. At that time Swami Tryambakananda of Bharat Sevashram Sangha was staying at their house as guest. Rajendralal defended the mob from his terrace with his rifle for the entire day. At the nightfall, when the mob retreated Rajendralal sent the Swami and his family members to safety. The next day the mob attacked again. The set fire to the house and killed 22 family members including Rajendralal's elder brother Chintacharan and younger brother Satish and himself.[19] The severed head of Rajendralal Roychowdhury was presented to Golam Sarwar on a platter and his two daughters were gifted to two of his trusted generals.[20]According to Sucheta Kriplani, Rajendralal Roychowdhury had followed the footsteps of Shivaji and Guru Gobind Singh and became a martyr, defending his faith and family honour.[21] Acharya Kripalani, a staunch believer in non-violence, held that the resistance offered by Rajendralal Roychowdhury and his family, was the nearest approach to non-violence.[21] After three months Mohandas Gandhi while touring Noakhali visited their gutted house. On 11 January 1947, the corpses of the Roychowdhurys were exhumed from a swamp in Azimpur and brought before Mohandas Gandhi's prayer assembly at Lamchar High School. After the prayers the corpses were cremated according to Hindu rites.

A destroyed Hindu homestead in Chandpur.

On 12 October, the residence of Chittaranjan Dutta Raychaudhuri at Shayestaganj under Raipur police station was attacked by a Muslim mob. He took all his family members to the terrace and began to defend the attackers with his rifle. Heavily outnumbered and running out of ammunition he used pump to fire water cannon on the attackers. In the end, he shot his aged mother and children and finally himself.[22] Kasem's private army attacked the Das family of Gopairbag near Sompara market under Ramganj police station. The Das family were Kasem's immediate neighbour. The attackers killed 19 members of the family.[23] The Chaudhuri family of Noakhola village under Ramganj police station were attacked by a Muslim mob. The attackers resorted to murder, loot and arson. All the eight male members of the household were killed.[23] AnotherMuslim mob attacked the residence of Yashoda Pal and Bharat Bhuiyan at Gobindapur under Ramganj police station. They tied together 16 members of the family and burnt them alive.[24]Between Amishapara and Satgharia the residences of the Bhaumiks and the Pals were total burnt to ashes. 19 Hindus of the two families were killed.[24] In Nandigram, Golam Sarwar's private army burnt the Nag residence, the post office and even the school founded by Ramanikanta Nag. The Hindus from the nearby areas had taken shelter in the Nag residence and initially the police protected them. When the Golam Sarwar's private army initially attacked the Nag residence, the attacks were repulsed by the police. The attackers then resorted to indiscriminate looting in the village. An aged man named Kunja Karmakar was burnt alive.[24]

According to eye witnesses, the attackers used petrol to set the houses on fire. In the remote island of Sandwip which had no motor cars, petrol was imported from the mainland to set the Hindu houses on fire. According to Rakesh Batabyal, the use of petrol and kerosene indicates the pre-meditated and organized nature of the attacks.[25] In Sandwip, revolutionary freedom fighter Lalmohan Sen was killed when he tried to resist a Muslim mob from killing the Hindus.[26][27]

An affidavit, attesting the atrocities on Hindu women.

Riot in the district broke out in the Ramganj police station area in the northern Noakhali District on 10 October 1946. The violence unleashed was described as "the organized fury of the Muslim mob".[6] It soon engulfed the neighbouring police stations of Raipur, Lakshmipur, Begumganj and Sandip in Noakhali, and Faridganj, Hajiganj, Chandpur, Lakshman and Chudagram in Tippera.[15][16] The devastation caused by widespread violence was quite extensive. Initial statistics regarding casualties remained doubtful. If the "Hindu" press placed the figures in thousands, the "League" press went on to the other extreme and even denied incidents of death.[28] As per Gandhian Ashoka Gupta's report during visit with Mahatma Gandhi from the genocide site at least 2000 Hindus were forced to change their religion to Islam, six were forced to marry by force and one was murdered.[29] However, the official estimate was a conservative 200.[15][16] Jashoda Ranjan Das, one of jamidar of noakhali Nauri, was killed during the riot. He succeed to save his wife and kids, sent them to Westbengal with the help of local muslims.. and stayed with his brother in laws. few months later, with the help of Mahatma Gandhi, the bodies were found.

