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Jyoti basu is dead

Dr.B.R.Ambedkar

Friday, December 4, 2009

West on lips, Mamata stalls pension bill

- India must abide by the US's conditions to get its support

Politicians over here — and, along with them, the media — are miffed no end. Why, oh why, is the United States of America so deferential towards China, while India is treated as a kid who is not yet fit to watch adult movies? During his recent visit to China, Barack Obama, for instance, went out of his way to reconfirm the American position that Tibet was an integral part of China. He carefully kept away from the entire range of sensitive issues relating to human rights, and only made a polite suggestion about the desirability of allowing the internet to roam free. The Chinese authorities could even persuade the US president to include in their joint statement a reference to the delicate state of Indo-Pakistan relations and how it impinges on Asian stability: the sly allusion to Kashmir was much too obvious. The US, it seemed, was determined to see no evil in China.

When it is India, it is, New Delhi laments, a different story. Obama may compliment India on being an emerging world power and an indispensable ally of the US. He may throw a glitzy State dinner for the Indian prime minister. For the present, that, though, is about all. The nuclear deal signed with such fanfare by the previous American administration is yet to be "operationalized", New Delhi continues to be denied certain categories of extremely sensitive "high" technology. India may vote with the nuclear Big Five against Iran; it cannot still gain entry into their exclusive club, it is not yet recognized as a "responsible" nuclear power.

The Americans have their reasons for this differential approach. China's massive holdings of dollars — close to 2300 billion — are almost ten times what India possesses. The Chinese, if they so choose, can unload the whole of this stock in the world financial market and ruin the American economy. True, that is a most remote possibility, since, for its own sake, China would not like to see an economically devastated US, the country where it sends by far the biggest chunk of its exports. At the same time, a crucial segment of US imports are from China; American citizens have fallen in love with low-cost Chinese consumer goods. With no signs of a dip in unemployment, the American nation has to be kept happy with at least a stable cost of living; imports from China are most helpful in that direction. Of about equal — perhaps even greater — significance is the magnitude of US investments in China, currently ranging at around 80 billion dollars each year (the total flow of foreign direct investment into India is yet to reach the annual rate of even eight billion dollars). Given the wobbly state of the domestic economy, the US administration dearly wishes investments in China to grow further and further. If the American president has to lobby hard on that account with China's leaders and humour them an extra bit, he will do so. China is already a superpower on the basis of its own capabilities and is duly accorded the appropriate consideration.

In about 20 years' time, when the size of the Chinese economy might be as large as that of the US's and its military prowess too expanded equally enormously, India could indeed be greatly needed by the Americans as an indispensable strategic ally to combat Beijing's overbearingness.

That kind of futurology does not constitute a part of the current American agenda. As of now, India can fulfil only a limited purpose. It has impressive manpower and a standing army of more than a million. This manpower would be handy to tackle the Taliban menace in West and South Asia. American involvement in Iraq and Afghanistan has made the electorate increasingly uneasy. The Asian war has to be wound down; the troops have to be brought back home. Washington is keen to see India join a grand concordat with the US and Pakistan against the global terror unleashed by the Taliban. American diplomacy is proceeding on the assumption that vis-à-vis India, it is in an advantageous position at the bargaining counter. If India wants to have American endorsement for entry into the charmed circle of "responsible" nuclear powers and free access to reprocessing facilities for spent fuel, it has to pay a price. The price is general support to American foreign policy, followed up by readiness to send battalions of the Indian army to Afghanistan.

New Delhi is in a bit of a jam. The prime minister has gone on record; in this region, the Taliban do represent global terror as much as the Laskar-e-Toiba does. Going a step further, he has implored the US and its allies not to withdraw their forces from Afghanistan at this juncture. The American riposte can well be — and presumably has been — to ask India to take the logical next step and send its own troops to Afghanistan. The US is in a position to use even another ploy. The Americans have been wanting India and Pakistan to come to a deal on the Kashmir issue. The problem here, in the American view, is more at the Indian end: New Delhi's concern about possible domestic reactions to a settlement over Kashmir which rendered the valley into something less than an "inalienable" part of India. The hint may already have been dropped: bury the hatchet with Pakistan and come to an arrangement over Kashmir, the nuclear deal will be through.

The nuclear deal, Kashmir and Afghanistan thus have turned into interconnected issues. India is dying to be recognized in the comity of nations as a big and as "responsible" a power as China. It can reach that status only if the US acts as its sponsor. The Americans have set a price tag for that sponsorship: India should agree to despatch troops to Afghanistan and, at the same time, reach an accord with Pakistan on Kashmir. A Pakistan-India entente which places Kashmir on the back-burner is of crucial importance to the US on two counts: it permits Pakistan's rulers to concentrate on the Taliban, it also lessens Pakistan's sensitivity towards deployment of an Indian army contingent in Afghanistan.

Since the two conditions the US has apparently set are difficult to swallow, India is likely to continue to hem and haw. The prospects, the realization is dawning, are not very hopeful. Played into an awkward corner, our prime minister turned into a pityingly self-righteous mood before an American audience: his country may not have as huge an economy as China's, India's gross domestic product growth may not be as remarkable as China's, but it is a free multi-cultural, multi-lingual, multi-ethnic democracy, it respects all human rights. Thank heaven for little mercies, the prime minister's speech writer did not drag in five thousand years of civilization, Gautam Buddha and Mahatma Gandhi.

A superpower does not whine, nor is it in need of beating its own drum. Anyway, contrary to what is said for form's sake, the Americans are not very particular about human rights where practical issues are involved. They have not bothered about human rights in Latin America in the past, they are not bothering about them in Iraq or Afghanistan either. They are much more interested in what China can do for the American economy at this moment, never mind the human rights business.

