ULUBERIA, A Palce where I had a FEEL of the landscape and humanscape where my Father and my People ROOT in!
Indian Holocaust My Father`s Life and Time- One Hundred and Twenty
Palash Biswas
http://indianholocaustmyfatherslifeandtime.blogspot.com
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Notions of Nationhood in Bengal: Perspectives on Samaj, 1867–1905, 1
| SWARUPA GUPTA a1c1 a1 Rabindra Bharati University, Calcutta |
|
This paper explores and re-defines notions of nationhood as reflected in the Bengali literati's expressions of an empowered identity in tracts, pamphlets and articles in periodicals during the late colonial period. It shifts the focus from existing assumptions of the nation as an artefact of modernity by demonstrating that though ideas about nationhood acquired a coherent and articulated form in the late nineteenth century, its roots are to be traced back to the pre-modern era. By interrogating the relatively unexplored conceptual category of samaj (social collectivity) deployed by the literati, this essay demonstrates how a connection was forged between the modern nation and the historical community from whence it emerged. Ideas about nationhood articulated by the literati had indigenous origins, which were oriented to a tradition of a shared world of values and conduct. In highlighting such origins I seek to qualify existing academic models that regard colonial nationalisms as 'borrowed' or 'derivative', and stress the tremendous difficulty in transcending western paradigms. The notion of a nation in colonial Bengal was produced through a complex interaction between re-orientations of indigenous ideas of past unities and the historical circumstances of the modern period. The latter included influences emanating from the late colonial situation, specifically the development of print technologies and the emergence of a civil society in India after 1800.
(Published Online April 18 2006)
Correspondence:
c1 Email: swarupagupta@hotmail
Footnotes
1 This paper draws on one of the central themes of my Ph.D. thesis entitled 'Samaj and Unity: The Bengali Literati's Discourse on Nationhood, 1867–1905' (SOAS, University of London, 2004). I have greatly benefited from the suggestions of my supervisor Professor Peter Robb.
Uluberia
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
| Uluberia | |
| | |
| Country |  India |
| State | West Bengal |
| District(s) | Howrah |
| Population | 202,095 (2001[update]) |
| Time zone | IST (UTC+5:30) |
| Area • Elevation | • 1 m (3 ft) |
Coordinates: 22°28'N 88°07'E? / ?22.47°N 88.11°E? / 22.47; 88.11 Uluberia (Bengali: ???????????) is a city and a municipality in Howrah district in the Indian state of West Bengal. It is a part of the area covered by Kolkata Metropolitan Development Authority.[1]
Contents[hide] |
[edit] Geography
Uluberia is located at 22°28'N 88°07'E? / ?22.47°N 88.11°E? / 22.47; 88.11[2]. It has an average elevation of 1 m (3 ft). It is situated on the bank of River Hooghly. The main road passing through the heart of the city is Orissa Trunk Road & is also well connected by National Highway No-6; Bombay Road. This is an unplanned city and sometimes during heavy rains, may suffer from the drainage problem. The other problem is erosion of Hugli river & encroachment in the main land.
[edit] Demographics
As of 2001 India census[3], Uluberia had a population of 202,095. Males constitute 52% of the population and females 48%. Uluberia has an average literacy rate of 64%, higher than the national average of 59.5%: male literacy is 70%, and female literacy is 58%. In Uluberia, 13% of the population is under 6 years of age.
With the partition of India there was a massive influx of refugees from East Pakistan into Kolkata and its peripheral areas. Of over a million refugees who entered West Bengal in 1950 alone settled mostly in squatter colonies between Naihati and Sonarpur on the east bank of the Hooghly and between Mogra and Uluberia on the west bank. [4]
[edit] Economy
[edit] Two wheeler plant
Buddhadeb Bhattacharya, chief minster, West Bengal, laid the foundation stone for eastern India's first two-wheeler project at Uluberia on 15 February 2006. A motorcycle factory would be set up by the Salim Group of Indonesia at a cumulative investment of $250 million. Spread over 65 acres (260,000 m2) of land provided by the State Government, the factory would be set up under the banner of Salim Group company Mahabharat Motors Manufacturing Pvt Ltd, and the two-wheelers would be sold under the brand name, Arjun. Later, he also laid the foundation stone of an integrated satellite township project that was being set up by the Salim Group in Howrah district. Spread over 390 acres (1.6 km2) of land, the Kolkata West International City would have 6,900 dwelling units along with a host of other facilities. Speaking at both the functions, Benny Santoso, Chief Executive of the Salim Group, said the Indonesian business house with diverse business interests was keen to contribute and partake in the development of West Bengal.[5]Chuansung, a Chinese company, would be the technological collaborators.[6]
[edit] Politics
Uluberia consists of two assembly constituencies: Uluberia North and Uluberia South, both of which are part of Uluberia (Lok Sabha constituency).[7]
Hannan Mollah of the CPI (M) has been the member of parliament for Uluberia since 1980. [8]
Current MLA from Uluberia North assembly constituency (SC) is Mohan Mondal(most third class) of' CPI(M), who won the seat in State elections of 2006 and also in 2001. Ramjanam Majhi of INC had won this seat in 1996. Rajkumar Mondal of CPI(M) had won this seat in 1991, 1987, 1982, and in 1977.[9]
Current MLA from Uluberia South assembly constituency is Rabindra Ghosh of AIFB, who won the seat in State elections of 2006. Earlier, as FBL candidate, he has won this seat in 2001, 1996, 1991, and in 1982. Amar Banerjee (Chhabi) of INC had won this seat in 1987. In 1977, MLA from this constituency was FBL candidate Aurobinda Ghosal.[10]
[edit] Education
Important educational institutes are: Uluberia College - degree college, Calcutta Institute of Pharmaceutical Technology & Allied Health Sciences (CIPT+) - pharmacy college, Calcutta Institute of Technology (CIT) - engineering college,Calcutta Institute of Management & Technology(CIMT),Bharat Technology(BT) and Uluberia (Royal) Botanical Institute - an environmental research centre. Uluberia Botanical Institute stood third position in NEAC Project of Government of India by scoring A+ grade in 2007-08.This N.G.O. stood fifth position in NEAC Project of Govt. of India by scoring A+ grade in 2008-2009.It has well equipped computerized laboratory,library,herbarium,xerox etc with all modern facilities.
[edit] See also
[edit] External links
[edit] References
- ^ "Base Map of Kolkata Metroploitan area". Kolkata Metroploitan Development Authority. http://www.cmdaonline.com/kma.html. Retrieved 2007-09-03.
- ^ Falling Rain Genomics, Inc - Uluberia
- ^ "Census of India 2001: Data from the 2001 Census, including cities, villages and towns (Provisional)". Census Commission of India. Archived from the original on 2004-06-16. http://web.archive.org/web/20040616075334/http://www.censusindia.net/results/town.php?stad=A&state5=999. Retrieved 2008-11-01.
- ^ Chatterjee, Nilanjana, The East Bengal Refugees – A Lesson in Survival, in in Calcutta, the Living City, Vol II, edited by Sukanta Chaudhuri, pp 74-75, Oxford University Press, ISBN 019563697-X
- ^ "Salim group's 2-wheler plant — Bengal CM lays foundation stone". The Hindu Business Line, 16 February 2006. http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/2006/02/16/stories/2006021602740900.htm. Retrieved 2007-09-06.
- ^ "Salim ropes in tech partner". The Hindu, 4 November 2006. http://www.hindu.com/2006/11/04/stories/2006110402361700.htm. Retrieved 2007-09-06.
- ^ "Assembly Constituencies - Corresponding Districts and Parliamentary Constituencies". West Bengal. Election Commission of India. http://archive.eci.gov.in/se2001/background/S25/WB_Dist_PC_AC.pdf. Retrieved 2008-10-02.
- ^ Election results
- ^ "State Elections 2006 - Partywise Comparision for 170-Uluberia North Constituency of West Bengal". Election Commission of India. http://eci.gov.in/electionanalysis/AE/S25/partycomp170.htm. Retrieved 2008-10-27.
- ^ "State Elections 2006 - Partywise Comparision for 171-Uluberia South Constituency of West Bengal". Election Commission of India. http://eci.gov.in/electionanalysis/AE/S25/partycomp171.htm. Retrieved 2008-10-27.
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After Taherpur, it was a different landscape as well as humanscpae in ULUBARIA in Howrah district. Hindutva forces describe the area a PAKISTAN Post in India.Lal Krishna Adwani campaigned her e during last loksabha Election while he called for throwing out all ILLEGAL Bangladeshi Muslims.The area is mostly populated by Muslims. Minority issues have much impact in this area. Sultan Ahmed , the TRINAMUL Candidtae defeated VTARAN Hannan Mollah of CPIM upsetting the APPLE Cart of CPIM which played best with its MUSLIM Vote Bank Card. I am amazed to see the ANTI Muslim hatred campaignspecilly targeted to Bengal Muslims!When I landed in the area, i had to go through the MEMORY lane in which our elders described the MIXED Human space and landscape of Bengal! It is similar to Murshidabad and Maldah and even to the border areas of North and south 24 Parganas.The brahmin Front Government of West Bengal did everything to sustain the manusmriti Rule for which the Brahmins and the zamindars partitioned India and manipulated to make Muslims responsible for the partition. For Security only, the Muslims had been compelled to Vote for Brahamin Front enmasses while the Madrasas and Rigid Orthodox Muslim segment of Molla and Maulavies lead the most backward and marginaliged communities in this part of India!
My father was a real secular personality. being a refugee leader and partition victim anybody could expect communal political line from the man. He had been a marxist until the party ousted him for violating a stricture NOT to visit the Riot Torn Assam in 1960. He worked for Communal Harmony in Assam in sixties and CONVINCED our people to stay there.since Atal Bihari Bajpayee assured him to resolve refugee problem, he was also associated with JANSANGH for a brief period in 1969 to 1971. He was the Vice President of the District committee. But he was most INTERACTIVE with all communities all over India. He taught the dalit bengali Refugees how to be the friends of every local man and woman. In Nainital, Bengalies were pitted against the SIKHS. The sikhs had been the MAJORITY in Terai. but my father was the Unopposed vice President of terai Cooperative Committee , of which the SDM was the President. Sikhs believed him. In eighties, he worked in those areas where no Bengali Refugee were resettled. He was working in Muslim areas RIOT Torn in babri Mosque Fire. He learnt this MULNIVASI solidarity from AMBEDKAR Ideology!
While I was travelling in North of Ulbaria to SHAMRUK High School for one hour standing and clinging on a Auto Rickshaw , I realised well the PLURAL Magnetic Strength of this Mixed landscape or Humanscape where Rigid Muslim Posters were pasted on walls and at the same time, PUJA was being celebrated with screaming loudspeakers in almost All Muslim populated villages!The girls riding the vehicle, one of them a History teacher ingadiyara , in the same district and visiting In Lawas, ensured me that COMMUNAL Harmony is intact and there had Never been any communal Clash whatsoever despite POLITICAL Flare Ups!
In fact, Bengal has no History of communal tension until the fall of Fazlul Haque Praja Krishak Party government and sustained Campaign led by Hindu Mahasabha of NC Chatterjee and Shyama Prsad Mukherjee on one hand, and Mulsim League upsurge on the other. The Zamindars belonged to BRAHAMIN and Kayasth Communities who would base in Kolkata and rule the RURAL Bengal. IN this part of the world, Muslim and Hindu peasants continued the sustained INSURRETION against fascist Imperialist alliance of feudal Brahamincal land lords and British Empires from the firts day of East India Company Rule. Zamindars were not subject to any ADVERSARY. They belonged to East Bengal but had no FEEL of the heat and dust, the Fire of Communal Riots. But only those Caste Hindus were considered Partition Victims.They got all the Benefits of Refugee status and captured West Bengal in every sphere of life. But their eternal Subjects, subjected to INFINITE EXODUS and Persecution have been scatered all over the Country and they are being described as Illegal Bangladeshi Immigrants. The Muslims may not earn their bread and Butter in Bengal since NOTHING has been done in favour of the Muslims for last SIX decades. Ninety percent of them have to depend on Agriculture as NO service or No business is meant for the Bengali Mulnivasi Muslims. They have to go out of Bengal to have a job or livelihood and are BRANDED as Illegal bangladeshi Migrants. It is the same story all over Bengal, specilly Murshidabad, Malda, Nadia and Howrah along with North and south 24 parganas.
I am sorry for my engagements. My father had all the time in the Hell and Heaven to invest for his People. He had the commitment and ability to base anywhere anytime and fight for his People until the Problem was RESOLVED. I also get Phone calls from every corner of the country. I try to reach the place but have no spare time to stay over anywhere! I have to get back as soon as possible. Ulubaria demanded my time for a better feel and extensive interactions with my people, the Black Untouchables. I could not afford!
Uluberia is a municipality in the Howrah district in West Bengal. It is a part of the area covered by Kolkata Metropolitan Development Authority. With the partition of India in 1947, there was a massive influx of refugees from East Pakistan into Kolkata and its peripheral areas, most of whom settled in squatter colonies between Mogra and Uluberia on the west bank of the Hooghly. Of over a million refugees who entered West Bengal in 1950 alone settled mostly in squatter colonies between Naihati and Sonarpur on the east bank of the Hooghly and between Mogra and Uluberia on the west bank. As of 2001 India census, Uluberia has a population of 202,095. Males constitute 52% of the population and females 48%. Uluberia has an average literacy rate of 64%, higher than the national average of 59.5%; male literacy is 70%, and female literacy is 58%. In Uluberia, 13% of the population is under 6 years of age.
THIS IS REALLY A GOOD PLACE TO USE FOR ANY BIG PURPOSE.THE PLACE IS JUST BESIDE THE BOMBAY ROAD!
Last Monday, I visited ULUBARIA. The number Thitrteenth Rly station is 33 km away from Howrah Junction. I had to address the District Bamcef Convention in Shamruk High School. Bamcef Activsits Jakaria Mollah and jahangir had requested me time an again to viist their School MULNIVASI Residential School which teaches exclusively Ambedkar and Mulnivasi bamcef Ideology along with mainstream subjects including Bengali, English and ARABIC!
I t was an EMOTIONAL Journey. I had to vist the Mulnivasi School before addressing the Convension.jahangir had adviced me to reach shamruk at 2 PM sharp. but I was busy with my PC at home analysing the latest updates. I reached the venue at 5.40 only and had to skip the VISIT to the school which I repent most.
I just reached the venue in darkness as the Mraxists tried their best to make a MESS of the event disconnecting ELECTRICTY. The venue was locked. when it was opened, Electricity was GONE. So afraid of BAMCEF? What would they do if there is a Political event? This is the DARKNESS of TERROR which ENVELOPED entire Bengal during last SIX Decades.
While I reached, few ladies Hindus as well as Muslim, addressed the Convension. It was to my delight that they Identify with Indigenous and aboriginal identity. They even dealt with all national Problems and held Brahaminical system logically. They were speaking on AMBEDKARITE Ideology and explaining the SOCIL Movement and urgency of a national Mulnivasis Movement Consolidated.Thus, Mulnivasi school has done a Excellent work. The girls also dealt with nationalities and spoke on Akali Movement and SIKH Genocide to my amazement.