[edit]Forcible conversions

Villages after villages were forcibly converted to Islam. The men were forced to wear skullcaps and grow beards. The women were stripped off shankha[N 4] and sindur and forced to recite the kalma. Moulavis visited their homes and imparted Islamic teachings. The men were forced to offer prayers at the mosques. The converted Hindus were forced to eat beef, an act which is considered a sacrilege. They were also forced to establish marital relations with the Muslims. The converted Hindus were given newArabic names. The Muslim leaders even awarded certain upper caste Hindu converts honorific titles like Chaudhuri and Thakur.[30]

The movements of the converted Hindus were restricted. They had to take permission from local Muslim leaders to go outside the village. In Khalishpara village under Ramganj police station, the Muslims forced the converted Hindus to give written statement that no untoward incident had taken place in the village.[30]

When the news of the killings and forced conversions appeared in the news for the first time, the Muslim League patronized newspaper The Star of India denied any incidents of forcible conversion.[31] However, Suhrawardy, while answering the question of Dhirendranath Datta in the assembly stated that there had been 9,895 cases of forcible conversion in Tipperah. The exact figure was not known for Noakhali, but it ran into thousands.[32] Edward Skinner Simpson stated in his report that 22,550 cases of forcible conversion took place in the three police station areas of Faridganj, Chandpur and Hajiganj in the district of Tipperah. Dr. Taj-ul-Islam Hashmi concluded that the number of Hindu women raped or converted were probably many times than the number of Hindus killed. According to M. A. Khan, at least 95% of the Hindus of Noakhali were converted to Islam.[33] According to Justice G.D. Khosla, the entire Hindu population of Noakhali had been robbed of all they possessed and then forcibly converted to Islam.[34]

[edit]Official developments

On 13 October, Kamini Kumar Dutta, the leader of the Indian National Congress at the Bengal Legislative Council, he undertook a visit of inquiry to Noakhali on personal capacity where he interviewed Abdullah, the District Superintendent of Police. On the 15th, he met the Minister of Civil Supplies of the Government of Bengal, who was on his way to Noakhali. On his return he communicated to the Home Department of the Interim Government, seeking effective remedial measures and stating that it was impossible for anyone from outside to enter the disturbed areas without the risk of life. No force was sent to the disturbed areas till 14 October. He further stated that the authorities were anxious to hush up the entire episode from public inspection.[35]

Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, the Prime Minister of Bengal, held a press conference in Kolkata on 16 October where he acknowledged the forcible conversion, plunder and loot of Hindus in Noakhali. While insisting that the incidents had stopped, he said he had no idea why incidents occurred. He stated that it had become difficult for the troops to move in because the canals had been jammed, bridges were damaged and roads blocked. He contemplated dropping printed appeal and warning from the air, instead of rushing in troops.[36]On 18 October, Frederick Burrows, the Governor of Bengal, along with Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy and the Inspector General of Police, Bengal visited Feni by plane and flew over the affected areas.[37]

On 19 October, Jivatram Bhagwandas Kripalani, the President-elect of Indian National CongressSarat Chandra Bose, the Member-in-Charge of Works, Mines and Power in the Interim Government, Surendra Mohan Ghosh, the President of Bengal Provincial Congress Committee, Sucheta Kripalani, Major General A. C. Chatterjee, Kumar Debendra Lal Khan and the editor of Anandabazar Patrika flew toChittagong at the suggestion of Mohandas Gandhi.[38] On the way they made a brief stop at Comilla, where thousands of Hindu victims narrated them the atrocities on them. In Chittagong, they met Frederick Burrows, the Governor of Bengal, who assured them that according to Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, the Prime Minister of Bengal, everything was peaceful and orderly. He explained the rape and molestation of Hindu women as natural because they were more handsome than Muslim women.[39]

On 21 October, Arthur Henderson, the Under-Secretary of State for India and Burma read out a report from the Governor of Bengal, at the House of Commons, that stated that the number of casualties were expected to be in the three figure mark. Sarat Chandra Bosechallenged the statement made at the House of Commons, citing that 400 Hindus were killed in a single incident at the office cum residence of landlord Surendranath Bose.

On 25 October, at a mass meeting in New Delhi held under the presidentship of Suresh Chandra Majumdar, the Managing Director of the Anandabazar Patrika and the Hindusthan Standard, a resolution was passed demanding the immediate of recall of the Governor of Bengal, the dismissal of the Muslim League ministry and intervention of the Centre.[40] At a press conference in Kolkata on 26 October, Lieutenant General F. R. R. Bucher, the GoC of Eastern Command stated that it was impossible to estimate how long it would take to restore the confidence among the affected people.[40]

[edit]Relief operations

Swami Abhayananda of Bharat Sevashram Sangha distributing relief items at Dalalbazar under Lakshmipur police station in Noakhali in 1946.