Not that New Delhi does not comprehend the nitty-gritty of realpolitik. In their feeble way, Indian authorities have been transmitting messages to the Americans. The directive to profit-making public undertakings to shed 10 per cent of their equity and the compulsory registration of all public sector corporate units in the stock exchanges constitute an open invitation to international — and especially American — finance capital to come and partake of the grand Indian spread. The banking and insurance sectors too have been offered on a platter to external — meaning American — parties. India might even toe, unabashedly, the American line at Copenhagen.

But to qualify as a suitable boy in American eyes, India perhaps has to do much more, and not just in the economic arena. For one, troops must be sent from India to Afghanistan so that American boys could go home.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1091204/jsp/opinion/story_11807479.jsp

West on lips, Mamata stalls pension bill
Mamata

New Delhi, Dec. 3: Mamata Banerjee tonight stalled a pension fund regulatory bill that would have let in foreign capital and let out a part of domestic savings for investments abroad.

Seeking to snatch from the Left the mantle of chief economic vigilante, the railway minister contended at a cabinet meeting that allowing foreign investment into the financial sector at this stage would send wrong signals.

She cited the example of the meltdown in the West to argue that many foreign funds, by investing in toxic assets, had failed in their fiduciary role of managing other people's assets.

The economic argument, which the UPA government that swears by the aam aadmi will find difficult to contest in public, came in the middle of political tension between the Trinamul Congress and the home ministry over the refusal of a central team to visit violence-hit areas in Bengal. Mamata, whose MPs created a furore in the Lok Sabha today, is scheduled to meet the Prime Minister tomorrow to lodge a complaint about Bengal's "lawlessness".

The Pension Fund Regulatory and Development Authority Bill provides for a 26 per cent cap on foreign direct investment, similar to that in insurance firms. The draft bill also has a provision that allows the pension fund to invest abroad a part of the money it collects from subscribers.

The two provisions had been opposed by the Left and some hardliners within the RSS, though they have found support in sections of the BJP which brought in insurance reforms.

The Left based its opposition on suggestions that pension funds would siphon off savings from local arms to offshore firms. Trade unions also have been feeding the fear, though the pension schemes have to offer subscribers an option under which their money will be invested exclusively in government bonds.

However, labour unions backed by Trinamul have been appealing to Mamata to oppose the bill to outgun the Left and spread their reach. A keen contest is on in Bengal over control of unions between Trinamul and the Left, and both wish to be seen as pro-labour.

Besides, the Trinamul leadership feared that unopposed passage of the bill would have armed the CPM and the CPI with a weapon to attack Mamata.

Mamata is believed to have already made it clear to the Congress leadership that while she would not oppose sale of small stakes in public sector units, attempts to transfer ownership of the PSUs to the private sector would not be acceptable.

She has already stalled the land relief and rehabilitation bill over a provision that allows partial government role in acquisition.

The pension fund bill has been in limbo since it debuted in 2005. The bill, held hostage by the Left in the previous government, had lapsed with the end of the 14th Lok Sabha on February 26, 2009.

Finance minister Pranab Mukherjee wanted to table the bill in this session to signal to western investors that India was ready to do business at a faster pace.

Pension regulators say the promotion of such funds is also necessary in a country like India where average life expectancy is going up.

Anti-riot bill nod

The cabinet tonight cleared a bill to check communal violence. The bill will enable the Centre to declare an area communally disturbed on its own and send security forces without the state's request.

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http://www.telegraphindia.com/1091204/jsp/frontpage/story_11820731.jsp

US feelers on Afghan army
- Admiral sounds India on training
Admiral Robert F. Willard at Amar Jawan Jyoti, India Gate, on Thursday.
(MoD photo)

New Delhi, Dec. 3: A top US commander is in New Delhi to seek Indian military help to train Afghanistan's army even as the import of Barack Obama's 18-month surge-and-exit strategy for the embattled country is being assessed.

The commander of the US Pacific Command, Admiral Robert F. Willard, met senior officers in the capital today and enquired if Indian special forces' instructors could be deployed in select Afghan National Army (ANA) academies to train troops in commando operations.

"We have not said yes or no. We are assessing and we will take everything into consideration," a defence ministry official told The Telegraph. "This is not quite the same as deploying troops. So we shall see. We do have good relations with the Afghan military."

Admiral Willard met the chairman, chiefs of staff committee, and army chief, General Deepak Kapoor; the chief of naval staff, Admiral Nirmal Verma; the vice-chief of air staff, Air Marshal P.K. Barbora; and the defence secretary, Praveen Kumar. He was hosted by the chief of the integrated defence staff, Air Marshal Suresh Chand Mukul.

In international coalition efforts to "stabilise" Afghanistan, the US is the "lead nation" — denoting that it has primary responsibility — for the Afghan National Army. The surge-and-exit strategy, which involves deployment of 30,000 additional US troops plus anticipated (but much less) troop contributions from Nato countries, has a roadmap for the expansion of the ANA built into it.

In July, the chief of the ANA, General Bismillah Khan Mohammadi, was hosted in New Delhi. India says its involvement in Afghanistan is restricted to humanitarian projects. Deploying Indian military instructors in Afghanistan under US aegis will give Delhi a larger strategic footprint in Kabul at the cost of upsetting Pakistan.

Between 50 and 100 Afghan officers and soldiers are trained in Indian military institutions, such as the National Defence Academy and the Indian Military Academy, every year. India runs a medical mission in Kabul that is manned by army doctors.

It also trains Afghan soldiers in India to play martial music and has sent a team to teach Afghan army officers to read, write and speak in English so that they may communicate better with the Americans. Indian military efforts in Afghanistan since 2001 have included the supply of 300 troop carriers (trucks) and consignments of bullet-proof jackets and helmets.

But deploying Indian soldiers in Afghanistan, even if for the specific purpose of training, is more serious than lessons in music and tuitions in English.