I had to return to Kokata, so I was called on early around SIX PM and I had to deal with Updates, Global resistance, History, Economy and Citizenship act as well as CORPORATE Brahaminical network. I concluded at Seven and quarter and Immediately left the venue under Torch Lights as hundreds of my people including a few hundred Muslim women and their children, even the infants stayed back in the hall suffering SOFFOCATION and humidity without any relief. But they seemed to be DETERMINED to change the ENVIRONMNT of Global warming!
I assured my people a COME back as soon as Possible! I know, I have to Return!
East India covers a vast and uneven terrain along the Indo-China border. Sloping down from the lower heights of the Himalayan peaks, this area is dotted with dense forests and blessed with differing climate zones, making this region an eco-tourism paradise, with lush flora and fauna, frozen wastes and sub-tropical and festering swamps with a huge variety of wildlife inhabiting the unpopulated areas. Most of the states and areas in East India are still populated only by tribal villages surrounded by forests, living off the land, while the other regions of India progress towards modernity with skyscrapers and shopping malls. At the same time, this land is rich in tradition and culture, with historic landmarks and ancient temples, witness to the arrival of many new civilizations and bearing mute testimony to the horrific excesses of the British Empire and the cultural conflicts which tore apart India on the eve of Independence.
TVS Motor Company is expected to launch two wheelers from the Uluberia factory of Mahabharat Motors in West Bengal in two months time and the vehicles will be manufactured on contract basis.
TVS will not have any equity participation in the venture and will only provide technical support for assembling bikes
According to sources, initially around 1,000 motorbikes a month are expected to be rolled out and that up to 5,000 bikes could be produced every month at a later stage.
TVS was also mulling to roll out of the Uluberia factory its LPG version of three wheelers, TVS King. However, these vehicles likely to be launched this fiscal, will be under a different brand. So far the company has invested INR 100 crore in the venture and plans to invest INR 50 crore more soon.
An additional 35 acres of land has been acquired by the West Bengal Industrial Development Corporation (WBIDC) to house around 15 to 20 ancillary units at Uluberia in Howrah district a where two and three-wheeler manufacturing unit is being set up.
"The ancillaries will manufacture parts like tyres, tubes, belts, seats, mirrors, plastic components and other light fittings used in bikes," said T G Sridhar, Chief Operating Officer, Mahabharat Motors, at the inauguration of the Uluberia plant on Thursday.
Mahabharat Motors — a joint venture project between Salim Group of Indonesia and Universal Success Enterprise of Singapore — will roll out the vehicles with the help of TVS Motors. The firm has already been allotted 63.86 acres and has invested Rs 150 crore. The setting up of the ancillary units will cost another Rs 150 crore.
According to Sridhar, the company will set up infrastructure like roads, water and electricity supplies for the ancillaries. The ancillaries are likely to provide employment to more than 1,000 people.
TVS Motor Company is expected to launch two wheelers from the Uluberia factory of Mahabharat Motors in West Bengal in two months time and the vehicles will be manufactured on contract basis.
TVS will not have any equity participation in the venture and will only provide technical support for assembling bikes
According to sources, initially around 1,000 motorbikes a month are expected to be rolled out and that upto 5,000 bikes could be produced every month at a later stage.
TVS was also mulling to roll out of the Uluberia factory its LPG version of three-wheelers, TVS King. However, these vehicles, likely to be launched this fiscal, will be under a different brand. So far the company has invested Rs 100 crore in the venture and plans to invest Rs 50 crore more soon.
Uluberia subdivision is a subdivision of the Howrah district in the state of West Bengal, India. It consists of Uluberia municipality and nine CD blocks: Uluberia-I, Uluberia-II, Amta-I, Amta-II, Udaynarayanpur, Bagnan-I, Bagnan-II, Shyampur-I and Shyampur-II. The nine blocks contain 90 gram panchayats and six census towns. The subdivision has its headquarters at Uluberia. Apart from the Uluberia municipality, the subdivision contains six census towns and rural areas of 90 gram panchayats under nine CD blocks: Uluberia-I, Uluberia-II, Amta-I, Amta-II, Udaynarayanpur, Bagnan-I, Bagnan-II, Shyampur-I and Shyampur-II. The six census towns are: Khalor, Bagnan, Naupala, Santoshpur, Balaram Pota and Uttar Pirpur.
As per order of the Delimitation Commission in respect of the delimitation of constituencies in West Bengal, the Uluberia municipality area and the gram panchayats of Khalisani and Raghudevpur under the Uluberia-II block will together form the Uluberia Purba assembly constituency of West Bengal. All the other six gram panchayats under the Uluberia-II block and eight gram panchayats under the Amta-I block, viz. Amta, Bhandargachha, Chandrapur, Khardah, Raspur, Sirajbati, Udang-I and Udang-II, will together form the Uluberia Uttar assembly constituency. The other five gram panchayats under the Amta-I block will form the Udaynarayanpur assembly constituency along with the area under the Udaynarayanpur block. The Uluberia-I block and the gram panchayats of Belari, Dhandali, Balichaturi and Nabagram under the Shyampur-I block will together form the Uluberia Dakshin assembly constituency. The other six gram panchayats under the Shyampur-I block and all the eight gram panchayats under the Shyampur-II block will together form the Shyampur assembly constituency. The Bagnan-II block and the gram panchayats of Bagnan-I, Bagnan-II, Bangalpur, Haturia-I, Haturia-II and Khalore of the Bagnan-I block will form the Bagnan assembly constituency. The other four gram panchayats under the Bagnan-I block and the Amta-II block will together form the Amta assembly constituency. The Uluberia Uttar constituency will be reserved for Scheduled castes (SC) candidates. All these seven assembly constituencies will together form the Uluberia (Lok Sabha constituency).
The tension between Congress and the Trinamool Congress reached a flashpoint today when an angry Mamata Banerjee dared her ally to "face the consequences" after the party "immorally" captured the Uluberia municipality in Howrah district allegedly with the help of the BJP and Forward Bloc.
The two allies in the state are already on a collision course over seat-sharing for the bypolls to be held for Bowbazar and Sealdah Assembly seats on August 18.
On Tuesday, matters came to a head when the Congress, having won 10 seats in the 30-member Uluberia civic body, got the better of its ally Trinamool (11 seats) by enlisting support apparently from two BJP and one Forward Bloc councillors even as it kept Mamata's party engaged in talks over the election of the chairman. After a secret ballot, Saidur Rehman of the Congress was elected the chairman.
An infuriated Mamata, hours before leaving for Delhi for seat-sharing talks with Congress leaders over the August 18 Assembly bypolls, pulled no punches while hitting out at her ally. "What the Congress has done today is most regrettable. Now, they have to face the consequences. Only a few months ago, the Congress was accusing our party for having links with the BJP. We have categorically cleared our position by saying that we are no longer a partner of the BJP-led NDA. The Congress has forged an electoral alliance with us only after we snapped our ties with the BJP. But now, the same Congress has taken help from the BJP to capture the Uluberia municipality. This is a most shameful act," she told reporters on Tuesday afternoon.
Is every Bangla-speaking poor Muslim in India Bangladeshi migrant?
Submitted by admin4 on 6 October 2009 - 4:27pm.
Indian MuslimMuslim World News
By Mumtaz Alam Falahi, TwoCircles.net,
New Delhi: The attitude of government agencies, both central and state, particularly police gives the answer in positive. There is no denying the fact that illegal Bangladeshi migrants have infiltrated our country over decades. But it is also a fact that lakhs of Bangla-speaking poor Muslim residents of West Bengal have become internal migrants in search of livelihood over a period of time, and can be found in various states. The pity is that these Indian citizens are also treated as illegal immigrants though they have valid election IDs or ration cards issued by West Bengal government
http://twocircles.net/2009oct06/every_bangla_speaking_poor_muslim_india_bangladeshi_migrant.html
BJP leaders in Assam lashed out at UPA government for its failure to control the increasing infiltration of Bangladeshi migrants in the Northeast. They alleged that under the leadership of Gogoi, the situation of Assam is going from bad to worse.
THE BHARATIYA Janata Party (BJP) leaders from the Northeast have blamed both, the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government at the Centre and the Congress government in Assam, for the Bangladeshi problem and alleged that they are not keen on solving the problem. Talking in the sidelines of the two-day national executive meeting held in Delhi, BJP's Assam unit president, Ramen Deka, alleged that the UPA government is not serious enough towards solving the Bangladeshi infiltration problem. He said that, had the government been serious then it would have taken up the issue with the Bangladeshi government at the highest level. Deka further alleged that under Assam chief minister's leadership, the situation of Assam is going from bad to worse. "The UPA government is not at all serious on the issue. If it had any seriousness, then it would have taken up the matter with the Bangladeshi government at the highest level. Under Gogoi's leadership, the situation of Assam is going from bad to worse," he said. The BJP leader of Assam Mission, Ranjan Das, alleged that infiltration from across the Bangladesh border is continuing unabated. Besides, the various terrorist groups are also operating their anti-Indian activities from the soil of the neighbouring country. The newly-elected BJP national vice president and former union minister, Bijoya Chakrabarti said that the porous Indo-Bangla border has aggravated the infiltration problem in the Northeast. While citing the report by former Assam governor, Lt Gen(Retd), SK Sinha that on an average, 5000 Bangladeshis enter Assam everyday, he said that despite getting such a serious report, the Centre has not taken any step so far. The leader further alleged that the Congress is planning to gradually hand over Assam to Bangladesh.
"The border is porous. The governor had earlier reported that on an average 5,000 Bangladeshis enter Assam every day. Despite this, the government did not take any concrete steps. The Congress is planning to handover Assam to Bangladesh," he said. Another BJP leader and Arunachal member of Parliament (MP), Kiren Rijiju, lambasted Assam chief minister, Gogoi for his remark that it is impossible for the government to detect the Bangladeshi nationals and demanded the latter to step down on moral ground. What is more serious, according to him, is that the Congress is providing ration cards to the Bangladeshis and enrolling them in voters' lists to build a vote bank. Giving a clarion call to all to wake up to the situation, Rijiju said that if we do not start protesting now, then the northeast will completely be under Bangladesh occupation in the next 15-20 years.
It is to be mentioned that while the BJP national executive was discussing the Bangladeshi influx issue, Assam chief minister, Gogoi was defending the illegal Bangladeshis. While presiding an international conference on national and international terrorism in the national capital, Gogoi surprisingly came to the defence of the illegal Bangladeshis and said that all Bangladeshis can not be termed bad. "One cannot blame 98 per cent because of some two per cent," Gogoi told the conference. He also tried to brush aside the opposition parties' criticism that the state is home to lakhs of Bangladeshis, saying there must be human consideration for those who have taken shelter in the state. The chief minister also, surprisingly claimed the credit for the signing of the historical Assam Accord and said that it was after his persuasion that former Prime Minister, Rajiv Gandhi had agreed to sign the accord.
Bangladesh, officially the People's Republic of Bangladesh was formed in 1971, under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman after the bloody Bangladesh Liberation War, in which it was supported by India. But, today Bangladesh had become home for Islamic terrorist outfits like Harkat-ul-Jehad-al-Islami (HuJI),JagrataJihadiJanata Bangladesh (JMJB) ,Jama'atul Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), Purba Bangla Communist Party (PBCP).North-East India's separatist outfits like ULFA [Assam], ANVC[Meghalaya],NLFT [Tripura], NSCN[Nagaland], PLA[Manipur] have their camps in Bangladesh. These organizations are involved not only in creating chaos in India but also ethnic cleansing of minorities in Bangladesh.
The Hindu population of Bangladesh [then East Pakistan] in 1947 was 29.17%, but it decreased to 2.5% in 2001
According to the 2001 census report Indian population is 1,027,015,247.3 Of this, 1.5 crore people of Bangladeshi Infiltrators who are living in India. The Intelligence Bureau has reportedly estimated, after an extensive survey, that the present number is about 16 million. The August 2000 report of the Task Force on Border Management placed the figure at 15 million, with 300,000 Bangladeshis entering India illegally every month. It is estimated that about 13 lakh Bangladeshis live in Delhi alone. It has been reported that 1 crore Bangladeshis are missing from Bangladesh[August 4,1991,Morning Sun] and it implies that those people have infiltrated India. These infiltrators mainly settle in North-East India and in West Bengal.
This is shown by the fact that there has been irregular increase in theJihadipopulation in these states and many of the districts have becomeJihadimajority. The proportion of Muslims in Assam had increased from 24.68% in 1951 to 30.91% in 2001.Whereas in the same time period the proportion of Muslims in India increased from 9.91% to 13.42%. In West Bengal, theJihadipopulation in west Dinajpur, Maldah, Birbhum and Murshidabad percentage wise in 36.75, 47.49, 33.06 and 61.39 respectively according to 1991 census.
This has not only caused the burden on the Indian Economy, but also threatens the Identity of the Indigenous people of the North-East of India. In Tripura, another north eastern state of India, the local population have been turned into a minority community over time by the sheer numbers of cross border migrants from Bangladesh. In 1947, 56 per cent of Tripura's population consisted of tribal (or indigenous) population. Today this stands at a quarter of the total. In many districts these infiltrators are the one who decides the outcome of elections. Outcomes of the 32% of Vidhana Sabha seats in Assam and 18% of seats in West Bengal are decided by them. This is due to the fact that political parties are helping them to get Ration Cards and Voters ID and hence using them to win elections.
North-Eastern region is connected to rest of India by a small strip called "The Siliguri Corridor" or "Chickan's Neck".The militants have planned to isolate North-East of India from the rest of India and to create a newJihadination called "Islamistan". This Operation is named as "Operation Pincode". For this they have planned to infiltrate 3000 Jihadis into North Eastren region.[Jan 15,2005,The Pioneer].
The "Mughalistan Reaserch Institute Of Bangladesh" has released a map where aJihadicorridor named "Mughalistan" connects Pakistan and Bangladesh via India. According to the task force, there are 905 Mosques and 439 Madrasas along Indo-Bangladesh border on the Indian side.
This clearly indicate the intensity of the problem. Bangladesh with the help of ISI is silently invading India. If we do not take necessary measures India will undergo another partition. The present laws to counter the infiltration issues are not enough. We need to enact stringent laws. Indians should economically boycott them and create a hostile situation for them.
http://www.centralchronicle.com/viewnews.asp?articleID=14646
East Bengali Refugees
A signficant number of refugees and migrants left East Bengal following the partition of Bengal as part of the independence of India and Pakistan in 1947. Bengal was partitioned into the Indian state of West Bengal and the Pakistani province of East Bengal (later renamed East Pakistan, which subsequently broke away from Pakistan to form the independent country of Bangladesh in 1947. Most of Sylhet district in Assam also joined East Pakistan and was subsequently considered to be East Bengal. The majority of East Bengali refugees settled in the new state of West Bengal, but a signficant number also moved to the Barak Valley of Assam and the princely state of Tripura which eventually joined India in 1949. Around 0.5 million were also settled in other parts of India including Dandakaranya, the East Pakistan Displaced Persons' Colony (EPDP) in Delhi (subsequently renamed Chittaranjan Park) and Orissa. The estimated 0.5 million Bengalis in Delhi and 0.3 million in Mumbai are also largely comprised of East Bengali refugees and their descendents.