When the news of Noakhali genocide reached the outside world, Indian social, religious and political institutions came forward for relief and rescue operations. Notable among them wereBharat Sevashram SanghaHindu MahasabhaIndian National CongressCommunist Party of IndiaIndian National Army, Prabartak Sangha, Abhay AshramArya Samaj and Gita Press.[41]

On receiving the news of Noakhali, Ashutosh Lahiry, the General Secretary of Hindu Mahasabhaimmediately left for Chandpur. Dr. Syama Prasad MookerjeeNirmal Chandra Chatterjee and Pandit Narendranath Das, along with other workers flew to Comilla and entered the affected area with military escorts. A plane was requisitioned and dispatched to the affected area fully loaded with rice, chira, bread, milk, biscuits, barley and medicines. Other consignments were dispatched by train.[42] The affected people who took refuge in Kolkata were given protection in about 60 centres in the city and suburbs.[42] In order to administer the funds generously contributed by the public, Syama Prasad Mookerjee appointed M/S. P.K.Mitter & Co., a Kolkatabased accountants firm to control the collection, disbursement and audit of the public funds.[43]

Inauguration of Rajendralal Hospital at Lakshmipur.

Nirmal Chandra Chatterjee, the working President of the Bengal Provincial Hindu Mahasabha, Debendranath Mukherjee, the General Secretary and Nagendranath Bose, the Assistant Secretary proceeded to the affected areas of Noakhali and Tipperah.[44] Chatterjee consulted Larkin, the Relief Commissioner and considered zonal settlement to be the best method for providing relief and safety, keeping in mind the future resettlement of the victims in their respective villages. Accordingly relief centres were opened at Bamni, under Raipur police station, Dalalbazar under Lakshmipur police station and at Paikpara under Faridganj police station.[44] M.L.Biswas, the Secretary of the Bengal Provincial Hindu Mahasabha, P.Bardhan, the Medical Secretary and J.N.Banerjee, the Treasurer were sent to the other affected areas to set up relief centres. Each of the relief centres were provided with a mobile medical unit, placed in the charge of efficient medical officers.[44] Sanat Kumar Roy Chowdhury, the Vice-President of the Bengal Provincial Hindu Mahasabha inaugurated a well equipped 25-bed hospital at Lakshmipur, in the memory of Rajendralal Raychaudhuri who had died fighting the attackers. Dr. Subhodh Mitra was placed in charge of the hospital.[44] Nirmal Chandra Chatterjee visited Noakhali for a third time a inugurated a students home named, 'Shyamaprasad Chhatrabas' at Bajapati.[44]

Leela Roy rescued 1,307 Hindu girls.

On 20 October, at a meeting of the Chattogram Mahila Sangha, the Chittagong branch of the All India Women's Conference, presided by Nellie Sengupta, a resolution was passed where it was decided that the organization would work for the relief and recovery of the abducted Hindu women in Noakhali.[45] The Noakhali Relief Committee was formed for the purpose of providing relief, rehabilitation and recovering the abducted Hindu women.[46] From 26 October onwards, the Committee began to send a group of volunteers led byAshoka Gupta to Noakhali for relief operations on a weekly basis.[47] Their task was to search for the abducted Hindu women, provide relief to the refugees at the railway stations, and prepare a list of affected villages based on the account of affected villagers. Leela Roy reached Ramganj on 9 December, walking 90 miles on foot from Chaumohani. She recovered 1,307 abducted girls. Her organization National Services Institute set up 17 relief camps in Noakhali.[41] In December, the Srihatta Mahila Sangha decided to send Kiranshashi Deb, Leela Dasgupta, Saralabala Deb and Suhasini Das to Noakhali for relief work.[46] The Congress leaders who took the lead in the relief work were Satish Chandra Dasgupta, Dhirendranath Dutta, Trailokya Chakrabarti and Bishwaranjan Sen.[41]

A Government Order dated 10 February 1947, announced relief of Rs 250 to each affected holding for rebuilding their homestead. It also promised a dole of Rs 200 to each affected weaver, fisherman and peasant for buying new loom, langal, ox cart or fishing equipment on furnishing proof. The relief workers were surprised at the government decision of considering the entire joint family as one single holding or unit and contested that the sum of Rs 250 was far too inadequate for rebuilding the homestead. Ashoka Gupta met Akhtaruzzaman, the Additional District Magistrate of Noakhali, on 11 February on behalf of the relief workers and obtained an explanation of the government order so that none of the affected families were left out.[48]