First, it puts Indian soldiers at risk in a foreign country. Indian telecom engineers have been kidnapped and killed and the Indian Embassy in Kabul has been bombed twice. It also means that Pakistan, suspicious about Indian consulates in Jalalabad, Herat and Kandahar, may object.

The Karzai government has welcomed international efforts to train its army. After Obama's strategy was announced yesterday, Afghan defence minister General Abdul Rahim Wardak said: "We just ask the international community to equip us quickly, to train us quickly, so that we can fulfil our historic responsibility."

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1091204/jsp/frontpage/story_11820686.jspTop

CWG builder in Koda web

New Delhi, Dec. 3: Investigations into the multi-crore hawala transaction and illegal investment case involving former chief minister Madhu Koda today led the Enforcement Directorate (ED) to the offices of Emaar MGF, the construction giant involved with Commonwealth Games projects in the national capital.

ED sources confirmed that at least 10 offices of the company, a joint venture between Emaar Properties of Dubai and MGF Development, were raided in connection with the Koda scam. The raids were mostly in the National Capital Region.

The raids come just five months after the Delhi Development Authority (DDA) bailed out Emaar MGF, the developers of the Commonwealth Games Village, with a Rs 760-crore package.

Sources said the raiding team recovered documents that showed Koda's associates on the board of some Emaar group companies. Bikash Sinha, one of Koda's associates now in judicial custody, had told investigators that he and some others had invested in the company on behalf of Koda.

ED officials also raided the homes and offices of some board members of the company in the capital who, they alleged, were directly linked to the scam and helped Koda pilfer money out of the country.

"The raids were in connection with violation of FEMA regulations and diverting money abroad. We are also investigating if the company brought money into the country in violation of foreign exchange rules, and used the funds to buy agricultural land," a source at the directorate told The Telegraph.

Incidentally, Emaar MGF had brought the largest foreign investment in real estate in India in 2005.

Another man who is believed to have led ED to crackdown on Emaar is Koda's close aide Devendra Mukhia who surrendered on November 9. Mukhia, a familiar face in the real estate hub of Noida, is known among builders in the area as a troubleshooter and fixer. Investigations are on to see if Mukhia's name appears in any document found in the Emaar offices relating to real estate bought in the area for Koda.

Sources also said another accused in the case, Sanjay Chowdhary, the suspected frontman for all alleged dubious deals of the former chief minister and who left for Dubai as soon the ED registered a case under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act in the multi-crore scam, was also involved with the company. Investigators believe that he facilitated the inclusion of Koda's men in the board of the company that has its tentacles in Dubai. ED sources said Chowdhary could also be on the board of Emaar. ED will soon move court for revoking Chowdhary's passport.

Commonwealth Games Organising Committee officials said the raids would not threaten construction work at the Games Village. "I don't see a problem with the continuation of work at the Games Village site. The company has many other projects and they may have problems with those, CWG has nothing to do with it," said COO, CWG, Vijay Kumar Gautam.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1091204/jsp/frontpage/story_11818576.jspTop

Mumbai battles and bleeds for water
- Building boom sucks a price

Mumbai, Dec. 3: India's commercial capital is bracing for severe water shortage and sporadic water wars.

The city's 18 million have been restive since July, when the water reservoirs began getting depleted because of a sub-normal monsoon.

"The Brihanmumbai Municipal Corporation (BMC) had proposed a 30 per cent cut on July 7 but later, because of public protests, we brought it down to 15 per cent," said BMC spokesperson Saudagar Jadhav.

"The decision overtaxed the lakes. Now the situation is such that if we do not continue to ration water, the lakes will dry out before the next monsoon."

The civic body had announced on October 28 that it would retain the 15 per cent water cut for residential consumers and 30 per cent cut for businesses till July 15 next year.

"The crisis is expected to continue till next year's monsoon. If the monsoon is good, things may improve; if not, the future is dark," said additional municipal commissioner Ashish Kumar Singh.

He conceded that the scarcity could not be blamed on the monsoon alone.

"The monsoon certainly played a part. But over the years, the spurt in real estate construction in this city has put an immense load on water supply," he added.

"Many builders eschew a commercial connection to avoid higher charges. Water theft is rampant and an old pipe system, much of it built in the British era, is giving way. The loss through leaks is massive." (See chart)

The worst hit are the suburban and slum areas, which receive less water than the posh south Mumbai colonies where the rich and influential live.

"The water problem is acute — nowadays water comes for only two hours. We queue for hours and store as much as we can," said Shamim Sayed, a resident of Bandra East, home to Shiv Sena supremo Bal Thackeray.

The Thackeray residence has 24-hour water supply, though. That is a sore point with many protesters, helping rival political parties turn the crisis into a political slugfest.

In the upscale lanes of Pali Hill, the wealthy are buying water from tankers while squabbling about the steep prices.

"A tanker costs Rs 2,500 for approximately 800 litres of water. That is not enough for an eight-floor apartment block with 16 families. So, we sometimes need two tankers," said Usha Madhok, Pali Hill resident and actor Dev Anand's sister.

"Then, some people use up more water than others; so, many do not want to contribute equal amounts to buy water. Things are getting very bad."

In the nearby fishing village of Danda, residents make do with four buckets of water for a family of five every day.

"It's a shame. Mumbai gets so much rainfall and still there is no water in the city," complained Kandivili resident Anuradha Dutta, who left Calcutta to live in Mumbai in July.

In October 2002, the BMC had made it mandatory for all buildings with a plot area of 1,000 square metres or more to practise rainwater harvesting. In 2007, it was made compulsory for buildings with plot areas of 300 square metres.

But thanks to the lack of a monitoring mechanism, only 900 buildings had actually implemented the plan till June 2009.

The sales of loft tanks for household use have gone up in the city. Girish Malviya, chief executive officer of Sharp Water Tanks, said there was a 20 per cent increase in sales compared with the figures six months ago.