The vast majority of East Bengali refugees and migrants were Hindus, though a significant number of Bengali Muslims opted to make their permanent base in West Bengal after partition despite having origins in what fell in the new Pakistan. Their reasons included ideology (in that they opposed the division of India on the basis of the Two-Nation theory emphasizing incompatibility of Hindus and Muslims), as well as professional and family ties.
Number of East Bengali refugees and migrants
While the exact number of refugees has never been officially collected and estimates vary considerably.
In the immediate aftermath of partition, commonly attributed figures suggest around 3 million East Bengalis migrating to India and 864,000 migrants from India to East Pakistan. Indian government estimates suggest around 2.6 million migrants leaving East Bengal for India and 0.7 million migrants coming to East Pakistan from India.
In 1950, it is estimated that a further 1 million refugees crossed into West Bengal. The 1951 Census of India recorded that 27% of Kolkata's population comprised of East Bengali refugees.
Migration continued, primarily from East Pakistan to India, right up to the liberation of Bangladesh in 1971, both on an on-going basis and with spikes during periods of particular communal unrest such as the 1964 riots and the 1965 India-Pakistan War, when it is estimated that 600,000 refugees left for India. Estimates of the number of refugees up to 1970 are over 5 million to West Bengal alone, with around 4.1 million coming between 1946-1958 and 1.2 million coming between 1959 and 1971.
Another major influx came in 1971 during the Bangladesh Liberation War. It is estimated that around 10 million East Bengali refugees entered India during the early months of the war, of whom 1.5 million may have stayed back after Bangladesh became independent.
The outflow of Hindus from East Bengal had a particularly negative effect on the Hindu community of East Pakistan and subsequently Bangladesh, as a significant portion of the region's educated middle class and political leadership left. The heights reached by many of the East Bengali migrants and their descendents, including Amartya Sen's Nobel Prize and Meghnad Saha's pioneering work in Astrophysics are considerable.
List of prominent East Bengali refugees and migrants
* Amartya Sen (Dhaka, economics/academia)
* Bijan Bhattacharya (Faridpur, cinema)
* Buddhadev Bose (Comilla; literature)
* Chuni Goswami (Kishoreganj; sports)
* Comrade Muzaffar Ahmed (Noakhali; politics, founder of Communist Party of India)
* Debabrata Biswas (Barisal, music)
* Jogendra Nath Mondal (Barisal; politics, First Law Minister, Pakistan (1947-1950)
* Jyoti Basu (Dhaka; politics, Chief Minister, West Bengal 1977-2000)
*Bimal Roy (Dhaka; cinema)
* Hemanga Biswas (Sylhet; music)
*Humayun Kabir (Faridpur; literature and academics)
* Ila Mitra (Khulna, human rights activist)
*Kazi Abdul Wadud (Faridpur; literature)
* Madhabi Mukherjee (???; cinema)
* Mahasweta Devi (Dhaka; literature, human rights)
* Meghnad Saha (Dhaka; science)
* Mrinal Sen (Faridpur; cinema)
* Nirad Chaudhuri (Mymensingh; academia)
* Nirmalendu Chowdhury (Sylhet; music)
* Ritwik Ghatak (Dhaka; cinema)
*Pannalal Ghosh (Barisal; music)
* Sachin Dev Burman (Comilla; music)
* Suchitra Sen (Pabna, cinema)
* Sunil Ganguly (Faridpur; literature)
* Tulsi Lahiri (Rangpur; music and cinema)
* Ustad Alauddin Khan (Brahmanbaria; music)
* Ustad Bahadur Hossain Khan (Dhaka; music)
* Ustad Vilayat Khan (Mymensingh; music)
* Utpal Dutta (Barisal, theatre)
(please add to this list!)
Related Articles
• Religion in Bangladesh - Historical Chronology
• Divided Pakistan
• Pakistan - Geography - 06/01/98
• Middle East 101
• The British Raj in India - Colonial India
http://en.allexperts.com/e/e/ea/east_bengali_refugees.htm
Shri Hannan Mollah – Uluberia
Mollah,Shri Hannan
Constituency : Uluberia(West Bengal )
Party Name : Communist Party of India (Marxist)(CPI(M))
Father's Name Late Shri Abdul Latif Mollah
Mother's Name Late Smt. Jamila Khatoon
Date of Birth 03.01.1946
Place of Birth Paschim Bauria, Distt. Howrah (West Bengal)
Marital Status Married
Date of Marriage 30 Mar 1982
Spouse's Name Smt. Maimoona Mollah (Abbas)
No. of Sons 1
No.of Daughters 1
Educational Qualifications M.A.
Educated at Calcutta University, Calcutta (West Bengal)
profession Political & Social Worker
Permanent Address
Vill. Paschim Bauria, P.O. Chackasi,
Distt. Howrah – 711 307 ( West Bengal)
(033) 26618999
Present Address
(i) 208-209, V.P. House, Rafi Marg,
New Delhi – 110 001
Tels. (011) 23720859,23317667, 9868180859 (M)
Position Held
1980 Elected to 7th Lok Sabha
Member, House Committee
Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Defence
1982 onwards Member, West Bengal State Committee, Communist Party of India (Marxist) [C.P.I.(M)]
1984 Re-elected to 8th Lok Sabha (2nd term)
Member, Committee on Estimates
Member, Committee on Petitions
Member, Joint Committee on Medical Council Bill
Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Planning
1986 onwards Member, Central Committee [C.P.I.(M)]
1989 Re-elected to 9th Lok Sabha (3rd term)
1990-91 Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Communications
1990-92 Member, Committee on Estimates
1991 Re-elected to 10th Lok Sabha (4th term)
1992 onwards Member, Secretariat [C.P.I.(M)]
1992-94 Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Commerce
1994-96 Member, Committee on Defence
1996 Re-elected to 11th Lok Sabha (5th term)
1996-97 Member, House Committee
Member, Committee on Defence
Member, Committee on Government Assurances
Member, Joint Committee on Constitution (81st Amendment) Bill, 1996
Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of External Affairs
1998 Re-elected to 12th Lok Sabha (6th term)
1998-99 Member, Committee on Defence and Convenor of its Sub-Committee-II
Member, Committee on Papers laid on the Table
Member, House Committee
Member, Committee on Members of Parliament Local Area Development Scheme
Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of External Affairs
1999 Re-elected to 13th Lok Sabha (7th term)
1999-2000 Member, Committee on Papers laid on the Table
Member, Committee on Defence
Member, House Committee and Convenor of its Sub-Committee on Furnishing
Member, Railway Convention Committee
2000-2004 Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting
2004 Re-elected to 14th Lok Sabha( 8th term)
Member, Committee on Rural Development
Chairman, Committee on Papers Laid on the Table
Member, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting
Member, House Committee
5 Aug. 2007 onwards Member, Standing Committee on Rural Development
Literary Artistic & Scientific Accomplishments
Contributed articles to magazines and weekly papers on various issues
Social And Cultural Activities
Organising students and youth to fight for their rights; relief work during natural calamities; working for improvement in the living conditions of the agricultural workers
Special Interests
Problems of youth and students, welfare of masses and upliftment of the downtrodden
Favourite Pastime and Recreation
Reading, travelling and watching sports events
Countries Visited
Australia, Bangladesh, China, Czechoslovakia, Fiji, France, Germany, Japan, Korea, Kuwait, New Zealand, Russia, Singapore, Thailand, UAE, U.K., U.S.A. and Vietnam
Other Information
Chairman, Wakf Board, West Bengal; General-Secretary, Democratic Youth Federation of India, 1980-91; Joint Secretary, All India Agricultural Workers' Union, 1992 onwards; and Member, (i) Press Council of India, 1998-99; (ii) Court, Aligarh Muslim University, 1995-96 ; (iii) Central Wakf Coucil, 2002-2004
Wind turns against shuttlecock makers
Kohinoor Mandal
CALCUTTA, Dec. 25
THE 80-odd small-scale shuttlecock manufacturing units located at Uluberia in the Howrah district of West Bengal are fighting a battle for survival against the machine-made superior quality shuttle cocks of Chinese and Taiwanese companies, which are stea dily finding their way into the domestic market.
Though the Indian shuttle cocks are cheaper, these are being outclassed by sleek products from China and Taiwan. Already, some of the premier clubs and badminton tournament organisers of India have opted for imported cocks.
In India, there are two shuttle cock manufacturing bases. Historically, Uluberia was the first to manufacture and then it was Punjab, where there are more than a few dozen of units.
Production of shuttlecocks in Uluberia was started way back in the 1920s by one late Ganendranath Bose. He, along with some of the local youths, joined hands and their products were then supplied to the clubs in Calcutta.
``In those days badminton was played mostly by the British in the clubs of Calcutta. The game was not popular among the Indians. However, over the years, the business of shuttle cocks slowly grew as more and more Indians started playing the game,'' said Mr S. Niyogi, who owns a unit.
At present, there are about 80 units employing about 500 people, including housewives and children. Meanwhile, the Boses also continued with their business and now Ganendranath Bose's three sons -- Jagadish, Ajoy and Sujit -- run the show.
Mr Sudip Bose, son of Mr Ajoy Bose, said he opted for infotech against the traditional business. ``Well, I am not interested in it. The business is being looked after mostly by my father and uncles,'' he told Business Line.
According to Mr Niyogi, the shuttlecocks from Uluberia used to hold a premier position in the domestic badminton circuit. For all the major tournaments, their products were used. ``Most of us in Uluberia are manufacturing the premier quality range. We ha ve an edge over the Punjab units in terms of quality. We, as also the Punjab units, have been enjoying a fair share of the market,'' he said.
However, the imported shuttlecocks have changed market equations. There are some fine differences between the foreign made and the indigenous grades. First, both in Uluberia and Punjab, the shuttle cocks are handmade but the imported ones are machine-mad e, with the duck feathers properly cut and shaped in special dices. The glues used by the foreign makers are also better in quality.
``The price factor must also be considered. While the premium range of 12 domestic shuttlecocks cost around Rs 400, the ones that are imported start from a price of Rs 550 a dozen. As they are using machines, their per unit production cost is also low. I n Uluberia, an average unit produces only about 600 a day and the industry-wide production might be around 20,000 a day", Mr Niyogi said.
Moreover, the domestic producers pay local sales-tax of four per cent and a central sales-tax of six per cent. Institutional finance rarely comes to these small-scale producers. ``I got a bank loan, but not all of us. It is very difficult to get funds fr om banks,'' he said.
A number of manufacturers said that popularity of badminton had also fallen in the last few years. ``Even 8-10 years ago, winter marked the beginning of a good season for us. It is no longer the same. This diminishing popularity of the game, over and abo ve the imports, has made the going really tough for us,'' says Mr Basu Khan, who runs a unit.
Pic.: Shuttle cocks being weighed at one of the units in Uluberia.
Picture by Parth Sanyal
http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/2000/12/26/stories/022670p4.htm
In minority-dominated Howrah, Rizwanur Rahman is the issue
Sumanta Ray Chaudhuri / DNASunday, May 3, 2009 1:43 IST
Howrah: If Nano is the issue in Hooghly, Rizwanur Rahman's tragic death is the poll plank in another Kolkata-adjacent district, Howrah. Perfectly blending the graphics designer's under-pressure suicide with the Sachar Committee report on living conditions of minorities in West Bengal, opposition Trinamool Congress is hoping to give the CPI(M) a tough fight in the erstwhile red fort.
General election 2009The minority card is being flashed more in Uluberia rather than Howrah. Considering that a majority of voters in Uluberia are Muslims, Trinamool candidate Sultan Ahmed is making full use of the Sachar Committee report and Rizwanur death to garner voter sympathy. Rizwanur's brother Rukbanur is often seen accompanying Ahmed to his campaign programmes.
The Trinamool is also making subtle attempts to infuse the fear of land acquisition in the agricultural belt of Uluberia, especially among Muslim farmers.
Ahmed is sure these issues will fetch him more votes than development talk. "In the 32 years of Left Front rule, living conditions of minorities have constantly degraded. For this to change, we need a change in the power position in West Bengal. I am confidant Uluberia will vote in favour of this change," he said.
Long-standing CPI(M) Lok Sabha member Hannan Mollah, however, feels such efforts to mislead voters will not impact the election result.
"The people of Uluberia know us well. They know which political force has really worked for the welfare of farmers and minorities," he said.
The factor working for Mollah is that he being a Bengali-speaking Muslim, is closer to the Bengali Muslims of Uluberia compared to Ahmed, who is a Urdu-speaking Muslim from outside.
In fact, as per the early projections by leading language news channels Star Ananda and Chabbish Ghanta, it would be a neck-and-neck battle. While Star Ananda placed Trinamool slightly ahead of the CPI(M), Chabbish Ghanta gave both parties an equal chance.
Meanwhile in Howrah, industrial shutdown and basic amenities are the key issues. Once called the 'Sheffield of the East' because of its foundry industry, Howrah has now lost much of its sheen because of the closure of most foundries. The Trinamool candidate from the constituency, Ambika Banerjee, is highlighting the plight of workers rendered jobless due to the closure to pull down CPI(M) MP Swadesh Chakrabarty.
On the other hand, the CPI(M) is banking on Chakrabarty's clean image and the dynamic role he played as mayor of Howrah. Analysts have projected a tough battle here as well, with Chakrabarty enjoying a slight edge.
http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_in-minority-dominated-howrah-rizwanur-rahman-is-the-issue_1252661
Shell open to sell gas on long term contract
BS Reporter / Mumbai/ Ahmedabad September 18, 2009, 0:57 IST
Liquified Natural Gas (LNG) supplier Shell India, which currently sells LNG on short term contract basis to its existing customers in India, is now open to enter into long term and medium term contracts with its clients in the country for sale of LNG.
The company is looking at selling LNG to its customers on long term to medium term basis. "We are willing to enter into long term and medium term contracts with our existing customers in India for sale of LNG. However, it could be possible only when Shell gets supplies, who are ready to supply it LNG on long term basis", Vikram Singh Mehta, chairman, Shell India at the inauguration of its bitumen plant at Savli in Gujarat.
As part of its current business strategy, Shell procures LNG from its suppliers on spot basis. "Shell India is looking at shifting its gas procurement model from spot to long term procurement", said he added.
"Earlier no company was ready to ink long term supply contracts. However, some of the supplier companies have now started showing interest for long term contract", he added.
Shell India today commissioned its second bitumen plant in India at Savli near Vadodara in Gujarat. The new plant, set up with an investment of Rs 40 crore, will cater to the growing demand of bitumen in Gujarat, Rajasthan, nothern Maharashtra and some parts of Madhya Pradesh.
The plant will mainly manufacture emulsions, crumb rubber modified bitumen and polymer modified bitumen and it will have a production capacity of 50,000 tonnes per annum, which can expanded to meet growing market demand.