[edit]Gandhi peace mission

Gandhi in Noakhali, 1946

Mahatma Gandhi played a pivotal role in cooling down the situation. He along with his other aides, toured the genocide-stricken area, and was instrumental in calming the communal tension.[15][29] On 18 October, Dr. Bidhan Chandra Roy personally communicated to Mohandas Gandhi, appraising him of the Hindu massacre in Noakhali and the plight of the Hindu women in particular. At the evening prayer Mohandas mentioned the events in Noakhali in a concerned note. He said, if one half of India's mankind was paralysed, India could never really feel free. I would far rather see India's women trained to wield arms than that they should feel helpless. On 19 October, Mohandas Gandhi decided to visit Noakhali.[49]

Prior to Mohandas Gandhi's departure for Noakhali, he was interviewed by Dr. Amiya Chakravarty at the Abhay Ashram in Sodepur, near Kolkata on 6 November. After the interview, Dr. Amiya Chakravarty briefed that the most urgent need of the hour was to rescue the abductedHindu women who obviously could not be approached by the military because, after being forcefully converted they were kept under the veil.[50]

Gandhi started for Noakhali on 6 November and reached Chaumuhani the next day. After spending two nights at the residence of Jogendra Majumdar, he embarked on his tour of Noakhali, barefoot on 9 November. For the next seven weeks he covered 116 miles and visited 47 villages. He set up his base in a half burnt house in the village of Srirampur where he stayed put till 1 January. He organized prayer meetings, met local Muslim leaders and tried to win their confidence. Mistrust between Hindus and Muslims continued to exist, and stray incidents of violence occurred even during his stay in Noakhali. On the evening of 10 November, Sunday, two persons were reported to be murdered on the way while returning home after attending Mohandas Gandhi's evening prayer at Duttapara relief camp.[51]

Gandhi's stay in Noakhali was resented by the Muslim leadership. On 12 February 1947, while addressing a rally at Comilla, Fazlul Haque stated that Gandhi's presence in Noakhali had harmed Islam enormously.[52] His presence had created a bitterness between the Hindus and the Muslims.[52] The resentment against Gandhi's stay in Noakhali grew day by day. Towards the end of February, 1947 it became vulgar. Gandhi's route was deliberately dirtied everyday and the Muslims began to boycott his meetings.[52] Mohandas Gandhi discontinued his mission halfway and started for Bihar on 2 March 1947 at the request of the Muslim League leaders of Bengal.

QUIT NOAKHALI OR DIE, GANDHI WARNS HINDUS NEW DELHI. India, April 7 (AP)-Mohandas K. Gandhi, who has been attempting to Insure communal peace in the Bengal and Bihar areas, said today religious strike in the troubled Noakhali section of Bengal seemed to call for Hindus to leave or perish "In the flames of fanaticism." Meanwhile, a one day strike of workers throughout Bombay Province appeared likely to be called by the Provincial Trade Union Congress to express sympathy with the two week old strike of 8,500 transport workers In the city of Bombay. Mr. Gandhi hailed his walking tour of Bengal and Bihar at the Invitation of the new Viceroy. Viscount Mountbatten. for discussions: on departure of the British from. India, by June, 1945. Today he released telegrams from Congress party workers in Noakhali. which Is predominately Moslem, in which they described attempts to burn Hindus alive.

New York Times,April 8, 1947

[edit]Aftermath

According to historian Rakesh Batabyal, the situation never returned to normal.[53] Sporadic incidents of violence continued and even the police were not spared. In one incident, reported by Frederick Burrows to Frederick Pethick-Lawrence, that took place in early November, a senior ICS officer and his police party were attacked thrice on the way, while escorting the Hindu survivors to a refugee camp. The police had to open fire in which seven were killed and ten wounded.[54] Bengali periodical Desher Vani published fromNoakhali quoted a relief worker in the Ramganj police station area who stated that even after four months people have not returned to their houses.[55]

[edit]Investigation and cover-up

On 29 September 1946, the Government of Bengal had passed an ordinance prohibiting the press from publishing any correct information regarding any communal disturbances. Any statement, advertisement, notice, news or opinion were prohibited from mentioning (1) the name of the place where the incident occurred, (2) the way in which the victims were killed or injured, (3) the name of the community to which the victim or the perpetrator belonged and (4) the destruction or desecration of places of worship or shrines, if any. According to Ramesh Chandra Majumdar, the promulgation of the ordinance was the main reason why the news of the incidents were not published in the press for a week.[56]