"Many Mumbaikars are enquiring about water tanks. We expect that the sales of these tanks in Mumbai will go up by 50 per cent to 70 per cent," he said.

Last month, the BMC had announced a plan to set up a toll-free helpline through which citizens could inform the corporation about water theft and pipeline leak. It remains another number on the list of hundreds of similar helplines that have been announced, forgotten and abandoned.

http://www.telegraphindia.com/1091204/jsp/nation/story_11820160.jspTop
--
Hasina keeps terror flushout promise
Sheikh Hasina

New Delhi, Dec. 3: Two days after her landslide victory in the election this month last year, Bangladesh Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wajed declared: "I want to make this point very clear, no one will be allowed to use this land to carry out terrorism in India."

Before the year is out, Sheikh Hasina has begun to deliver on her promise. Whatever the official claims on the "pushback" or the "surrender", the handing over of Ulfa chairman Arabinda Rajkhowa, easily one of Delhi's most wanted fugitives for close to three decades, would not have been possible without Hasina at the helm of the Awami League government.

"The handing over of Rajkhowa is a major event," says Deb Mukharji, former high commissioner to Bangladesh. "It is a very positive move that demonstrates Dhaka's intent."

When she comes to New Delhi next fortnight (for a three-day visit beginning December 19), Hasina will be wanting to take back more than the Indira Gandhi Prize for Peace, Disarmament and Development. The jury headed by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has decided to give her the prize for 2009.

"Bangladesh's biggest expectation underlying all the outstanding issues is that India will give without asking for takeaways for everything," said a senior diplomat. "That may not be possible on every issue but the visit by their foreign minister, Dipu Moni, in September and by our foreign secretary subsequently has shown that it is possible to move ahead on trade and transit," he adds.

The three biggest issues dogging the bilateral relationship for Dhaka — that may yet be softened after the "gifting" of Rajkhowa continue to be: the sharing of river waters, the trade imbalance and the demarcation of the maritime boundary. India's expectation will be that Bangladesh will continue to deny sanctuary and hand over more militants, and that it will finally grant permission for the transit of Indian traffic through its territory to and from India's Northeast.

In September, India agreed to give Bangladesh transit through its territory to Bhutan and Nepal. In principle, the two sides have also agreed that India should be able to access its Northeast, to a limited extent (for heavy machinery), through Bangladesh. But the facilities for through-travel are yet to be created.

Former high commissioner Mukharji said that along with Rajkhowa, the handing-over of two Lashkar-e-Toiba operatives was also significant. While Ulfa and other insurgent outfits in the Northeast are India's problem, the threat from Islamic fundamentalists is common to both Bangladesh and India, he said.

A thanksgiving for Hasina could mean concessions from India on the issues pending for years. None of these has easy solutions but Bangladesh would want to be kept wholly in the picture, Mukharji said.

In October, India and Bangladesh agreed to a joint hydrological survey of the Teesta river. Dhaka wants a commitment from India of a minimum 40 per cent of the river's water.

"Bangladesh will also ask for a bilateral agreement on delimiting maritime boundaries. India has, rightfully, made its claims on the Exclusive Economic Zone to the United Nations Convention on Law of Seas. But Bangladesh is saying India can make a small concession," said Sreeradha Datta, fellow specialising in India-Bangladesh relations at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analysis.

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Test for Bhopal memorial
- Splurge over compensation? Gas leak dilemma

New Delhi, Dec. 3: Architect Suditya Sinha's wait to move beyond the drawing board on the project that matters most to him is tied to how India wants to remember the world's worst industrial disaster 25 years ago.

Four years after winning a project to design a memorial at the site of the Bhopal gas tragedy, moments of frustration punctuate the excitement Sinha, 30, and partners Moulshri Joshi and Amrita Ballal initially experienced.

Amid challenges from rights groups and victims, the project is yet to take off at the Union Carbide complex where methyl isocyanate leaked on the night of December 2-3, 1984, killing thousands.

The wait for the architects may continue till India confronts a larger question: should memorials be built to remember our failures so that future generations learn not to repeat past mistakes?

"Whether we like it or not, the factory and the tragedy are a part of our history. The factory was once hailed as a symbol of modern India. But it also brought misery. Shouldn't our children learn about Bhopal?" argued Sinha.

The project has repeatedly been mired in controversy as the memorial, estimated to cost over Rs 100 crore, appeared to hurt sentiments and raise political questions.

Although several victims and their families have requested the government for a memorial, questions have been raised whether the memorial should take precedence over compensation, which many victims are yet to receive.

The architects argue that while compensation for victims is critical, the proposed memorial need not be viewed as an attempt by the government to siphon funds away from the compensation process.

Indicating how touchy the issue remains, a state government plan to open parts of the factory complex to the public on the 25th anniversary of the tragedy had to be dropped after widespread protests.

The architects are keen that the fast-crumbling Union Carbide factory be preserved as an integral part of the memorial, despite critics calling for the "symbol of the tragedy" to be torn down.

Also, the architects have repeatedly had to clarify that cleaning up the complex, where toxic waste is still said to be accumulated, is a critical pre-condition to their vision of the proposed memorial.

"It is frustrating when one has to repeatedly explain the aim of the project, and when the aim is misunderstood. But this is our baby and we aren't giving it up, however long we need to wait," Sinha said.

The three architects had won a Madhya Pradesh government-sponsored national competition in 2005 to design the memorial. That was two years after they had graduated from the Delhi-based School of Planning and Architecture.

The proposed memorial includes a walkway, partly underground, that will serve as a gallery of paintings, write-ups, photographs and other items that will help educate visitors about what happened the night of the tragedy.

The memorial, according to the team's plans, may include public services like a school and a research centre within the Union Carbide complex.

"Our idea is very clear. We want to design a memorial remembering the victims and also providing a place that will help future generations learn about the mistakes of the past," said Joshi, 29.