The first Shell Bitumen plant was commissioned at Uluberia, near Kolkata in West Bengal in December 2006. The 50,000 tonne per annum Uluberia plant supplies products to all major NHAI projects, State road projects funded by Asian Development Bank/ World Bank and state government as well as to various rural road projects across the eastern region.
As far as bitumen business is concerned, the company wants to expand its presence in southern parts of the country and across the country later on. Shell is also planning to bring some more products in India, which include coloured bitumen and performance grade polymer modified bitumen.
http://www.business-standard.com/india/news/shell-open-to-sell-gaslong-term-contract/370422/
Bangal
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Bangal is a term used to refer to the people of East Bengal ,(Bangladeshis)(usually from regions around Dhaka and Barisal), now in Bangladesh (as opposed to the Ghotis of West Bengal). The term is used to describe Bengalis from the eastbengal{Bangladesh}, who are marked by a distinct accent.
Poor class people of Hindu community of former East Pakistan(now Bangladesh)who migrated to West Bengal as refugees during the Partition of India in 1947 and immediately after the partition to escape the state supported torture on the minority Hindus there are referred to as Bangals by the native population of West Bengal. There is a sharp class difference between the Purba Bangiyas and the Bangals. The Purba Bangiyas were comparatively well off and some of them had houses in EastBengal also known as Barendra Bhumi as well as in West Bengal also known Rarh Bangla in the undivided India.Some of the Purba Bangiyas had settled themselves in Rarh Bangla much before or immediately before the partition of India.Even those Hindu families of East Pakistan who migrated to India after the partition and resettled themselves without getting them registered as refugees still today prefer to call themselves Purba bangiyas instead of Bangal. Some of them even take exception if they are called Bangal.
Those who registered themselves as refugees were given asylum by the government of India. They were initially given temporary shelter, food free of cost.They allowed to encroach upon the government land, low lying private land on humanitarian ground.It was generosity and clemency on the part of most of the Weat Bengali land owners that they did not take harsh steps to evict them realising their plight.
The Ghoti-Bangal issue emerged in the late 1950s when the refugees were offered citizenships of India, given special privilege in government,the government started acquaring the land for their resettlement by forceful acquition or declaring them as vest land. The refugees then, intigated by the communists, started raise their voice saying that it was not the clemency or generosity of the people of West Bengal but due to their collective fighting spirit they have wresteld out their right from the private land owners and the government.In the 1950s Bangals werev the main vote bank of the communist party and even today the colonies in the calcutta and its suburbs are the main stronghold CPI(M) and most of the CPI(M) leaders at Alimudding street are still Bangals. Bangals still like to point out that they are intellectually superior than the Ghotis and to establish this they cite the example that most of the high ups in the government offices are Banglas. When claiming this they never mention that Bangals are more only in the state government services. Why? If one searches copies of old news papers of the 1950s and the 1960s he can find in the advertisement of state government services special privilege has been given to the refugees. Hence, in the private sector and Central government service the number Bangals had never been remarkable. The terms Ghotis|Ghoti and Bangal are mostly used in West Bengal while in Bangladesh, the usage of these is rare except in regions with relatively high concentrations of immigrants from West Bengal.
Amongst the high-caste Bengali Hindus, "Bangal" and "Ghoti" are used as social sub-groups. Those whose families came from East Bengal at the time of Partition are Bangals and those whose families were staying in West Bengal at that time are Ghotis.Similarly the people who came West Bengal from East Bengal Before the Independence of India,1947 are also known as Ghotis as they were staying in West Bengal,India at the time of Independence. The term as used here has little relation to actual geography, since most members of these groups all now live in India. Historically, in addition to marrying within their castes, people from these groups also preferred to marry within the group, whether Bangal or Ghoti.
Bangals and Ghotis keep up their cultural rivalry through their respective support of the football clubs East Bengal (Bangals) and Mohun Bagan (Ghotis).
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bangal
Communalism in Undivided Bengal: Shrouding Class Conflict with Religion
Simon Fraser University, Canada
Published on May 24, 2006
This paper aims at shedding light on the frequently misunderstood phenomenon called "communalism", inherently a South Asian _expression connoting much more than its actual meaning implying something very ominous and nasty, in colonial Bengal. This perennial conflict mainly between the Hindu and Muslim communities, supposed to have originated because of the differences in the rituals, beliefs and practices of the two communities, not before but during the British colonial rule, has not died out in independent India and Bangladesh.
As laymen are baffled as to why Hindus and Muslims have been fighting or showing disrespect to each other's faith, rituals, norms, behaviour or anything associated with the "other", so are some social scientists, including historians. They associate the problem with religiosity, lack of secular and modern education, and intolerance of the people concerned bred by some religious texts, the Quran or the Vagbad Geeta, depending on who are explaining the enigmatic phenomenon called communal conflict, hatred and antagonism. Contrary to the laymen understanding and lopsided analyses by scholars, journalists and politicians, had religiosity of the people or the alleged hateful teachings of the religious texts been responsible for communalism, then the pre-British (and pre-modern) Mughal period would have witnessed thousands of rioting and embittered Hindu-Muslim relationship. Interestingly, history records only a few sporadic Hindu-Muslim clashes during the Holi Festival in the early 18th century under the Mughals.
The _expression, "Communalism", has been in use in the Subcontinent since the second-half of the 19th century. Jawaharlal Nehru, a non-communal, agnostic politician and the first prime minister of India, who would have been famous for his scholarship alone, feels that what is "nationalism" for the majority community becomes "communalism" when the minorities do similar things to protect and assert their rights.
Another great mind, socialist historian (Harvard professor) Wilfred Cantwell Smith (1916-2001), in his seminal book, Modern Islam in India: A Social Analysis, first published from Lahore in 1943 while this great Canadian scholar was a young lecturer at Lahore Foreman Christian College, aptly reiterates "… the phenomenon called 'communalism' has developed into something for which 'nationalism' now seems a better name" [Lahore 1969, p.187].
I am citing Nehru and Smith to highlight flaws of their unworthy successors in the realms of politics, pedagogy, scholarship and popular culture in regard to racial, linguistic and religious conflicts in South Asia. In Bangladesh, the situation is abysmally bizarre. Many Bangladeshis cannot differentiate between "communal" and revivalist puritan orthodoxy and political Islam. To them, from the Jamaat-i-Islami to BNP, JMB to Harkatul Jihad, Janata Party to Shiva Sena and RSS are all "communal" parties, groups and organizations.
It is unfortunate that Badruddin Umar's tireless effort to distinguish between chauvinism/nationalism and communalism since the 1960s, especially through his books, Sampradayikata and Sangskritik Sampradayikata, has gone down the drains. Hence the tendency to lump together all forms of racial, linguistic and religious discriminations and prejudices of the majority communities against the minorities into the amorphous "laddu" or dough of "communalism". The big difference between religious revivalism and communalism should restrain us from portraying the Jamaat-i-Islami or the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) as "communal".
As parties and organizations run by members of the majority communities, such as Hitler's Nazi Party, VHP, Janata Party, BNP, Awami League (during the Pakistani period for asserting majority Bengali separatism), cannot be "communal", so are Hitler, Advani, Khaleda, Mujib, Tagore or Sarat Chatterjee. They were/are German, Hindu, Muslim or Bengali nationalists. And as someone's "terrorist" is a "freedom fighter" to others, similarly, the minority community's "chauvinist/hatemonger" is a "nationalist/patriot" or "hero" to the majority community.
Now, it depends how one classifies Tagore or Chattejees (both Bankim and Sarat). If one considers them as members of the majority Hindu community of the Subcontinent, then they were "nationalists" albeit of the pejorative "Hindu chauvinistic" type. The moment one classifies them as members of the "minority Hindu community of Bengal", then all three of them (despite their literary genius and kind words for Muslims, reflected in their literary writings) were nothing but arch communal hate-mongers and Hindu separatists. We must draw a line between "Hindu/Muslim supremacist" and "Hindu/Muslim separatist" – the former being nationalist/chauvinist and the latter communal/separatist.
As W. C. Smith has elaborated, one does not have to be "religiously ardent, tepid or cold; orthodox, liberal or atheist; righteous or vicious" to be classified as "communal", both communalism of the minority and chauvinism of the majority communities are by-products of economic, religious and psychological factors [p.187]. The adherents of supremacist/exclusionist ideology and the separatist minorities are again subject to false consciousness, vainglory and narrow class/group interest. As members of the Muslim minority community in colonial India nourished the wrong ideology of extra-territoriality, considering themselves as descendants of "foreigners" from the Middle East and Central Asia, members of the majority Hindu community, quite expediently accepted their false credentials to marginalize them as "foreigners". Smith is worth quoting again: "Hinduism has never outgrown its tribalism; has never aspired or claimed to be anything higher than the religion of a group, or rather a series of sub-groups eternalized in the caste system. To the Hindu, every Indian who is a Muslim is an outcast out-caste, an Untouchable with whom dealings must not be so intimate as to transgress certain formal rules. This exclusion is religious; but with Hinduism 'religious' means 'social' in a highly evolved traditional way" pp.189-90].
The socio-economic base of communalism in undivided Bengal was different from that of northwestern India. Similarly the northwest was almost totally different from South India in this regard. While the Punjab, UP, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Bihar and Bengal witnessed intense communal hatred, tension and occasional mass killing and rioting during the 1870s and 1950s, the coastal regions of the Subcontinent (excepting Calcutta and Chittagong) in Bombay and Madras Presidencies were almost totally immune to such barbarism. Does this mean the Hindus and Muslims of Bombay and Madras were/are less religious, having little sense of belonging to their respective communities? We know that is not the case. The reason behind Hindus and Muslims living in much more peace and harmony in the South than their co-religionists did/do in the North is their learning English and supporting and opposing the British Raj together.
On the other hand, in the North, especially in Bengal, the bulk of the Hindus supported the Raj for the first hundred-odd years while the bulk of the Muslims were fighting and non-cooperating with the British up to the 1870s and later they reversed their role. Henceforth the bulk of the Hindus joined the anti-British nationalist movement, opposing and non-cooperating with the Raj, while the vast majority of Muslims started collaborating with the British (imitating what their Hindu neighbours had done earlier), learning English for upward mobility under the influence of Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan (1818-1898), Maulana Karamat Ali Jaunpuri (1800-1873), Nawab Abdul Latif (1828-1893) and their likes up to the Partition.
Those who trace the roots of Hindu-Muslim communalism to the invasions and plundering by Sultan Mahmud, and about 600 years of Muslim rule in India are either influenced by British colonial historiography, which not only portrays Babar as the "demolisher" of a temple at Ayodhya and Awrangzeb as the "anti-Hindu bigot" but also depicts the British Raj as the epitome of benevolence, tolerance and justice. Besides the selective use of history by both Hindus and Muslims, the crux of the problem lay with the unequal socio-economic and political developments of the two communities, which mainly contributed to the growth of mutual mistrust, hatred, prejudice and rivalries in every sphere of life in colonial northern India, including Bengal.
A cursory look at the history of undivided Bengal during the British rule reveals that the rulers' adopting the classical divide-and-rule policy was the ONLY factor behind the growth, development and culmination of communal antagonism between the Hindu and Muslim communities in the province, like elsewhere in northern India. We may highlight the following landmarks in British Indian history, which were responsible for the creation and widening of the cleavages between the two communities:
The Permanent Settlement of 1793: The Mother of All Evils in Bengal
No other British colonial act brought so much of suffering, pain, humiliation on the Bengali psyche and wreaked such havoc on Bengal's agriculture, industries, social structure, almost by permanently destroying its economy and proverbial prosperity that Bengal had witnessed during the Mughal period than did this monstrous Permanent Settlement of land revenue. This grossly unjust land settlement with revenue collecting officials, known as Zamindars, turned them into landlords in the British sense of the _expression, whose liability to the Government (90% of the revenue collected in an estate) was fixed permanently. The monstrosity of the absurd land system ( "a caricature of British land system", to paraphrase Karl Marx) was that while the Zamindar's liability to the Government was fixed permanently for generations, the tenant's liability (the rent obligation) to the Zamindar remained flexible, turning him almost into a slave of his Zamindar. On top of the rent, the Zamindar could extract illegal duties or taxes (abwab) from his tenants whenever he needed extra cash to buy an elephant, to celebrate a wedding, child birth, or to perform certain rituals or for self-gratifications, sheer greed and caprice.
Incidentally, the bulk of the Zamindars in Bengal since the vice-royalty (Nawabi) of Murshid Quli Khan were Hindus. And by one stroke of the pen, they turned into landlords or proprietors of land, which hitherto had belonged to the Mughal Emperor. The bulk of the peasantry in Bengal, mostly so in the eastern region, were Muslims. Consequently any exaction by the greedy and ruthless Zamindars (who could imprison and torture their tenants with impunity up to the mid-19th century) could be easily perceived as "Hindu" exactions and excesses on "Muslims". The fast transfer of trading and industrial capital to Zamindari enterprise by Bengali and non-Bengali merchants and entrepreneurs installed rapacious traders, moneylenders and speculators as Zamindars. They were much more ruthless than the traditional Zamindars of the Nawab.
While Bengali peasants and weavers (mostly Muslim) were on the verge of total ruination due to the Zamindari exactions and British traders' dumping of duty-free British textiles in the local market, a nouveau riche class of English-educated upstarts were fast replacing the powerless Muslim aristocracy, military officers, judges and jurists who had become redundant not long after the disaster of Plassey in 1757. By the 1850s, most of the Muslim aristocrats who had been enjoying revenue free land grants (La Kharaj Waqf endowments) to run schools, shrines and mosques since the Mughal period lost their lands as they failed to produce documents (lost or destroyed) in favour of their claims, as required by the arbitrary and unfair Resumption Proceedings (1820s-1850s) of the Company Raj. Local Hindu traders and Zamindars, who had the cash and government patronage, bought off these acquired estates to the chagrin and anger of the wretched Muslim aristocrats and their Muslim clients. Meanwhile, in 1837, the British rulers had replaced Persian with English as the Court (or official ) Language. Impoverished Muslims of Bengal could neither afford nor willing to learn English, which their Hindu neighbours, beneficiaries of the Permanent Settlement, learnt for upward mobility. Consequently the cleavage between the two communities got further widened and the relationship between them further embittered.
What followed the disastrous Plassey, Permanent Settlement, Resumption Proceedings and the Abolition of Persian as the Court Language was the sharp and rapid decline/disappearance of Muslim aristocracy, well-to-do peasants, artisans, professionals and scholars in Bengal and the equally fast ascendancy of the new classes of Hindu Zamindar-Bhadralok-Mahajan out of the Hindu middle and lower middle classes. The Muslim situation was so bad in Bengal by the 1870s that British civil servant and writer William Hunter observed in his book, Our Indian Mussulmans, that fifty years back it was impossible to find a poor Muslim in Bengal and in 1870, due to lack of government patronage, it became impossible for them to remain rich.