The Government of Bengal appointed Edward Skinner Simpson, a retired judge to investigate the incidents in Noakhali. The report submitted by Simpson was covered up by the government. After arriving at Kolkata, on his way to Noakhali, Gandhi sought a copy of the report from the Suhrawardy. The latter had initially agreed in providing him a copy of the report. However, the Governor and the secretaries strongly objected to such a proposition and Suhrawardy declined to hand over the report to Gandhi. A copy of the report was with Mathur, the secretary to Suhrawardy, who secretly handed over a summary of the report to The Statesman. The editor of the Statesman published a censored version of the report on 13 November 1946. In the report, Simpson mentioned that for a proper investigation into the happenings in Noakhali, at least 50 senior officers needed to be engaged for a period of six months.[57]

[edit]Noakhali on the eve of Partition

Though the massacres and mass conversions had stopped in October itself, the persecution of the Hindu population continued in Noakhali and even during Gandhi's stay in Noakhali. A week after Gandhi's departure from Noakhali, A.V. Thakkar before leaving for Mumbai wrote from Chandpur on 9th March that lawlessness was still persisting in Noakhali and Tipperah. Even after five months of the disturbances in October, there was no sign of recession in the lawlessness. On the contrary some of the temporary police stations were being withdrwan, encouraging the criminal elements further.[58] On 19 March, the Muslims held secret meetings at different places. They threatened the Hindus of slaughtering them en masse. The moderate Muslims added that this time they would not be able to protect the Hindus.[59] Ghulam Sarwar convened a huge meeting at Sonapur under Ramganj police station on 23 March 1947. The day was to be celebrated as Pakistan Day. The programme for the day was complete strike. Thousands of Muslims would gather at the meeting. The meeting was announced in the village markets on 20 March by the beating of the drums. At the announcement of the meeting, the Hindus began to flee fearing further oppression. The Choumohani railway station became packed with Hindu refugees.[60]The relief workers of the Gandhi peace mission requested the District Superintendent of Police, the Additional District Magistrate and Abdul Gofran, a minister to not allow the meeting to be held. The DSP however stated that the meeting would be held and the police would adopt adequate security measures. The relief workers reported the matter to Mohandas Gandhi and Suhrawardy and the latter wired a government order to the Noakhali SP on 22 March prohibiting meeting in public places, processions and slogans. However meetings could be held in private places like madrasas and mosques.[61] Rehan Ali, the Officer-in-Charge of the Ramganj police station contended that the meeting would be held at the Amtali ground, which was a private place as it was adjacent to a mosque, therefore the government order would not be violated.[61] The Muslim League leadership resolved to hold the meeting at any cost. Muslim League leaders Mohammad Ershad and Mujibur Rahman roped in minister Abdul Gofran as one of the speakers at the meeting.[62] On 23 March 4,000 to 5,000 Muslims marched in a procession from Ramganj to Kazirkhil and then back to Ramganj, chanting slogans and gathered for the meeting.[63] While addressing the gathering one of the speakers Yunus Mian Pandit criticized the Hindus for the practice of untouchability, lack of purdah system and justified the economic boycott on them.[53]

On 13 May 1947, William Barret, the Divisional Commissioner of the Chittagong Division submitted a top secret report to P. D. Martyn, the Additional Secretary to the Department of Home, Government of Bengal detailing the persecution of the Hindus in subtle manner.[58]He reported that the Hindus were sometimes searched by groups of Muslims and deprived of petty belongings which caught their fancy. In some cases the Hindus had their daily shopping snatched away. Coconuts and betel nuts were forcefully taken from the Hindu homesteads. Cattle were stolen. Corrugated iron sheets and timber were forcefully taken away. Paddy plants were uprooted from the Hindu-owned lands. Efforts were made to close down Hindu-owned cinema houses. Demands were made that the Muslims should have 50% of the loom licenses, even though the vast majority of weavers were Hindus belonging to the Yogi caste. Efforts were made to rid the marketplaces of Hindu merchants and shopkeepers. Hindus, who had rebuilt their houses were threatened to leave the district. Hindu complainants at the police station were threatened by Muslims and compelled to agree to their cases being compromised. The Hindus were openly addressed as malauns and kafirs.[64] It was reported on 13 May, that a Hindu woman of Dharmapur village was rescued while being abducted by Muslims.[65] On 16 May abduction was unsuccessfully attempted on two Hindu women.[66]