The group visited Hiroshima and studied the memorial there to understand its significance for the various stakeholders: victims' families, today's children and the world at large. Chernobyl, the site of a nuclear disaster, too has a memorial to the victims.

The team has worked with Unesco to try and obtain world industrial heritage status for the site. Unesco has written to the Indian government to ensure the site is protected.

The architects have met NGOs working with the Bhopal victims as well as government officials to try and incorporate their vision into the memorial plans.

"In Bhopal, we have had to get involved beyond what is usually perceived as the architect's role of design and execution. We want the project to be transparent and participatory in the truest sense," said Ballal, 29.

Sinha says he now applies the lessons he has learnt working on the Bhopal project, in terms of how design and architecture can impact society, to every other project he considers taking up.

"The project isn't only about Bhopal. If successful, the project could help break traditional boundaries that have defined the role of an architect," Joshi said.


Rahul swoop on Maya fort

Lucknow, Dec. 3: After his night halts at Dalit homes, Rahul Gandhi will now mount a more direct challenge to Mayavati's key vote bank by wooing Dalit youths at a rally on her citadel of Ambedkarnagar.

Rahul will meet 25 Dalit youth leaders and address a public meeting on December 8 in the district, 230km from here, which epitomises Mayavati's Dalit vote bank and from where she has personally contested several Assembly and Lok Sabha polls.

The Congress general secretary will visit Uttar Pradesh on December 7-8 to woo youths and minorities and strengthen the party organisation, state Congress president Rita Bahuguna Joshi said.

Congress sources said 25 young Dalit leaders from Ambedkarnagar had already agreed to work with Rahul. They will meet the Amethi MP and pledge to help the Congress in its development efforts.

"This is a new breed of Dalit youngster who refuses to be swayed by (Mayavati's) politics of memorials and parks," a state Congress leader said.

Ambedkarnagar used to be known as Akbarpur till 1995 before Mayavati became chief minister, separated it from Faizabad district and renamed it after Dalit icon B.R. Ambedkar. Some 45 per cent of voters in the district — one of the most backward in eastern Uttar Pradesh — are Dalits or backward castes.

It's also the birthplace of socialist leader Ram Manohar Lohia and, since the 1980s, been a hotbed of Dalit and backward-caste politics.

"It remains to be seen how the constituency, polarised always on caste lines, reacts to Rahul's model of development politics," a Congress leader from Ambedkarnagar said.

In the early 1990s, all five Assembly seats in the district were in the Bahujan Samaj Party kitty. The BSP conceded some ground to the Samajwadi Party in the 1996 and 2002 Assembly polls, but in 2007 it swept all the five seats again.

Mayavati had last contested from the district in the 2004 Lok Sabha polls --- she is now a member of the state legislative council.


Orissa petition to ban 'incorrect' almanac

Cuttack, Dec. 3: My Lord, please stop this ungodly practice.

A petitioner has sought the intervention of Orissa High Court to stop the circulation of an incorrect version of an annual ephemeris which, he said, was leading to disputes over observation of religious rituals.

Dushasan Pahil, an official appointed by the Indian Meteorological Department's Positional Astronomy Centre, said the incorrect ephemeris was being sold under the name Biraja Panjika, an almanac followed in districts like Jajpur, Bhadrak, Balasore, Mayurbhanj and Keonjhar.

The Biraja temple in Jajpur follows the Biraja Panjika — based on Bhasvati, an 11th-century work of Puri-based astronomer Satananda — for performing rites and rituals. Pahil said the incorrect version was creating chaos in the worship of goddess Biraja, the reigning deity of Jajpur.

"The Biraja deity has so dominated the heart and minds of the people that any deviation in the prescribed rites and rituals is likely to hurt the sentiments of thousands of people reposing faith in the time-ordered traditions of the Sri Biraja Temple," the petition said.

His petition has sought the court's intervention for publication of these almanacs in accordance with the astronomical calculations of the Indian Astronomical Ephemeris, published every year by the Positional Astronomy Centre in Calcutta.

Sources in the advocate-general's office today said the petition would be taken up for hearing after the commissioner of Hindu religious endowments, Orissa, and the Jajpur sub-collector, who is also the managing trustee of the Biraja temple, submitted their clarifications.

In Calcutta, Manoj Lahiri of Bisuddhasiddhanta Panjika said planetary positions of the sun and the moon were "paramount" in the calculation of tithi (lunar day), nakshatra (stars) and the number of days in a month. "Any almanac that does not take into account reformed positional astronomical data in its calculations which almanacs like ours do will be unscientific. This may lead to differences of as much as five-six hours in calculations."

To avoid such confusions, the Indian government had set up a calendar reforms committee under Meghnad Saha in 1952. The committee recommended the preparation of the Indian ephemeris and nautical almanac calculated with modern astronomical formulae.

Efforts of scholars like Saha and mathematician Nirmal Chandra Lahiri also led to the establishment of the Nautical Almanac Unit in Alipore in 1955 which, in 1980, became the Positional Astronomy Centre, an independent centre directly under the director-general of meteorology, New Delhi.

The Orissa petition is not the first regarding alleged circulation of two almanacs under the name Biraja Panjika.

On July 29, the court had said it couldn't interfere in the matter. "The allegations are all disputed questions of fact, which cannot be decided under extraordinary jurisdiction of this court in a writ petition," the court had said.

But Justice M.M. Das had allowed the petitioner — Pandit Gadadhar Mohapatra — to file a representation before the commissioner of Hindu religious endowments and Jajpur sub-collector.

Pillar PIL

Orissa High Court today admitted a PIL seeking relocation of the Aruna Stamba at the Jagannath temple in Puri back to the Sun Temple at Konark. The 33-foot, 8-inch pillar had been brought from the 13th-century Konark temple and installed in front of the Simghadwar or Lion's Gate of the Jagannath temple sometime in the 18th century.