The Permanent Settlement not only brought about changes in the land system but also transformed the entire Bengali society with new values, new culture, turning nouveau riche Zamindars and their beneficiaries into arrogant feudal lords, rapacious money-lenders and ruthless lawyers. These parasitical classes lived on the masses – Muslim, Namasudra and other "low-caste" Hindus – and despite having modern secular education in English nourished and promoted feudal and pre-capitalist values. With few exceptions, the bulk of the Zamindar-Bhadralok classes on the one hand glorified the British benefactors and on the other promoted Hindu revival and anti-Muslim (actually anti-peasant) sentiment, using hate as the best weapon to subjugate the lowly Muslim Chasha (peasant). Hatred and prejudice bred equal amount of hatred and prejudice among the defiled and ridiculed Muslim Chasha (this is not that different from Newton's Third Law of Motion). Dominant Hindus ridiculed Bengali Muslims as Nerrey-Mlechha-Javana (skinhead-unclean-foreigner) both in private and public discourse, including literary works by Ishwar Gupta and Bankim Chatterjee. Some Hindu Zamindars in Faridpur, 24-Parganas and Nadia even imposed a "Beard Tax" on Muslim peasants in the 1820s and 1830s. The upshot was a number of peasant insurgencies in the garb of Islam, the Faraizi Movement under Shariatullah and Dudu Miyan in parts of Faridpur-Pabna-Barisal-Dhaka sub-region and the militant uprising by Titu Meer in Nadia-24-Pargana sub-region of Bengal.
Since then Muslim and Hindu communalists/separatists did not look back. While Hindu Zamindar-Bhadralok-Mahajan continued to oppose all government or Muslim initiated attempts to uplift the conditions of the Muslim community in Bengal through the Bengal Tenancy Amendment Acts, education, and redress against the extortionist money-lending system with lame excuses, Muslim peasants, small middle classes and aristocrats resisted the Hindu opposition. During the first hundred-odd years of the British Raj, while Hindus in general remained loyal to the Government, Muslim opposition was directed both against the British and their well-to-do Hindu beneficiaries. With the change of the tide, while sections of the erstwhile loyal Hindus joined the nationalist bandwagon, especially after the Partition of Bengal (1905-11), Muslims in Bengal as elsewhere in India, readily responded to British overtures to win over the Muslim community, which had already started in the 1870s due to the untiring efforts by Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan in north India, and Karamat Ali Jaunpuri and Nawab Abdul Latif in Bengal.
The period between 1905 and 1947 witnessed the bitterest Hindu-Muslim antagonism and conflicts in Bengal. With direct British support (which was in line with their colonial divide-and-rule policy) and patronage, Bengali Muslims started collaborating with the British as they rightly visualized the advantages of their socio-political and economic uplift through collaboration with the British. Hindu aristocrats, professionals, intellectuals, clerks, teachers, shopkeepers, money-lenders in general were very unhappy with the British as they were no longer willing to play the second fiddle as their subjects. By then Muslims had experienced bitter Hindu chauvinism, both within and outside Bengal. Hindu revivalist Arya Samaj and Hindu opposition to Urdu in favour of Hindi (even by men like Lala Lajpat Rai who could not read and write Hindi but Urdu) had already alarmed non-communal Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan, who once identified himself as a Hindu ("Muslim-Hindu" as he was born in India or Hind) and considered Hindu and Muslim as two eyes of India. The anti-Partition (1905-11) Swadeshi Movement, which directly promoted Hindu revival and perpetuation of Muslim subjugation in Bengal by Hindu super-ordinates further embittered the Hindu-Muslim relationship. The Hindu opposition to the Dhaka University proposal, by men like Ashutosh Mukherjee and Rabindranath Tagore, and their constantly vociferous opposition to any attempt to grant more rights to Bengal peasants through amendments of the Bengal Tenancy Act during 1923-38, the Free Rural Primary Education Bill, the Money-lenders Bill in the 1930s and 1940s sharply polarized the two communities both within and outside the Bengal legislature. Fazlul Huq, Maulana Bhashani, H.S. Suhrawardy, Khwaja Nazimuddin, Abul Hashim, Nawab Salimullah and Sir Abdur Rahim, among others, championed the Muslim/peasant cause and Hindu politicians, professionals, intellectuals and journalists openly promoted Zamindar-Bhadralok-Mahajan interests to the detriment of Muslims/peasants up to the Partition of 1947.
In view of the above, there is no truth in the assertion that the anti-Muslim communal rhetoric of Bankim, Tagore and Sarat were in reaction to the communal stand of the Muslim League or M.A. Jinnah. While Bankim glorified Hindutva in the 1880s, Tagore did so with subtlety during the first thirty years of the 20th century and Sarat Chatterjee advocated the expulsion of Muslims from India in 1926, long before Chaudhry Rahmat Ali coined the term "Pakistan" in 1934 and the so-called Pakistan Resolution of March 1940. It is absolutely incorrect to ascribe his anti-Muslim speech at a Hindu Mahasbha rally to the Hindu-Muslim rioting at Pabna in 1926. The Pabna rioting was short-lived and much smaller in scale than the Calcutta rioting, which preceded the former. Pakistan demand could not be a cause for rioting rather it was an unfortunate effect of Hindu Chauvinism and Muslim communalism/separatism. And it may be mentioned that Jinnah was agreeable to the Cabinet Mission Proposal of an Indian confederation till Nehru's rejection of the proposal in July 1946. So, Pakistan was by no means inevitable. Pakistan became inevitable not because of the Punjab or UP Muslims' desire for a separate homeland. Pakistan became inevitable firstly because of Bengali Muslim peasants' desire to have better rights and opportunities. Another factor behind the creation of Pakistan was Hindu elite's desire to partition Bengal after they realized that Bengali Muslims (children of the Chasha, many graduated from the undesirable Dhaka University) would perpetually rule the province by virtue of their number.
So, there is absolutely no point in fabricating or relying on stories about Suhrawardy's and Sheikh Mujib's instigating the Calcutta rioting of 1946-47 as there are credible evidences to the contrary. There are documentary evidences, including Suhrawardy's personal correspondence with Jinnah and Liaquat Ali in 1947 and 1948, which proves beyond any doubt that he tried his best to save both Hindus and Muslims in Calcutta as well as Noakhali (which was again a noisy tea-party in comparison to Great Calcutta Killing of 1946 and the Bihar Carnage of 1947). What we see in Attenborough's Gandhi, which portrays both Jinnah and Suhrawardy with nothing but tar and what we read and hear about the Noakhali rioting in most books mainly based on Congress and Mahasabha owned newspaper reporting are grossly exaggerated accounts and fabrications. Noakhali carnage was a brutal reaction to the Great Calcutta Killing of August-September 1946. Mainly Bengali Muslim peasants and working classes took part in the killing, raping and "forcible conversion" and marriage of Hindu women in and around Chhagalnaiya Thana. Around 350 Hindus, many of whom were money-lenders, got killed. Golam Sarwar, a local peasant leader was the main agent provocateur. He lost his son-in-law who was a jute mill worker in Calcutta, in the Calcutta rioting of 1946.
In sum, Muslim communalism and Hindu chauvinism in undivided Bengal were by-products of uneven growth and development of the two communities, who historically lived in peace and harmony throughout the Mughal period. The uneven growth and development of the Muslim and Hindus of Bengal was mainly due to the divisive policy of the British rulers and partially incidental on British policy of turning Bengali traders and entrepreneurs into Zamindars to get rid of competitors from Bengali capitalist classes for the benefit of British trade and industries. The British policy of disbanding the pre-existing army and police and replacing the Indian code with British law also hard hit Muslims in Bengal (and elsewhere in India) as they were predominant in these professions under the Mughals. Muslim arrogance and incapability to learn English due to poverty also contributed to their backwardness. With the transfer of the capital from Murshidabad to Calcutta, thousands of Muslim families from the depopulated Murshidabad and Dhaka had to settle in rural areas as peasants and destitute. The emergence of Calcutta as the new metropolis of Bengal (and India) on the one hand signalled the rise of the Hindu professionals and capitalist classes, mainly emanating from the beneficiaries of the Permanent Settlement; and on the other, it also indicated the ruralisation and pauperization of the hitherto dominant Muslim classes. The antagonistic classes of Bengali Hindu "haves" and Muslim "have-nots" fought each other for around two hundred years, the former to perpetuate their stronghold on the political economy and the latter to create a new niche in the body politic of Bengal (and India). They did not shy out from the prospect of replacing the Hindu beneficiaries of the Permanent Settlement and British rule either by reverting to the pre-British Muslim order or by establishing their "peasant utopia" or Pakistan.
In short, the events and process leading to the "Great Divide" or the greatest tragedy for Bengal after the disaster of Plassey to occur up to 1947 tell us how and why fear, hatred, ignorance and prejudice, primarily produced and nourished by the majority and adopted by the minority community with the machinations of the vicious colonial rulers made the Partition inevitable and the hangover of the past bitterness so heady and long-lasting. The un-equal "elite conflict" between the rich and powerful Hindu beneficiaries of the Permanent Settlement and the poor and weak Bengali Muslim victims of the Permanent Settlement is the main theme of the story of Hindu chauvinism and Muslim communalism in Bengal. Since the budding Bengali Muslim elite with jotedar/talukdar [rich peasants] background was too weak to withstand the mighty Zamindar-Bhadralok-Mahajan triumvirate, they had to get the patronage of the Urdu-speaking elite or the ashraf, from within and outside Bengal. The ashraf also needed the jotedar support to reach the middle and lower peasants (Muslim and Namasudra), especially on the eve of the provincial elections of 1937, as by then the Government of India Act of 1935 had enfranchised many well-to-peasants. Northwest Indian ashraf, under the leadership of charismatic Jinnah, in alliance with the Nawab of Dhaka and other ashraf leaders of Bengal forged ties with lower ashraf and Muslim jotedar/talukdar classes of East Bengal. The ulama or Muslim theologians played an important role in the ashraf-jotedar marriage (of convenience). Thus the Muslim Ashraf-Ulama-Jotedar triumvirate came into being to challenge the powerful Hindu Zamindar-Bhadralok-Mahajan triumvirate.
By then, due to the prevalent discriminatory and humiliating behaviour of "upper" caste Hindus towards them, the bulk of the Bengali peasants had first been communalized and then politicized under the influence of the ulama. Hindu opposition to cow slaughtering and treatment of Muslim peasants as "live stock" and untouchables (to paraphrase Nirad Chaudhury, Autobiography of an Unkown Indian, London 1951 and Abul Mansur Ahmed, Amar Dekha Rajnitir Panchash Bachhar, Dhaka 1970) thoroughly communalized the bulk of Bengali Muslims by the 1920s. Afterwards under the influence of the rustic mullah, Bengali Muslims learnt how to classify the Hindus as kafir [non-believer], mushrik [polytheist] and malaun [the cursed one or the Devil]. They also learn how to hate everything Hindu, including their gods and goddesses. Even a dead Hindu was not spared. The mullah taught Bengali Muslims to wish eternal hell fire [fi nare jahannam] to all Hindu souls. This is still done in the region.
Having a well-documented history of the "Great Divide" or the great tragedy may be to our advantage to look back with a view to looking forward to a peaceful co-existence of all South Asians, including Bengalis, irrespective of their religious and other differences.
[ See for details John H. Broomfield, Elite Conflict in a Plural Society:Twentieth Century Bengal, Berkeley 1968; Joya Chatterjee, Bengal Divided : Hindu Communalism and Partition, 1932-1947, Cambridge 2002; Suranjan Das, Communal Riots in Bengal 1905-1947, Oxford 1994; Taj I. Hashmi, Pakistan as a Peasant Utopia The Communalization of Class Politics in East Bengal, 1920-1947, Boulder-San Francisco-Oxford, 1992]
http://mukto-mona.com/Articles/taj_hashmi/communalism_bengal250506.htm
A plural past under modern siege
Successive bands of foreigners — Greeks, Parathions, Scythians and Turks (Kushanas) — came as invaders and were ultimately absorbed in India. They were completely merged into Indian society and adopted the language, religion and customs of the land without retaining any trace of their foreign origin. This reveals to us the catholicity of Hindu society of that period, in sad and striking contrast to the narrow rigidity and exclusiveness, which characterised it at a later age.
There is other evidence to show that the Hindu society of this age was a living organism, which could adapt itself to new environment and changing circumstances. An impression is sought to be — or is being — created that the future of India's secular polity is at stake. This is highly misleading, if not mischievous. Excesses of this kind only give an erroneous impression to the outside world that India's pluralist and liberal mindset is under siege, that we have surrendered our glorious inheritance, and have now embarked on a process of undermining our historical experience of successfully managing a multiethnic, multi-religious, multi-caste society and policy.
This is not for the first time that we have faced such challenges; in every such case in the past, reason and logic have triumphed. Our belief in our unity in diversity has never wavered over the years. There is no reason why this time the situation is different. The basic feature of a modern civilised society is that people belonging to different ethnic or religious groups should be able to live together with dignity, respecting each other's rights, religions and cultures without subjecting any group or groups to hatred or ridicule or mental torture to them.
It must always be remembered that the citizenry is uniformly subject to the tax laws of the country, regardless to his caste, creed or religion, and contributes to the revenue of the state and is therefore entitled to equal treatment under the law from the state and its various instrumentality.
In a pluralistic society, where people respect each other, where there is opportunity for a free flow of ideas, a meeting of minds, this alone can generate an atmosphere conducive to national growth and integration. Hatred and intolerance are bound to vitiate the atmosphere and stifle economic growth. If a section of the population is discriminated against and denied participation in developmental activities, there will not be any ''unity of purpose'' and we will be drifting in different directions. Secularism suits the genius of a multi-religious, multi-caste and multi-lingual country like India best. The secular ethos, furrowed deep by Mahatma Gandhi in the minds of India, nurtured a sense of tolerance that had kept society together as well as democratic.
We are one of the poorest nations in the world. Most of our erstwhile third-world brethren have left us far behind. The need of the day is to show laser-focus on economic development. For such progress, we need an environment of peace, unity, enthusiasm and hope. If we start the divisive mindset, there will be no end to this — North Indians will discriminate against South Indians; Tamil against Telugu; right against the left; educated vs the uneducated; the rich vs the poor; the urban vs the rural, and so on. This is a one-way street with no u-turn; it has no upsides, only downsides. We should stop thinking in terms of leaders of a community, and think only of leaders of the nation. Moreover, we have to create a system where people elect leaders for their performance rather than their caste or religion. Modern, successful leadership is all about dealing with the contemporary and the future. It is not about fighting for relics, icons and ideas of the past. As we have seen, a nation is judged by its contemporary status and not by its past. We have to vigorously work towards economic progress so that the youth have hope in the future. As Aristotle has said ''Hope is a waking dream''. Our leaders have to send the message of tolerance, love and affection to the youth of the country through vivid examples. Ethnic and religious conflicts threaten to tear apart more societies today than any other issue. These conflicts rise out of identity movements that construct an enemy 'other' and characterise themselves as nationalist even though they are based on exclusionist agendas. Since these movements do not adhere to democratic norms they seek to achieve their goals through private armies or militias. Just like religion has been used by militants to enforce identity politics so as fundamentalist forces mix religion and militancy to mobilise civil society. The threat of multiple fundamentalism and the militia has torn apart many countries.