[edit]Repercussions in Bihar

As a reaction to the Noakhali Genocide, a riot rocked Bihar towards the end of 1946.[67] Between 30 October and 7 November, mass communal massacres in Bihar brought Partition closer to inevitability.[citation needed] Severe violence broke out in Chapra and Saran district, between 25 and 28 October.[68] Very soon PatnaMunger and Bhagalpur also became the sites of serious turbulance. Begun as a reprisal for the Noakhali riot,[citation needed] it was difficult for authorities to deal with because it was spread out over a large area of scattered villages, and the number of casualties was impossible to establish accurately: "According to a subsequent statement in theBritish Parliament, the death-toll amounted to 5,000. The Statesman's estimate was between 7,500 and 10,000; the Congress partyadmitted to 2,000; Mr. Jinnah claimed about 30,000."[69] However, By 3 November, the official estimate put the figure of death at only 445.[16] According to some independent source, the death toll was around 8000 human lives.[70]

Some worst riot also took place in Garhmukteshwar in United Provinces where a massacre occurred in November 1946 in which "Hindu pilgrims, at the annual religious fair, set upon and exterminated Muslims, not only on the festival grounds but in the adjacent town" while the police did little or nothing; the deaths were estimated at between 1,000 and 2,000.[71]

[edit]Footnotes

  1. ^ The then undivided district of Noakhali consisted of the present districts of NoakhaliLakshmipur andFeni, now in Bangladesh.
  2. ^ The then undivided district of Tipperah consisted of the present districts of ComillaChandpur andBrahmanbaria, now in Bangladesh.
  3. ^ Kasemer Fauz literally means Kasem's army.
  4. ^ Shankha (Bengaliশাঁখা) is a bangle made of conch shell, traditionally worn by married Bengali Hindu women as a mark of their married life.