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Nato allies to send extra 7,000 troops to Afghanistan

Rasmussen: 'We can succeed'

Nato's top official says countries will send at least 7,000 extra troops to support the US surge in Afghanistan.

Speaking at a Nato summit in Brussels, Anders Fogh Rasmussen said there would be "more [troops] to come".

"At least 25 countries will send more forces to the mission in 2010," the Nato secretary general told reporters.

Earlier, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton described the response from Nato allies as "positive", but some major countries are holding back.

France and Germany, for instance, have not yet committed to sending extra troops.

Sceptical publics

Earlier this week, US President Barack Obama announced he was sending an additional 30,000 troops to help battle the Taliban insurgency.

AFGHANISTAN SURGE
US calling for about 10,000 extra foreign troops
Nato expects 7,000 troops from 25 of 43 nations in Afghanistan
Not all have gone public with their intentions
Britain has pledged extra 500; Italy "about 1,000"; Poland 600; Portugal 150; Spain 200; Solvakia 250; Macedonia 80
Non-Nato member Georgia sending 900, South Korea 500
France still considering response; Germany may delay decision until January 2010

The US is calling on allies among the 43 nations with troops in Afghanistan to send about 10,000 extra soldiers.

"With the right resources, we can succeed," Mr Rasmussen told a news conference after allied foreign ministers met with representatives of non-Nato countries that have forces in Afghanistan.

Earlier, the Nato chief told delegates at Nato HQ that the coming year would "see a new momentum in this mission".

The BBC's Nick Childs, in Brussels, says the main thrust of Mr Rasmussen's speech was to insist on a message of solidarity, despite the challenges, and of unity behind mission.

"In addition to the clear pledges already tabled, we have heard indications ... that other allies and partners will probably be in a position to announce contributions in the coming weeks and months," Mr Rasmussen said.

"Isaf (International Security Assistance Force) will have at least 37,000 more soldiers in 2010 than it did this year," he said.

"That is solidarity in action."

But many Nato governments face publics even more sceptical about the mission than those of the US and Britain.

Even if more public announcements are forthcoming, turning these into firm pledges of the right troops at the right time and for the right missions, may take longer, our correspondent adds.


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Page last updated at 11:18 GMT, Friday, 4 December 2009






Pakistani TV footage from near the scene of the attack
At least 26 people have been killed in an attack at a mosque in the Pakistani garrison city of Rawalpindi.

Nato's top official says 25 countries will send at least 7,000 extra troops to support the US surge in Afghanistan.

At least 46 people die in Bangladesh when a ferry capsizes on the Daira river, just days after a similar accident, police say.

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How Bhopal gas leak still haunts residents' lives
Drug addicts offered therapy - and military training















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The unending tragedy of Bhopal

Soutik Biswas | 13:40 UK time, Thursday, 3 December 2009

Comments (11)

A boy disabled by the Bhopal gas leak playing cricketTwenty five years and several thousand dead and disabled men, women and children later, answers to most of the thorny questions about the world's most horrific industrial tragedy are still blowing in the wind in Bhopal.

Why has the compensation to the victims been so paltry? Why is there a thick fog over the extent of contamination of groundwater in the Union Carbide factory neighbourhood? Caught between NGOs and a secretive Big Government, nobody is quite sure what is happening.

And above all, many ask why those responsible have been allowed to go free? After all, they say, money - whatever the amount - cannot compensate for a crime of such magnitude, whether committed because of negligence or sabotage. If this happened in the West, campaigners say, the company would have been held to account, perhaps driven to bankruptcy by compensation claims. But since this is India and the poor are dispensable, justice in Bhopal has been a travesty.

Also what about the blot to Bhopal's image and its inglorious reputation as a 'gassed' dystopia? Locals say the city lost its innocence after the tragedy. "Life in Bhopal had been laid back and gentle. But the gas tragedy changed all that. Nowadays everybody whinges, that's all that they do," says Raj Kumar Keswani, the city's best-known journalist. "Also, the tragedy divided the people. In a strange way, people who got compensation are often reviled by people who didn't."

Mr Keswani should know. He has lived all of his 59 years in Bhopal and was the only journalist who cried himself hoarse for two years before the tragedy, saying the Union Carbide plant had lax safety procedures and that the city was "sitting on a volcano". He had written a series of articles on the doomed plant, petitioned the courts and worked the politicians. Nobody listened to him. The shut Union Carbide factory in Bhopal

After the tragedy he challenged the government, accusing it of a sell-out to Union Carbide - the Indian government sued the company for $3bn but settled for 15% of the amount - and Mr Keswani became a mythic hero of sorts: Dominique Lapierre, for example, mentioned him in great detail without once talking to him while writing another best-seller. "He wrote that I used to go around in a car with a bagful of CDs because I was a music lover. Those days, as a struggling journalist, I had an old scooter and CDs hadn't even come to India," Mr Keswani laughs. This is one of my favourite Bhopal stories - it tells you how fact and fiction blur in the chaos of India.

The gas tragedy, in a perverse way, actually ended up oiling parts of the grassroots economy of Bhopal. As thousands of dollars of still inadequate compensation money poured in, this sleepy city was transformed, say its residents. Bhopal never had an economy of its own to speak of apart from one state-owned behemoth; the city of Indore to its east was always the commercial hub. Also, Bhopal belongs to one of India's most backward states - Madhya Pradesh - with human development indicators comparable to sub-Saharan Africa.