Hindu tradition is based not on acceptance of particular gods, dogmas, revelations and religious structures but on reverence for Dharma which is the rule of law and the ethics of the age. Dharma is not immutable but is liable to change to be in consonance with changing times — hence, the concept of Yuga Dharma. Today's ethics, formulated by the constitution is secularism — that is the Yuga Dharma. When on January 13, 1948, Gandhi began what was to be the last fast of his life. Sardar Patel acknowledged that communal hate and violence had driven Gandhi to the extreme step, and when during the fast he heard some people demanding the expulsion of Muslims from India, the Sardar responded with these words: ''You have just now heard people shouting that Muslims should be removed from India. Those who do so have gone mad with anger. Even a lunatic is better than a person who is mad with rage.''
Consequently, the rights of the minorities to their culture and religion and the right to be protected against majoritarianism, were recognised as far back as 1928 in the Motilal Nehru Draft Constitution. Subsequently, Jawaharlal Nehru, writing a note on minorities in Young India on May 15, 1930, was to state that ''the history of India and of many of the countries of Europe has demonstrated that there can be no stable equilibrium in any country so long as an attempt is made to crush a minority or force it to conform to the ways of the majority.
It matters little whether logic is on its side or whether its own particular brand of culture is worthwhile or not.'' On May 25, 1949, Sardar Patel tabled the report of the Advisory Committee in the Constituent Assembly. ''We wish to make it clear, however, that our general approach to the whole problem of the minorities is that the state should be so run that they should stop feeling oppressed by the mere fact that they are minorities and that on the contrary, they should feel that they have as honourable a part to play in the national life as any other section of the community.''
The entire approach and thinking, moulded by Gandhiji, was to not mix religion with politics or the state. He said: ''Religion is a personal matter, which should have no place in politics.'' When he said that politics would be based on religion, he meant that it should have a moral foundation in dharma, not religion in the sense we generally use the term.
Pluralism was woven into the warp and woof of Indian society. Those who participated in the movement for Independence had a dream: ''When India attains her destiny, she will forget the present chapter of communal suspicion and conflict and face the problems of modern life from a modern point of view. Differences will no doubt persist, but they will be economic, not communal. Opposition among political parties will continue, but they will be based not on religion but on economic and political issues. Class and not community will be the basis of future alignments and policies will be shaped accordingly.'' Each incursion of foreign elements was a challenge to this culture, but it was met successfully by a new synthesis and a process of absorption. This was also a process of rejuvenation and new blooms of culture arose out of it.
Max Muller, the famous scholar and Orientalist, emphasised this : ''There is, in fact, an unbroken continuity between the most modern and the most ancient phases of Hindu thought, extending over more than three thousand years. If we were to look over the whole world to find out the country most richly endowed with all the wealth, power, and beauty that nature can bestow — in some parts a very paradise on earth — I should point to India. If I were asked under what sky the human mind has most fully developed some of its choicest gifts, has most deeply pondered over the greatest problems of life, and has found solution of some of them which will deserve the attention even of those who have studied Plato and Kant — I should point to India. And if I were to ask myself from what literature we here in Europe, we who have been nurtured almost exclusively on the thoughts of Greeks and Romans, and of one Semitic race, the Jewish, may draw the corrective, which is most wanted in order to make our inner life more perfect, more comprehensive, more universal, in fact more truly human a life, not for this life only, but a transfigured and eternal life — again I should point to India.''
Aurobindo Ghose added a sad note: ''If an ancient Indian of the time of the Upanishad, of the Buddha, or the later classical age were to be set down in Modern India... he would see his race clinging to forms and shells and rags of the past and missing nine tenths of its nobler meaning he would be amazed by the extent of the mental poverty, the immobility, the static repetition, the cessation of science, the long sterility of art, the comparative feebleness of the creative intuition.'' India should learn lessons of history.
The message of the Gita is not sectarian or addressed to any particular school of thought. It is universal in its approach for everyone, ''all paths lead to Me'', it says. It is because of this universality that it has found favours with all classes and schools. Let us not limit the universal territory of Indian creed with sectarian, caste and religious fireballs of volcano.
(The writer is former Chief Minister of Karnataka and Chairman of the Revenue Reforms Commission)
Space invaders
Author: Bibhuti Bhusan Nandy
Publication: The Hindustan Times
Date: February 14, 2003
Decades of uncontrolled illegal immigration from Bangladesh acquired the proportions of a demographic invasion years ago.
Thanks to bureaucratic ineptitude and the lack of political will, successive governments slept over the problem. The presence of 15-20 million aliens - besides signalling a total breakdown of border management and immigration control - has imposed a crushing socio-economic burden on the country and is posing a serious threat to India's national security.
By its cynical and insistent denial of the very existence of illegal immigration, Dhaka has reiterated its non-cooperation in dealing with the problem, adding a sinister dimension to the not-too-happy-at-all India-Bangladesh relations. Migration occurs when the right conditions of life in a country become endangered for some reason or the other. In Bangladesh, unrelenting persecution of the religious and ethnic minorities and pauperisation of the landless rural masses are powerful 'push factors' that force people out of their homeland.
At the other end of the spectrum, 'pull factors' like job opportunities, access to public distribution system, social security benefits, free education, easy acquisition of immovable property, enlistment as voters and, above all, a congenial socio-cultural atmosphere attract Bangladeshi migrants to India. The high stakes of some political parties in captive immigrant vote banks, unbridled corruption in the BSF, and organised rackets on both sides of the border promote cross-border infiltration on a massive scale.
Dhaka's facile disclaimer of the problem is easily trashed. An incisive analysis of 1991 census statistics by Sarifa Begum, a Bangladesh demographer, showed that the estimated 104.7 million population of Bangladesh had excluded 9-10 million from the computation. Additionally, the census figure was at odds with the Bangladesh government's own projection of 112-114 million and the UNDP estimate of 116-117 million.
Sarifa Begum rightly attributed the 'missing millions' to unregistered 'out-migration'. Clearly, no fewer than 14 to 15 million Bangla-deshis had sneaked into India during the 1981-91 inter-census decade. The much higher growth rates in the Indian districts bordering Bangladesh and significantly lower growth rates in the adjoining areas, extremely low growth in Hindu-concentrated districts and population explosion in urban pockets of West Bengal confirmed the finding.
Some statistics tellingly illustrate the point: Greater Jessore and Greater Khulna districts in Bangla-desh registered 1.97 per cent and 1.58 per cent growth respectively as against 3.16 per cent in the adjoining North 24 Parganas. Greater Mymensigh district in Bangladesh had a growth rate of 1.82 per cent against 3.84 per cent in the adjacent Eastern Garo Hills district in Meghalaya. Greater Comilla district (Bangladesh) showed 1.89 per cent growth against 3.36 per cent in Tripura. There is a population explosion in many semi-urban areas of West Bengal - Gobardanga (8.64 per cent), Khardah (9.5), Raiganj, (13.93), Ashoknagar (7.45), Mekhliganj (7.98) and Tufanganj (22.45) per cent - against the 2.45 per cent state average.
There is also a sharply lower growth against the national average (2.02 per cent) in the Hindu-concentrated districts of Bangladesh - Baisal (1.2), Gopalganj (0.9), Munshiganj (1.1), Faridpur (1.2), Chandpur (1.2), Khulna (1.6) - confirming a heavy Hindu exodus. The number of stranded Bihari Muslims - who had opted for Pakistan after the creation of Bangladesh - has sharply fallen from 1.1 million in 1971 to 250,000 in 1991. The missing 850,000 found their way to greater Calcutta and the Katihar-Purnea-Samastipur belt of Bihar.
There is no knowing the exact size of the current Bangladesh immigrant population in India. Considering that there has been no significant change in the objective demographic situation since 1991, however, the government estimate of 20 million is an eminently acceptable figure. Prior to 1947, job seekers from East Bengal used to come to Calcutta and the relatively thinly populated Assam and North Bengal districts. In the immediate post-Partition years, a pervasive sense of insecurity pushed Hindus in droves to West Bengal and other border states in North-east India.
Since the 1974 famine in Bangla-desh, Muslims migrating to India far outnumber Hindu immigrants, roughly at a 1:3 ratio. This has changed the demography and the communal balance of the border population, generating inter-ethnic and inter-religious tensions. In West Bengal, many Hindus of remote villages in the border belt have been relocating themselves in towns for better security and protection. Migration to border states having reached the saturation point. Many migrants, mostly Muslim, have moved to urban centres in other states in search of wider job opportunities.
Illegal Muslim immigrants have been living in large concentrations in Delhi, Mumbai, Ahmedabad, Jaipur, Ajmer, Lucknow and many other cities and towns of the northern and western states. Many of these migrants often clandestinely visit Pakistan. Armed with all the trappings of Indian citizenship - ration cards, local birth and domicile certificates, voter identity cards et al - the second generation immigrants are no longer content with the underclass status of their families. They have set higher sights. Many have joined government services including the police and para-military organisations, armed forces and even other sensitive security agencies.
The presence of nearly 15 per cent of another country's population in India underscores the significant erosion of our national sovereignty. So much so that India has no say in who comes and who stays in this country. In Assam and West Bengal, votes by foreigners decisively influence election results in an increasingly large number of parliamentary and state assembly constituencies. The rise of Islamic fundamentalism and spread of the jehadi spirit in Bangladesh have turned the illegal immigrants into a potent source of subversion.
In the early Nineties, pseudo-Left Bangladeshi intellectuals had demanded lebensraum - living space - for their country's excess population in the sparsely populated North-east. At least two heavyweights in Begum Zia's first government (one a present cabinet minister) had openly supported the demand, which was in line with maverick mass leader Maulana Bhasni's dream of a 'Greater Bengal'.
The Indian government's recently announced plan to identify, detect and deport the 20 million illegal immigrants is overambitious. A more pragmatic approach would be to aim at preventing further infiltration and concentrate on deporting in phases the relatively new arrivals. Implementation of even such a modest agenda is sure to run into fierce resistance from vested interests within the country and Bangladesh once deportation gets underway.
Much will depend on the government's ability to take the public on board. The agreement reached at the chief ministers' conference last week to implement the plan is a good augury to be used to warn Dhaka that it can ignore India's resolve to address the problem at its own peril.
The immediate priorities of a coordinated action plan are:
A time-bound exhaustive census of the immigrant population and their locations.
Streamlining of border management and immigration control focused on expeditious border-fencing and smashing of immigration and smuggling rackets by liberally using powers of preventive detention under the National Security Act.
Disciplining the BSF with emphasis on weeding out of the corrupt. The force leadership at the top should be shown the door should they fail to carry out the cleansing act within a given deadline.
Creating a separate immigration service and putting in place a long-term national immigration policy.
Sustained diplomacy geared to enlisting international support for the programme and commensurate public education campaigns at home and abroad. Do we have the will and tenacity to execute this agenda? That, really, is the question.
(The writer is former additional secretary, Research and Analysis Wing and retired Director-General, Indo-Tibetan Border Police)
http://www.hvk.org/articles/0203/182.html
Deluge from Bangladesh
- By Balbir K. Punj
(source: Asian Age April 26, 2005)
Diagnosis is half the cure, but late diagnosis is a forecast of fatality. We don't know which part applies to the issue of Bangladeshi infiltration. First, a classified report of Assam governor Ajai Singh to the union home ministry got leaked to the media (Assam govt. in crisis over governor's report, The Tribune, Chandigarh, April 14, 2005). According to it, 6,000 Bangladeshis are daily infiltrating into Assam across the world's most porous border. They are not only threatening the demographic character of Assam, but could facilitate bases for the ISI network and terrorist organisations like Al Qaeda.
Secondly, the infiltration issue also dominated the chief minister's conference on April 15 in New Delhi. There was a chorus of complaints from the chief ministers of not only the eastern states of West Bengal, Meghalaya, Manipur, Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh and Mizoram, but also a western state like Maharashtra. These states are feeling demographically threatened by the avalanche of infiltration from Bangladesh. Remarkably, none of these states is ruled by the BJP, which has been stigmatised by the "secularists" for highlighting this smouldering problem.
Any mention of Bangladeshi infiltration, like the higher reproductive rate of Indian Muslims, was considered hateful saffron propaganda. The home ministry recently had to do an incredible statistical makeover in Census 2001 to neutralise on paper a menace which is compounding on the ground. The UPA government, which reinforced the Illegal Migrants (Determination by Tribunal) Act, last year in Assam, will vainly try to sweep the infiltrators' issue below the carpet. But alas, if only ignorance were bliss.
The chief ministers also expressed concern over the Pakistani ISI's links with the infiltrators. This accompanying conspiratorial agenda can hardly be overlooked. Pakistani ISI, encouraged by the findings of Census 2001, has launched Operation "PIN Code," to bring the Northeast under Islamic umbrella through demographic invasion. Our neighbour Bangladesh, a country solidly under the thumb of the ISI, is heading towards Talibanisation. With a population bursting at the seams, it is the official policy of Bangladesh to offload it in parts on Indian soil. History is on their side.
From 1900 onwards, a wave of immigration began from the densely populated East Bengal (now Bangladesh), especially Mymensingh district (the most populous district of undivided India), into the Brahmaputra valley of Assam. The Muslim population of Assam province had increased by 109% between 1881 and 1931. As a result of such migrations, Sylhet, the second largest district of the province, both in area and population, became predominantly Muslim and was awarded to East Pakistan when the country was partitioned on communal lines. The Muslim League had claimed the whole of Assam for Pakistan. And Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed, who later became the President of India, had the plan for "Bang-e-Islam" i.e. the incorporation of Assam and West Bengal into East Pakistan through Muslim immigration. The "credit" for turning Barpeta district of Assam to a Muslim majority district through infiltration goes to him.
While they (read Islamic fundamentalists) have forgotten nothing, we have learnt nothing. That is why the Assamese establishment (Congress government) invited migrants from East Pakistan as rice cultivators. The faster natural growth of migrants put five districts of Assam in a state of jeopardy. The Assam agitation which emerged after the second reorganisation of Assam (1972), when it realised the full magnitude of the danger it was quite late in the day and it lost its direction. The IMDT was slapped in 1983 by an iniquitous Indira Gandhi government after the Congress swept the unpopular elections in Assam. The IMDT Act practically sealed Assam's fate.
In 1999, the then Assam governor, Lt. Gen. (Retd) S.K. Sinha, now governor of J&K, had submitted a 42-page report on Assam's demographic situation to President K.R. Narayanan. Lt. Gen. Sinha feared that the demographic aggression in Assam's lower districts like Dhubri and Goalpara can prompt their merger with Bangladesh. In fact, in lower Assam, one could walk miles thinking it is Bangladesh, without meeting a single Indian. But Tarun Gogoi, the then Assam Congress chief demanded his recall because he had cast an "aspersion" on the loyalty and the commitment of the Muslims to the country.
But the same Tarun Gogoi, now chief minister of Assam, cowered like an invertebrate when Jamiat Maulana Asad Madani, the national president of Jamiat-e-Ulema-e-Hind, threatened him point blank to "overthrow" his government unless JUH's demands like job reservation for Muslims and seats in the Lok Sabha and the Assembly were not met within six months.