[edit]References

  1. ^ Time. 28 October 1946.
  2. ^ Khan, Yasmin (2007). The Great Partition: The Making of India and Pakistan. Yale University Press. pp. 68–69. ISBN 0-300-12078-8.
  3. ^ "Fatal flaw in communal violence bill"Rediff.com. 2 July 2011. Retrieved 2 August 2011.
  4. a b c Sinha, Dinesh Chandra; Dasgupta, Ashok (2011). 1946: The Great Calcutta Killings and Noakhali Genocide. Kolkata: Himangshu Maity. pp. 278–280.
  5. ^ Sinha, Dinesh Chandra; Dasgupta, Ashok (2011). 1946: The Great Calcutta Killings and Noakhali Genocide. Kolkata: Himangshu Maity. p. 263.
  6. a b c d e f g h Ghosh Choudhuri, Haran Chandra (6 February 1947).Proceedings of the Bengal Legislative Assembly (PBLA)Vol LXXVII. Bengal Legislative Assembly.
  7. ^ Dev, Chitta Ranjan (2005). "Two days with Mahatma Gandhi"Ishani(Mahatma Gandhi Ishani Foundation) 1(4). Retrieved 7 August 2011.
  8. ^ Dasgupta, Anindita (2001). "Denial and Resistance: Sylheti Partition 'refugees' in Assam"Contemporary South Asia (South Asia Forum for Human Rights) 10 (3): 352.doi:10.1080/0958493012010955 9. Retrieved 7 August 2011.
  9. ^ Gupta, Ashoka (1999). Noakhalir Duryoger Dine (নোয়াখালির দুর্যোগের দিনে). Kolkata: Naya Udyog. p. 77. ISBN 81-85971-55-2.
  10. ^ Tuker, Francis (1950). While Memory Serves. London: Cassell. p. 170.
  11. ^ Batabyal, Rakesh (2005).Communalism in Bengal: From Famine to Noakhali, 1943-47. New Delhi: Sage Publications. p. 280.ISBN 81-7829-471-0.
  12. ^ Das, Suhasini (2004) (in Bengali).নোয়াখালি: ১৯৪৬ [Noakhali:1946]. Dhaka: Sahitya Prakash. p. 10. ISBN 984-465-373-8.
  13. ^ Whitehead, Andrew (20 May 1997). "Noakhali's Darkest Hour". Indian Express.
  14. a b c d Das, Suhasini (2004).Noakhali:1946. Dhaka: Sahitya Prakash. p. 11. ISBN 984-465-373-8.
  15. a b c d Batabyal, Rakesh.Communalism in Bengal : From Famine to Noakhali, 1943-47. Sage Publishers. ISBN 0-7619-3335-2.
  16. a b c d Mansergh, Nicholas; Moon, Penderel (1980). The Transfer of Power 1942-7.Vol IXHer Majesty's Stationery Office, LondonISBN 978-0-11-580084-9.
  17. a b Sinha, Dinesh Chandra (2001).শ্যামাপ্রসাদ: বঙ্গভঙ্গ ও পশ্চিমবঙ্গ (Shyamaprasad: Bangabhanga O Paschimbanga). Kolkata: Akhil Bharatiya Itihash Sankalan Samiti. p. 154.
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  24. a b c Sinha, Dinesh Chandra (2001) (in Bengali). শ্যামাপ্রসাদ: বঙ্গভঙ্গ ও পশ্চিমবঙ্গ [Shyamaprasad: Banga Bibhag O Paschimbanga]. Kolkata: Akhil Bharatiya Itihash Sankalan Samiti. p. 160.
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  28. ^ Tuker, Francis (1950). While Memory Serves. Cassell.
  29. a b Gupta, Ashoka"Those days in Noakhali…". www.india-seminar.com. Retrieved 20 December 2008.
  30. a b Sinha, Dinesh Chandra (2001) (in Bengali). শ্যামাপ্রসাদ: বঙ্গভঙ্গ ও পশ্চিমবঙ্গ [Shyamaprasad: Banga Bibhag O Paschimbanga]. Kolkata: Akhil Bharatiya Itihash Sankalan Samiti. p. 163.
  31. ^ The of India. October 17, 1946.
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  33. ^ Khan, M.A. (2009). Islamic Jihad: A Legacy of Forced Conversion, Imperialism and Slavery. Bloomington: iUniverse. p. 232. ISBN 978-1-4401-1846-3.
  34. ^ Khosla, G.D.. Stern Reckoning. New Delhi. p. 68.
  35. ^ Sinha, Dinesh Chandra; Dasgupta, Ashok (2011). 1946: The Great Calcutta Killings and Noakhali Genocide. Kolkata: Himangshu Maity. pp. 268.
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  37. ^ (Press release). Government of Bengal. 20 November 1946.
  38. ^ Sinha, Dinesh Chandra; Dasgupta, Ashok (2011). 1946: The Great Calcutta Killings and Noakhali Genocide. Kolkata: Himangshu Maity. pp. 265.
  39. ^ Kriplani, Jivatram Bhagwandas.Gandhi: His Life and Thought. pp. 255–256.
  40. a b Sinha, Dinesh Chandra; Dasgupta, Ashok (2011). 1946: The Great Calcutta Killings and Noakhali Genocide. Kolkata: Himangshu Maity. pp. 270.
  41. a b c Das, Suhasini (2004).Noakhali:1946. Dhaka: Sahitya Prakash. p. 13. ISBN 984-465-373-8.
  42. a b Short Report of Hindu Mahasabha Relief Activities during "Calcutta Killing" and "Noakhali Carnage". Kolkata: Bengal Provincial Hindu Mahasabha. 1946. p. 3. Retrieved 8 May 2011.