Twenty-five years later, Bhopal is a mini boom town, largely a result of India opening up its economy and partly because of the money that flowed in after the tragedy. It got some decent new hospitals, property grew and the city became the headquarters of a powerful vernacular media group which also publishes Harry Potter in Hindi. New malls are coming up and dozens of new private colleges - most of which are now suffering from lack of students - have opened up. Finally, Bhopal appears to giving its bustling cousin Indore a run for its money

Today, a street-smart, English-speaking social activist and darling of the international media and a street-fighting, hardboiled activist help the victims, in their own way, to live and fight for compensation. Maimed by gas, Bhopal's lost generation struggles to survive and to make sense of what is happening around them - pictures of children whose futures have been snuffed out by the gas make one's blood boil and leave a feeling of numbness and helplessness.

An anniversary like Bhopal's should be a solemn time to remember the dead and pledge to help the living dead, not become circuses of the kind they have become today. 1984 was India's annus horribilis - the army stormed the Golden Temple, Mrs Gandhi was assassinated, Sikhs were massacred in revenge - but, in hindsight, Bhopal must count as the greatest tragedy of them all.

The story of Bhopal, as Mr Keswani says, is a story of a proud city and its people cheated and betrayed by a country and the world. For India, it is a collective shame and a disturbing reminder that its poor don't matter. Most of the time anyway.

'The gods look after us'

Soutik Biswas | 04:12 UK time, Friday, 27 November 2009

Comments (8)

A rabbi outside the Jewish cultural centre which was targeted during Mumbai attacks

All roads lead to Leopold Cafe in Mumbai these days, so I join the procession obediently one rainy afternoon.

Offices and schools in the city have shut mid-afternoon after a cyclone warning. Dark grey clouds hang menacingly on the horizon. Defying a light drizzle and gusty winds, office-goers and school children saunter on the seafront promenade. It makes more sense than rushing back to the hovel-like housing in which most of Mumbai's residents live.

In the bustling streets of Colaba, Leopold - "Since 1871 Getting Better with Age" - is buzzing with activity. The 138-year-old eatery, which was the first target of gunmen during last year's terror attacks, is full to the brim. Over 100 guests, mainly foreigners, occupy its 34 cheek-by-jowl tables.

The trauma of that terrible night - eight people died here, including three foreigners and two employees - is largely forgotten, and business is brisk. Horror sells along with its hugely popular chicken tikka masala and chilly beef: guests gape at the bullet marks on a shuttered shop front glass, the fraying walls and ceiling, and the cramped mezzanine bar. There are even 26/11 coffee cups to buy as memorabilia. "Bullet-proof Mumbai," says the writing on the cup. "No bullet can beat us."

Farzed and Farhang Jehani, the two enterprising brothers who own the place, are busy giving interviews to networks. "It always used to be a cult cafe," says Farzed, taking a break from the cameras. "After the attack, it has gone down in history as an iconic place. I heard that there was a debate on French TV about our restaurant." Outside, a paunchy private guard hired by the brothers to beef up security carries a metal detector in one hand and a stick in another. Presently, he is shooing away urchins haranguing backpacker clients for alms. "These children," he hollers, "are worse than the terrorists!"

Leopold CafeI am checking out a bullet hole in the wall near the side exit when I catch a middle-aged gentleman reading Martin Amis over a plate of omelette. "You know why I am sitting here?" he chuckles. "Because I can jump out and make a quick exit if they come shooting again!" Black humour is never in short supply in Mumbai. It comes naturally to its residents from the realisation that securing 20 million of them with a 40,000-strong police force - underpaid, under-quipped and understaffed - is well nigh impossible. (To put things into perspective, New York has 37,000 policemen to look after a population of 8.27 million.)

"What security?" snaps one of the managers of the vast Chattrapati Shivaji Terminus railway station, when I ask him gently whether things have changed since the attack. (More than 50 people were killed by two gunmen here.) "Nothing has happened and..." he starts again, and stops when he realises I am a journalist. CST, as it is popularly called, is a railroad universe. Some 3.5 million passengers use it every day. More than 2,200 trains arrive and depart each day.

So I arrive there on a weekday morning in a car with dark windows, walk in with my backpack, openly avoiding the metal detector doors. Nobody asks me any questions. A sea of passengers surges through the shrieking doors, and nobody is stopped or checked.

When I seek information on security measures taken after 26/11, I am informed about increased baggage screening (I didn't spot any, but I am sure it happens sometimes), an increase in the number of closed-circuit cameras from 38 to 104 (to capture the aftermath), the deployment of 22 women constables (do they have information about female terrorists?), and some newly trained commandos. Standing near a shop called Curio Stall which sells bottled water, pillows, crisps and cola on the station concourse, I ask a station manager whether he feels safe working here.

"Oh, we are surrounded by Gods and temples," he says cheerily. "The Gods look after us."

"Tell me, is it possible to guard over three million people in one railway station?"

In a warren of grubby lanes not far away, the Chabad House Jewish Cultural Centre stands forlorn and shut. Six people, including the rabbi and his wife were murdered here before Indian commandos slid down from helicopters into the buildings and smoked out the killers.

When I looked around to meet members of Mumbai's minuscule Jewish community after the attacks, most refused. A pall of fear hung over an unnerved people. It is still not easy to meet community members. Inside Chabad House, the walls and floors are pock-marked by bullet holes and stained with dry blood, gory reminders of the bloody mayhem.

Chabad HouseI get on the phone with Rabbi Avraham Berkowitz, who is looking after the affairs of Chabad House. He tells me the new cultural centre is functioning from a discreet location, and people who come to live there are being screened.

"We will move forward with greater strength to keep the legacy of the people who died at the Chabad House alive," he says. "We will not run away". The Chabad House is a symbolic place, and in another year Rabbi Berkowitz says a decision will be taken whether they will return to the house, or move somewhere else. "But any which way, the house will remain a symbolic place."