According to a report in the Telegraph, Kolkata (April 4, 2005), "The Jamiat's 18-point charter of demands includes reservation of jobs and seats for the minorities, based on the population pattern, in government departments and educational institutions… On illegal migration from Bangladesh to Assam, the organisation admitted it was a serious problem and suggested that a register of citizens be prepared with March 25, 1971, as the base year. It contended that there was nothing wrong with the Illegal Migrants (Determination by Tribunals) Act and it ought to be extended to other parts of the country." The design of the JUH is evidently not only on Assam but on the whole of India. JUH has also filed a petition in the Supreme Court for the retention and extension of IMDT.
But while Madani had at least paid some lip service against infiltration, Tarun Gogoi was so scared that he was not one of those seven chief ministers who raised the issue at the conference though his state suffers the most from it. But home truths are quite different and jazzy. The very same day the governor's report got leaked to the media (albeit at a very few places) Tarun Gogoi's own government made a startling submission.
The Telegraph (April 14, 2005) reports: "The Assam government today said in an affidavit to the Supreme Court that the ISI was active in the state and illegal Bangladeshi migrants were pouring in through West Bengal and Tripura. Gogoi and his Cabinet colleagues have assured the Assembly on several occasions that the ISI has no presence in the state. The affidavit, however, states just the opposite. 'Taking advantage of the porous nature of the border between India and Bangladesh, there has been large-scale illegal migration from Bangladesh, and taking advantage of this situation, there has been an increase in the activities of various anti-national groups, including ISI, in Assam. The state government is keeping a close watch on the situation and taking appropriate action to ensure the safety, security and integrity of the nation'."
The affidavit was in response to a petition challenging the validity of the IMDT, which is now before a three-judge bench of Justice R.C. Lahoti, Justice G.P. Mathur and Justice P.K. Balasubramanyam.
The CPI(M) seems more concerned about West Bank in Palestine than West Bengal here. It has demanded the breaking off of military ties with Israel for its policy on occupied territories. Infiltration severely affects the two states ruled by the Marxists, West Bengal and Tripura. But no resolution was passed at its 18th Party Congress in Chandigarh on this issue unlike the one condemning Israel over its Palestine policy. But it has also not gone the whole hog against Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee unlike in 2002 (when he expressed concern over the proliferation of madrasas). So do they realise the magnitude of the problem? Even if the answer is in the affirmative, the situation has now gone beyond their control. But equally important is the voice of concern from Maharashtra. It proves that the problem of infiltration is not just Assam, West Bengal or Northeast's problem but entire India's. It hurts Delhi badly. But, sadly, we missed any reaction from the Delhi chief minister, who is now unfortunately caught up in a political eddy inside the Congress.
Balbir K. Punj, a Rajya Sabha MP and convener of the BJP's Think Tank, can be contacted at bpunj@email.com
Muslim Growth Rate
(from Asian Age)
New Delhi, April 30, 2005: The National Commission for Minorities on Saturday came out with an in-depth analysis of the religion-based data in the Census 2001 report, saying though the growth rate of the Muslim community is more than other communities as per the latest census, it has actually "declined" over the years.
An expert committee of demographers set up by the NCM has found that the growth rate of the Muslim community from 1991 to 2001 across India was 29.5 per cent as against 21.5 per cent for all communities. "However, this was lower than the growth rate during 1981-91 (32.9 per cent), 1971-81 (30.7 per cent) and 1961-71 (30.8 per cent)," the head of the committee, Mr Ashish Bose of the Society for Applied Research in Humanities, told reporters here.
After analysing the religion-based data in the Census 2001 report, Mr Bose said the above-average growth rate of the Muslim community was primarily due to higher-than-average fertility and lower mortality. "The growth rate of the Muslim population may still be high, but it is nothing to be alarmed about and will stabilise over the years as this is a transitional phase," he said.
While the total fertility rate (the number of children per woman) was 3.6 among Muslims, it was 2.8 for Hindus, 2.4 for Christians and 2.3 for Sikhs. While the highest growth rate for Muslims was found in Assam at 31 per cent, it was the lowest in Kerala at 15.8 per cent.
The committee, which presented its findings to Muslim intellectuals at a special session on Saturday, observed that the reduction in the growth rate of Muslims during 1991-2001 was largely on account of their "adoption of the small family norm".
"We have found that 37 per cent of Muslims practice family planning and only nine per cent of women are opposed to it. But this is mainly because they do not favour methods like sterilisation, and we believe that they will come around if culture-sensitive family control methods are introduced, as has happened in Iran," Mr Bose said, adding, "Muslims also have a higher sex ratio of 936 girls per 1,000 boys as against the national average of 933."
http://www.gaudiyadiscussions.com/topic_3373.html
The Outsiders
Assam
Year: 1979/1983
target: Bengalis
The anti-Bangladeshi movement that started in Assam in 1979 originally had an "anti-Bengali" tone, which disappeared in two years. The protest against Bangladeshi migrants did not end despite the historic Assam Accord in August 1985. Over 1,800 persons of East Bengal/East Pakistan/Bangladesh origin were killed at Nellie on February 18, 1983, while over 700 volunteers of the All Assam Students' Union and its allies were killed in police firing across the state.
Year: 1991-2000
Targets: Biharis, Marwaris
In 1991-2000, the ULFA launched an anti-Hindi-speaking campaign, killing over 200 Biharis and Marwaris. ULFA attacks on Hindi migrants, especially brick kiln workers and farm hands, is said to be at h behest of the ISI of Pakistan in order to create space for the Bangladeshi Muslim infiltrator.
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Year: 2003/ 2006
Targets: Biharis
Two bouts of anti-Bihari violence in November 2003 and January 2006 left 50 and 100 people dead, respectively. The first was triggered when people from Bihar arrived for interviews to fill vacancies in the Northeast Frontier Railways and the AASU protested stridently. The ULFA instigated the attack on Biharis in the Upper Assam region. A number of houses of Bihari migrants were burnt down. The second round occurred with the ULFA killing over 100 people.
Year: 2007
Targets: Biharis
Nearly 30 Bihari agricultural labourers in the Karbi Anglong hill district were gunned down by the Karbi Longri National Liberation Front, a tribal outfit, in August 2007. At least 100 houses were burnt down.
Meghalaya
Year: 1987
Targets: Biharis, Nepalis
There were several rounds of "anti-outsider" movements. The first violent protests took place in 1987 when Biharis and Nepalis were attacked by the local tribal communities, especially the Khasis of the Khasi Hills region, who felt they were usurping the economic opportunities. Thousands were forced to flee.
Year: 1992
Targets: Nepalis
The "anti-outsider" movement was revived as a students' democratic movement, which was soon taken over by miscreants. Over 15,000 Nepalis had to flee.
Nagaland
Year: 2004/2007
Targets: Bangladeshis
In July last year, the Naga Students' Federation served notices on suspected Bangladeshi migrants to quit the state and over 5,000 suspected migrants were pushed into Assam.The NSF served notices in 2004 too, while two chief ministers, S.C. Jamir and Neiphiu Rio, blamed Assam for issuing citizenship documents to Bangladeshis with which they entered Nagaland.
Arunachal Pradesh
Year: 1992
Targets: Chakma, Hajong refugees
The All Arunachal Pradesh Students' Union (AAPSU) launched the "anti-outsider" movement in 1992 to oust the Chakma and Hajong refugees (settled by the Centre in AP in 1968 after being ousted from East Pakistan). These refugees have grown from 20,000 in 1968 to 70,000 now, with the original Arunachali tribals believing that they will soon outnumber them.
Year: 2007
Targets: Bangladeshis
In July 2007, AP witnessed an anti-Bangladeshi movement with the AAPSU exhorting the state government to expel all suspected Bangladeshi migrants. The migrants were first served notices by the government and then driven out by the student community into Assam. This led to massive protests in Assam.
Manipur
Targets: Biharis, Marwaris, Bengalis
Manipur too has a history of hatred against outsiders, called Mayangs, and comprising Bihari labourers, Marwari traders and Bengali-speaking migrants. They are targeted from time to time by insurgent groups in the state.
Tripura
Year: 1980
Targets: Bengalis
The tribals of Tripura—down from 63 per cent of total population in 1947 to 28 per cent now—have led armed movements against Bengalis of East Bengal who migrated here. The worst was the massacre of 350 Bengalis at Mandai on June 5, 1980, followed by riots in which 1,000 Bengalis were killed. The Tripura National Volunteers led the attack. As per an estimate 6,000 Bengalis were killed in three decades.
Punjab
Year: 2004
Targets: People from Bihar, Uttar Pradesh
In November 2004, radical outfits like the Dal Khalsa resorted to a state-wide agitation protesting against the influx of migrants, essentially from Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. Hundreds of activists took to the streets in Ludhiana, demanding a migration policy to avoid a drain on the state economy. The protests continued for a few days and spread to Jalandhar. Such organisations have been adopting an anti-migrant stand in line with the party policy.
Karnataka
Year: 1960s
Targets: Tamils, Malayalees
In the early 1960s a pro-Kannada movement was launched by a local leader, Vatal Nagaraj, against people from Tamil Nadu and Kerala being employed in PSUs. A 1963 Tamil film depicting the humiliation of a local king at a Pallava court is said to have accentuated discontent. In 1982 the Sarojini Mahishi Committee Report recommended 100 per cent group D jobs in the state for Kannadigas and the government's reluctance to implement it resulted in one of the biggest pro-Kannada agitations in the state. The late Kannada filmstar Rajkumar was at the helm of protests and five Tamils were killed.
Year: 1991/2000
Targets: Tamils
The dispute over sharing of the Cauvery river water with Tamil Nadu saw violence against Tamil migrants across the state, with as many as 23 people killed in police firing and mob violence. Property loss of nearly Rs 20 crore was reported. A brief spell of violence against Tamils was also witnessed in August 2000 following the kidnapping of Rajkumar in Tamil Nadu by forest brigand Veerappan.
Year: 2005/2008
Targets: Tamils
Protests in the northern parts have been connected to the border dispute with Maharashtra. A new pro-Kannada group, Karnataka Rakshana Vedike, dismissed as an extortionist group by the state police, tarred the faces of a Marathi mayor of Belgaum in 2005 after he demanded alignment of Belgaum with Maharashtra. The group has also led protests that began on January 3 this year against the alleged recruitment of people from Bihar in the South Western Railways. The KRV ransacked railway offices and threatened an intense strike forcing the railways to call off its recruitment process. It kicked off protests again in February, following Railway Minister Lalu Prasad Yadav's off-the-cuff remark that "dirty people" were protesting against recruitment.
Tamil Nadu
Year: 1965
Targets: North Indians
The anti-Hindi agitation saw a small-scale "anti-north Indian" rebellion, with "linguistic imposition and "feelings of neglect" seeing small Tamil groups staging protests in Chennai, particularly Sowcarpet, which has a concentration of north Indians.
Year: 1972
Targets: Malayalees
In 1972, actor M.G. Ramachandran (from Kerala) broke away from the DMK and launched the AIADMK. Rattled by his growing popularity, DMK president and then Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi labelled MGR an "alien". Stray incidents of attacks on tea-shops owned by Malayalees were reported from some parts of the state. The violence lasted for a few days.
West Bengal
Year: 1980s-till date
Targets: Biharis
At railway stations one can see "artwork" on the yellow-and-black board: names written in Hindi and English are tarred, leaving only the Bengali version. This denotes the presence of Amra Bangali, a group that wants only those who speak Bengali and adapt Bengali ways to reside in what it calls "Bangali-stan". Sparked off by the 1983 Assam movement, known as "Bongali Kheda" or "Drive away Bengalis" movement, Amra Bangali enjoyed a shortlived glory in the mid-80s. It is a frontal organization of the Ananda Marg and was set up by Prabhat Ranjan Sarkar. Today, it has been pushed to cyberspace and office in Shyambazar opens once a week.