  43. ^ Short Report of Hindu Mahasabha Relief Activities during "Calcutta Killing" and "Noakhali Carnage". Kolkata: Bengal Provincial Hindu Mahasabha. 1946. p. 6. Retrieved 8 May 2011.
  44. a b c d e Short Report of Hindu Mahasabha Relief Activities during "Calcutta Killing" and "Noakhali Carnage". Kolkata: Bengal Provincial Hindu Mahasabha. 1946. p. 5. Retrieved 8 May 2011.
  45. ^ Gupta, Ashoka (1999). Noakhalir Duryoger Dine (নোয়াখালির দুর্যোগের দিনে). Kolkata: Naya Udyog. p. 11. ISBN 81-85971-55-2.
  46. a b Das, Suhasini (2004).Noakhali:1946. Dhaka: Sahitya Prakash. p. 12. ISBN 984-465-373-8.
  47. ^ "About our founder". Mahila Seva Samity. Retrieved 8 May 2011.
  48. ^ Gupta, Ashoka (1999) (in Bengali).নোয়াখালির দুর্যোগের দিনে [Noakhalir Durjoger Dine]. Kolkata: Naya Udyog. pp. 27–28.ISBN 81-85971-55-2.
  49. ^ Sinha, Dinesh Chandra; Dasgupta, Ashok (2011). 1946: The Great Calcutta Killings and Noakhali Genocide. Kolkata: Himangshu Maity. pp. 266–267.
  50. ^ Sinha, Dinesh Chandra; Dasgupta, Ashok (2011). 1946: The Great Calcutta Killings and Noakhali Genocide. Kolkata: Himangshu Maity. p. 271.
  51. ^ (Press release). Government of Bengal. 13 November 1946.
  52. a b c Majumder, Ramesh Chandra (1975) (in Bengali). বাংলা দেশের ইতিহাস [History of Bangla Desh]. Kolkata: General Printers and Publishers. p. 425.
  53. a b Batabyal, Rakesh (2005).Communalism in Bengal: From Famine to Noakhali, 1943-47. New Delhi: Sage Publications. p. 276.ISBN 81-7829-471-0.
  54. ^ Batabyal, Rakesh (2005).Communalism in Bengal: From Famine to Noakhali, 1943-47. New Delhi: Sage Publications. p. 275.ISBN 81-7829-471-0.
  55. ^ Desher Vani (Noakhali). 26 March 1947.
  56. ^ Majumdar, Ramesh Chandra (1975) (in Bengali). বাংলা দেশের ইতিহাস [History of Bangla Desh]4. Kolkata: General Printers and Publishers. p. 422.
  57. ^ Majumdar, Ramesh Chandra (1975) (in Bengali). বাংলা দেশের ইতিহাস [History of Bangla Desh]4. Kolkata: General Printers and Publishers. p. 421.
  58. a b Majumder, Ramesh Chandra (1975) (in Bengali). বাংলা দেশের ইতিহাস [History of Bangla Desh]4. Kolkata: General Printers and Publishers. p. 428.
  59. ^ Maksud, Syed Abul, ed. (2011) (in Bengali). নোয়াখালী গান্ধী মিশন ডায়েরি [Noakhali Gandhi Mission Diary]. Kolkata: Katha. p. 50. ISBN 978-93-8047-607-0.
  60. ^ Maksud, Syed Abul, ed. (2011) (in Bengali). নোয়াখালী গান্ধী মিশন ডায়েরি [Noakhali Gandhi Mission Diary]. Kolkata: Katha. p. 52. ISBN 978-93-8047-607-0.
  61. a b Maksud, Syed Abul, ed. (2011) (in Bengali). নোয়াখালী গান্ধী মিশন ডায়েরি [Noakhali Gandhi Mission Diary]. Kolkata: Katha. p. 54. ISBN 978-93-8047-607-0.
  62. ^ Maksud, Syed Abul, ed. (2011) (in Bengali). নোয়াখালী গান্ধী মিশন ডায়েরি [Noakhali Gandhi Mission Diary]. Kolkata: Katha. p. 55. ISBN 978-93-8047-607-0.
  63. ^ Maksud, Syed Abul, ed. (2011) (in Bengali). নোয়াখালী গান্ধী মিশন ডায়েরি [Noakhali Gandhi Mission Diary]. Kolkata: Katha. p. 56. ISBN 978-93-8047-607-0.
  64. ^ Sinha, Dinesh Chandra; Dasgupta, Ashok (2011). 1946: The Great Calcutta Killings and Noakhali Genocide. Kolkata: Himangshu Maity. pp. 333–334.
  65. ^ Maksud, Syed Abul, ed. (2011) (in Bengali). নোয়াখালী গান্ধী মিশন ডায়েরি [Noakhali Gandhi Mission Diary]. Kolkata: Katha. p. 60. ISBN 978-93-8047-607-0.
  66. ^ Maksud, Syed Abul, ed. (2011) (in Bengali). নোয়াখালী গান্ধী মিশন ডায়েরি [Noakhali Gandhi Mission Diary]. Kolkata: Katha. p. 65. ISBN 978-93-8047-607-0.
  67. ^ Ian Stephens, Pakistan (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1963), p. 110.
  68. ^ Ian Stephens, Pakistan (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1963), pp. 110-111.
  69. ^ Ian Stephens, Pakistan (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1963), p. 111.
  70. ^ Tuker, F. "Online Encyclopedia of Mass Violence". Retrieved 12 December 2011.
  71. ^ Ian Stephens, Pakistan (New York: Frederick A. Praeger, 1963), p. 113.

[edit]See also

[edit]External links