Next door, in a century-old derelict building, residents are more worried about the roof falling on their heads rather than the next attack in the neighbourhood. During the commando operation, they say, their building rocked and shook. "It could fall on our heads any day. Can you please inform the authorities that they have to save us from getting buried under the debris of our house first?" implores Harishchandra Kashinath Awad, an employee of India's central bank, who lives with his wife and two sons in a tiny 120 sq ft room in the rocking house. It is a miracle in living, but then so is Mumbai.

Living with insecurity

Soutik Biswas | 18:54 UK time, Wednesday, 25 November 2009

Comments (7)

Mumbai police on a Mumbai roadIf you believe Saurabh Upadhyay, Mohammad Ajmal Qasab was not caught by the police. The only surviving gunman in last November's Mumbai attacks, he says, "simply gave up while running around Mumbai."

I am sitting in a taxi in Mumbai with the gangly college drop-out and gang member-turned-tourist guide as he takes me on a quick "terror tour" of the places that were attacked. Nearly 170 people were killed by gunmen at a busy railway station, two posh hotels, a Jewish centre, a hospital and a hippy eatery.

As our car trundles through the rising downtown traffic, Saurabh continues to enlighten me in breakneck guide-speak.

"The terrorists got lost. They looked at their maps. But maps don't help in this crazy city. So Qasab ran and ran and gave up to the police, exhausted."

Our taxi comes to a halt on the road where a police patrol stopped Qasab's car and dragged him out after shooting his accomplice dead. "Qasab just got fed up and gave up." What about reports that the cops got him?

"Nah, that's all wrong. You think the police can do that? They are so fat!"

A year after the audacious attacks, the dividing line between fact and fiction has blurred in Mumbai. The official narrative of that terrible night is being challenged in many ways. The only thing we are sure of is that 10 gunmen walked into a city of 19 million people and wreaked havoc for 62 hours. Also, the gunmen were indoctrinated and trained across the border, in Pakistan.

Widows of senior policemen who were killed have challenged the authorities to come clean with the facts. Why is the bulletproof jacket of my husband missing? asks the wife of an officer who was gunned down that night, raising suspicions that the force had been buying sub-standard protective gear.Mumbai

Another wife has written a book saying that the police owe an explanation about why reinforcements were not sent to her husband and his colleagues during the attack on the hospital; and why they were left to die on the streets for 40 minutes after being shot by the gunmen.

A day after the attacks, I visited the Mumbai police control room tucked away in a corner of the force's handsome colonial headquarters. I sought a timeline of telephone calls made to it relating to the attacks and of the police deployments on the night of the attacks.

The timeline I got did not match a number of other timelines that the papers reported, crediting them to the Mumbai police. Control room chatter from that night point to a confused and fumbling force. Now the former police commissioner has set the cat among the pigeons after saying that some of his colleagues did slip up badly. And a perfunctory investigation of the lapses hasn't helped matters.

The tourist guide's amnesia - or ignorance? - helps in the dissemination of a parallel narrative about the attacks. As our taxi turns into a narrow lane in the backstreets of Colaba where the Jewish centre came under attack, Saurabh - "I have 16 years experience as a guide," he says - tells me cheerily that "40 to 45 terrorists" entered Mumbai that day. "Most of them escaped. The police have no idea where they went. They may be still around, plotting their next attack."

Not that Mumbai's residents have any time or inclination to ponder whether they could be attacked again. They are used to living with insecurity, says Kumar Ketkar, newspaper editor and one of the city's leading thinkers. Some of the insecurities are life-long - like affording decent housing in a city where property is sometimes costlier than Tokyo or London.

Then there is the insecurity of survival: some 4,000 people alone die every year while commuting to work on Mumbai's busy suburban networks and choked roads. On the other hand, the wheels of commerce turn fastest here and opportunities abound. Life is cheap, and time is money. So there's no time to grieve in this Maximum City, as its best chronicler Suketu Mehta called it.

"There is a feeling of uncertainty and insecurity. 26/11 has left behind an imprint of horror," says Mr Ketkar, sitting in his office in a building overlooking the sea. "But since Mumbai's people live with insecurity, they live for the day. They don't withdraw." Mr Ketkar remembers the streets of Delhi emptying out and the capital shutting down after seven in the evening during the peak of Sikh militancy in the 1980s. Nothing of that sort will ever happen in Mumbai, he assures me. "There will be no let-up in going out, having a good time."Taj Mahal hotel under attack

There will also be no let-up in memorials with people holding candles and waxing eloquent on more accountability from politicians under the gaze of TV cameras. But only a fraction of them will turn out to cast their ballot on voting day. A politician will parade relatives of victims of the carnage to score brownie points. The police will crow about a $26m plan to equip the forces with modern guns and gizmos, never mind the fact that a few of their crack new commandos fainted during a mock exercise.

Like everything else, remembering the dead is good business. Some victims are cleverer than the rest - a hospital clerk who survived to tell his story after his throat was slashed by one of the attackers is charging journalists $125 for an interview. The manic media scrum helps.

Meanwhile, in the taxi on our terror whirligig, Saurabh says that life remains wretched for people like him, terror attacks or not. He sleeps on the streets near the Gateway of India because he cannot afford a home. His wife stays with an ex-gangster friend of his who has a roof over his head.

I ask him whether he believes that the city could be attacked again.

"Oh yes, it will happen again," Saurabh says dismissively. "Does anybody care?"

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Hindustan Times / Business
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Oil rises above $77 despite weak US demand signs
ST-Ericsson to lay off 600 staff worldwide
Sensex up 106 points in opening trade
EMWashington Times EMfiring 370 employees EMMiami Herald EM24
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IBN Live
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Disabled Olympian aims high becomes champion shooter
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FIFA apologises to Ireland Henry faces ban
Sehwag Vijay take India off to super start
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Mint / Latest News
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FDI in shipping low due to tax structure govt
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The Hindu
Last updated 7hrs 50mins ago
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Looking forward to squaring the series
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Finalists spotted
Camp for under-19 team
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Palash Biswas
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