Inputs by Samudra Gupta Kashyap, Bidyut Roy, Jaya Menon, Johnson TA, Gautam Dheer
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/the-outsiders/273692/0
http://www.telegraphindia.com/1080422/jsp/opinion/story_9155758.jsp Dalits Ask For Justice In West Bengal By V.B.Rawat " If I speak untruth, I can survive, Bulleh Shah The Baul singers famous for love songs provide a musical odyssey to otherwise lackluster journey from Kolkata to Shantiniketan. The chaotic Howarah station wherefrom the train Vishwabharati Express left for Shantiniketan, reflected the old glory of Kolkata, the financial capital of the country. Today, thanks to the 30 years rule of the progressive left, Kolkata just live in its past. It is a city unlike other metros where the poor can afford to live, they say in their support of existing system yet failed to answer as why the man-pulling rickshaw is still one of the most familiar sights in this 'city of joy.' Old trams, pot holed roads added with unimaginable road traffic with heavy congestion and pollution are the hallmark of Kolkata's road. A crude reminder of where it stand. Yes, they say that they stand for the poor and hence Kolkata 'welcomed' every one with open arm. After the genocide of Muslims in Gujarat, it was Kolkata which invited the 'terrorised face' of Gujarat who was asking for his life. The entire country reciprocated that it is Bengal where the communal forces can be kept at bay. A very sensitive state and yet no communal riots are other hallmark of the left front's rule in West Bengal apart from the land reform which it claims to have done though in reality in the first two years of its coming to power. Later on, the government just getting on the interest of the old good work that it claimed to have worked during its earlier period. Despite all this, Kolkata does not look a city of freedom. At every nook and corner, you may feel somebody from the Marxist party is spying to you. ' Diwaron ke bhee kaan hote hain' is a saying in Hindi but it could be well said about the cadre of the CPM in west Bengal where political dissent is just a blasphemy and you can ask nothing more than that. The highly intoxicated police force and administration can teach you a lesson. Everything is done in a very peaceful and systematic way in Bengal. Dalits dissent: During my recent trip, I could not meet a single person from Riksha puller to Dalits who have been evicted from their place who could laud the ' great communist's ideology of the ruling class in West Bengal. While the left front and its leaders have been critical of the 'imperialism' and 'globalisation', very little has been done for the vast majority of Dalits in West Bengal. Will the left and its elite leadership would ever think of their bhadralok imperialism imposed upon the Dalits in West Bengal. Will they come out against it? West Bengal government does not even admit that there is a growing discrimination against the migrants Dalits from Uttar-Pradesh, Bihar, Delhi and Haryana. While the government is keen to be seen as a very secular government but it is the same government which does not mince words against the Madrasas. It is the same government which cleans the streets of Kolkata to greet John Major, when he was prime minister of Britain and visited Kolkata. Stories of torture against the Dalits are not reported to outside people from Bengal. The intoxicated beaurocracy and police are there to play with 'data' as the left are expert in the same. The entire left front structure is in the hands of upper castes said Mr Abhijeet Dutta, a lawyer in Howarah and though the backward communities forms a majority in West Bengal, it is a difficult nexus to break. While there is no doubt that the upper elite leadership of the left front is not corrupt yet the same is not true at the local level. Kishan Balmiki narrate the plight of the Safai Karmcharis in the municipality. Many employees have been retired and yet to get their dues it take more than 5 to six years. Many of them have not yet got their PF dues. For getting a job other then the Safai Karmcharis we are asked to present our caste certificate. As our parents had come more than 50 years back to this place our children should be domicile to this state yet we are asked to bring our caste certificate from our native place. In the Municipal Corporation, there are positions in the name of Privy cleaners as well as New Resident Mehtars." Unlike other states and municipalities where officially scavenging is prohibited, in progressive Bengal, the Municipal Corporation feel it is its duty to get the manual scavenging done from the migrant Balmikis. Like most of the states are serving notices to people who have dry latrines to convert them to the severe line or flush latrines, in progressive Bengal, the municipality still feel that if scavenging is prohibited it would ruin the livelihood of thousands of people while ignoring their legitimate demands of housing, electricity and schooling. Interestingly Kishan Balmiki also narrates how he has not been promoted to the position of a Supervisor because he was not matriculate. While he planned to do matriculate and got the promoted salary yet the Corporation want him to work on his present position of cleaning the streets. While for him the Corporation suggested that he should be doing the traditional work, one Bhadralok Brahmin was given a position of Supervisor despite his education being below 5th standard. May be because how could they employ a Brahmin into cleaning shit business which has been reserved for the Balmikis for over so many years and Kolkata cannot be an exception. The Case of Bellilius Park in Howarah : Over 18 months back, the Howarah municipal corporation evicted about several hundred Dalit families mostly from the Balmiki community from the Belilius Park, Howrah. These families had been living in this area for over 40 years and their forefathers had come to Bengal and stayed over here. Many Dalit intellectuals says that the British always took the Balmikis to the areas of the cant and provided them housing facilities so that they could their menial work. Belilius Park is about 2 kilometer away from the famous Howarh railway station. It has a land of over 120 bighas which has not only a school but also various shops now leased to hundreds of people. An NGO in the name of environment filed a petition and got the order from the Kolkata high court for the eviction of the people. People were evicted without any alternative given. While the temples and schools of the community were demolished along with their houses, the Bhadralok police and authorities kept Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose intact in the dirt of the now defunct park. While the communists boast of morality, their morality kept quiet how a statue of a person become more important than the lives of several thousands people. They shout slogans and force the Delhi government to change its master plan otherwise face their wrath, keep a conspicuous silence over the same happening in Bengal. Kishni Balmiki from Panipat Haryana who has been staying in this locality for over 40 years narrates the brutality of the police during the eviction : " They did not allow us to pick up our utensils and other items. There were commandos and bulldozers. Our gold ornaments and TV sets were stolen. Even the daily usage items were picked up by the anti social elements. We don't know where to go from this place. Shame of Kolkata and the response One and half year ago, I wrote a story " Shame of Kolkata' on this eviction and send it to many friends who felt that the story could damage the image of left front and help the fundamentalist forces and that's why many of them did not carry it out. We circulated it to many friendly people and also to many of the left front people in Delhi who we personally know but without any response. Perhaps they cannot speak against their Bhadralok politics. We thought that they would speak in the same force as they had been in Delhi and elsewhere but to our utter disappointment, they did not even acknowledge our report which was mailed to some of them directly. Question is not whether they acknowledge us or not, the question is that these Balmikis had worked very hard for the left front candidate in various elections. And though they call the CPM is the most fascist party at the moment, none of them could be charged to follow the Hindutva line. They had been former friend of the Bhadralok communists. Many journalist friend advised me that the only people fighting for the downtrodden are the 'CPM' and gave me example how bad Mayawati, Ram Vilas Paswan, Lalu Yadav and others were. When they give such examples of corruption they tend to reflect the upper caste Hindu psyche which is selective in these things. Nobody, is debating here the pros and cons of identity politics. For us the issue of the eviction and rehabilitation of the Balmikis of Belilius Park is utmost. It is not left verses right issue. It is an issue of the rule of law and whether the left front which claims to be moral guardian of the proletariat really respect rule of law. Some friends in Kolkata objected to my questions regarding Dalits. ' They are not sincere', they said. We had fought for their case for years and they don't come to us. It is difficult to find a friend among them. Despite doing our best we get nothing, they said. It was surprising that the mainline Bengal politics as well as social scientists ignore this fact that Dalits or any other marginalized refuses to be just a tool in the hand of any one. They would like to be a party of every struggle with dignity and honor. The days of a feudal politics where the upper caste speak of the rights of Dalits and they just listened are over. Interesting aspect of this socialism in Bengal is their continuous apathy to the cause of Dalits. Oh, We don't believe in caste like you people from Uttar-Pradesh and Bihar are habitual of, they said. But sir, how many of the upper castes clean shit in the morning, I asked to a friend. Is it not a grave reality that the toilets are cleaned by migrant scavengers only. Let us assume that you only believe in class struggle and all of us who make noises about the Dalits are castiest. Please tell us who are the poorest of the poor in this country? Who are landless? Who are tortured in the police custody? Who clean shit? Who washes cloths? Who are the fishermen? Who are the leather workers? Do you mean these all are rich people, I asked. And what is the reality of other side? Should I name them and find about their land? How come you communists who educated in oxford now cry against the same when our number to go England has just arrived? How come the landowning Bhadralok become a well wisher of preliterate? Perhaps this is the only reason why communism has been destroyed in its own land of revolution because we gave it up to big landlords to lead the movement of landless and kept away the landless because they happen to be Dalits, Adivasis and backward classes because we did not want to really fight against our own caste brothers. Sorry Sir, but the Balmikis of this country are the lowest of the low and if they cannot be communists then who will be the communist? How can the Bhadralok communists leave them alone? Is caste more important for them then a broader socialistic vision? But the problem with the issue of scavengers is not just the left parties. None of the others dared to raise the issue of Belilius Park in their election manifesto. None would come to them and share their grief. An old woman in her 70s said " pachas saal tak inkee tatee saaf karne ka yeh sila mila hai'. (This is what we have got for fifty year cleaning of their shits and toilets). The biggest achievement of the left in the last 30 years is to use the Bengali chauvinism for its own purposes and therefore there is no question of any body raising slightly the issue of the violation of human rights. Outside Bengal they are the only people visible to us to fight the menace of the BJP with their 'educated' 'casteless' comrades. At a conference two years ago Comrade Bardhan said that why should you abuse us when we were not in power. His reference was to the Dalits who were questioning the credentials of the Dalits to support them in the all India context. I now want to remind our comrades whether the Dalits of Howarh are victim of that? Balmikis: A community living in Uncertainity 18 months have passed when the communities were evicted mercilessly from the Belilius Park. Some of them are living in the nearby slum of ' East West' bypass beside South Eastern Railway Carseth. The conditions are horrible there as people know they can be evicted any moment without any notice. The left front is expert in the paper work and that is why they want to keep this huge Babus over our head all the time, their trade unions will call for nation wide strike if any of the babus are ask to be accountable. It is imperialist theory of the World bank they would shout loudly and hence we must be keep the Babus all the time. At the East West bypass, I enter the house of Chandra Pal Balmiki, 47, who has 6 children. Some of them stay there in a one roof hut while others at P Road where he has rented a small house for Rs 800 per month. Their expenses have gone up as they have to reach the place on the time. Over 150 evicted families were virtually encroached this land when they had no other place to live. Just behind them is the railway track which link Kolkata to Mumbai. The pain in the face of Phool Kumari comes in open when she narrate those horrible events of eviction, " they did not even allow us to collect our utensils. We lost our radio and TV as well as many other utensils. My husband Ganga Prasad fell unconscious on two occasion, as it was too much to bear. For many days he was just struggle for life. I earn Rs 2000/- per month for my family by working in six multi stories complexes in the area. I go at around 5 am and come in the evening around 6 am. That is the cost of our living. Nobody knows what our children will do and how long will we be staying here." Another woman who seems to be in her mid twenties narrates her own problem. She lives with her small daughter and young mother. ' I was born and brought up here but now the question of our identity has become vital. My husband does not work and I have to work in the nearby buildings to survive. We don't know when will the municipality come again and throw us away?" None of the administration or political parties are here to speak to the people about their plight. That is the pain of being non Bengali in a city or state which always harped on the big slogans of unity of the proletariat. Are these not preliterate? Kishan Balmiki who led the movement of the Dalits against eviction work in the Howarh municipal corporation. Staying in Bellilius Park was easier for us as far as access was concern. We had all facilities including schools and doctor. Now we are far away in small rented house. Can we afford to live in such meager salary by spending money on commuting and living? ' I pay rs 1,400 as house rent and 600/- for commuting. It not only takes our time to reach but also create hassles at home. I normally leave my house around 5.30 am and return by 11 am. The major chunk of the community evicted are living in Bagar ( Balgachhia) Howrah. Bagar is a dumping place where the entire waste of Howarah town is dumped. The number of families here is about 1500. The condition of this place is unimaginable. There is no electricity and no water hence people live in dark. Being dumping place, there are pigs, dirt and ooze at first place when you enter and staying there for even an hour will make you sick. An elderly woman from Panipat Haryana who is working with Howrah municipal corporation asked me to stay there for a day and 'feel' their problem. ' Beta tenu yehan reh ke dekh, abhee to tu pankhe ke neeche soya hoga isliye pata nahee chala. Hum log kaise rahte hai jara dekh." I could see the tears already drying in her eyes. They cannot even cry because there is no one to listen. Many children have left school because the school is far away. For these people who work in the private houses to clean the toilets as well as Howrah municipal corporation, things are more difficult as their timing and money clash together. They cannot afford to go clean the toilet on Bus or rickshaw which will end up in nothing. In the evening they come home late with nothing to celebrate and enjoy, the only enjoyment for them become producing more children and thereby increasing their miseries. Starvation deaths Marxist 'doctors' will never admit it that people are starving in their state. Over 18 people have died in the last one and a half year from the evicted Balmikis. And I can vouch after seeing many faces, some more are just waiting to die any moment. The conditions of the areas where these people are living are simply 'hellish', with no medical treatment and burdening their already burdened life with more expenses, it is Kolkata's Shame not to love them who have kept them clean all their lives. In the hellish Belagachchi, with mosquitoes and old houses, one can see how even 16 families are living in one verandah with all of them cooking together in the evening. The faces of old men, children and women are showing how 'nutritious' their food might be. Without any concern, the people will virtually die in such a hell. Phool Kumari Devi's husband Ganga Prasad is unwell and she has to earn wages for her family. She goes early in the morning around 5 am and return only at the evening at around 5 pm. Where do we go from here babuji, this land belong to railways. We don't know what to do but we are only waiting for death. Ganga Devi who came from Kanpur has been living with her mother and daughter. The condition of all the three is reflect what she could be managing to eat. Sir, I was born here and my daughter is also born here and still I have to prove that I belong to this land. My earning is about Rs 1000 per month. What should I do? Where should we go? They have destroyed our life. I don't even have the ration card. Gopal Balmiki is about 3o years of age. His father died six years ago and he was just doing private work for his subsistence. All the dues of his father are still not paid. As he takes us to the back of his house, the dirt and filth 'attacks' you. Just in front of his so-called kitchen is the dirt spilling around. " We cannot live here, sir, though we clean the houses of other, we ourselves remain in such a filth. Walking down the lanes of this place one can see the mountains of filth and dirt which comes here to make the Howarah city clean though one know how clean is the city. But without electricity, water and other Medicare facilities, these people are dieing slow death. The anguish and pain reflect when Idrajeet speak to us. He looks handsome yet totally broken. " I earn two thousand rupees per month. I clean a full seven-story building for which I go at 6 am and return around 11 am. We have five children. Both husband and wife work there and there is no one who can take care of our children. There is no guarantee of our future here. During the rainy season this area become totally hellish. We did not have such problem in the Bellilius Park. Kisni Valmiki is originally from Panipat Haryana and lives here with her relatives. ' I work in the Howarh Municipal Corporation. I get up at four in the morning and return at eleven during the day. I have four children. With out electricity we have lot of problem. We cannot sleep in the night because so much of dust and filth. If you stay here for a day, you will realize the pain and anguish of ours." Barasa Balmiki has been living in Howarh for over 45 years. He cleaned latrines and worked with the Howrah Municipal Corporation for over 30 years and now retiring during this month. He knows that there are difficulties. Now living in a makeshift home at the Bagar Belagachhi he says that he does not know when will he get his money. " I want to go back to Haryana as many others have done but you know our pensions never come to the bank. We have to come to this place to collect our pension. And therefore spending huge amount and time in train traveling is not feasible and that is why many of us are forced to live here." His young son who was a student of class 9th had to leave the classes because there was no school nearby. The horrible scene is yet waiting when I visit a big but zunk old semi constructed house where 16 cots are visible like a dormitory. The structure cannot be called a house because the roof can collapse any moment therefore endangering the lives of all the people. Many of the people were sleeping during the day. Many of them might not even have taken their meal. They cook together as they say in front of the house. The situation is alarming. All of them feel totally dejected and isolated in Bengal. According to Channo Devi who belongs to Panipat Haryana without electricity and toilet facilities we are just living dead. " We have been put in a living hell, she says and adds that we go to work at 4 am in the morning. We cannot afford Bus so go either by cycle or on foot. My daughter cooks for me. See my feets and hands they have developed various kind of diseases." And Channo devi shows her legs and hands which look like skin disease which will grow in the coming days if things are not taken care of. What is happening in Bellilus Park We were informed that NGO had filed a case to clean the Bellilius Park in the name of beautification. And the Howrah Municiple Corporation wanted to honour the court's verdict did not demolish the 65 shops which fall with in the premises of this Park as they belonged to upper caste Bengalies. Inside the park where these families were living has now become another dumping ground. Piles of dirt lying with people from the nearby area come to defecate in open while some of the washermen do their work from the dirty stale water of the area amidst which the statue of Subhash Bose is still there. Perhaps Netaji would be weeping wherever he is when he sees his statue in such a dirt being left unattended. The remains of temples, schools are still there. As we are discussing the issue I see young boys and girl sitting in open and defacating in the area while the washermen and women cleaning the cloths and drying them over the remains of the destroyed houses. The beauty of the park is that there are only pigs and stray dogs apart from a few washermen who have to clean the cloths in the stale water in the area. The big street light poles are still lying and telling the story of the police brutality. If the story of destruction of Belilius Park has not become an issue in Bengal, the conscious keeper of the country, then we will have to think about the issue of human rights being politicized in India. We will have to think how the ideological pursuits are dominating in the Indian political scene who don't want to speak against their own atrocities. An unwritten code of conduct is working here for the media and for the activists they say, it will help the BJP hence we must keep quite. But for how long? How long will the lives of the Dalits be kept in such a subjugation where they don't have anybody to speak with and complaint to? Just in a few yards from the old destroyed temple, a small 'dhobhighat' ( washermenplatform ) is being constructed by the Member of Parliament Mr Swadesh Chakrawarty. It is interesting that Mr Chakrawarty did not bother to meet and see the eviction of this area. His party has forced the Delhi government to change its master plan and reverse a Supreme Court Judgment regarding factories in domestic residential areas, which according to court were polluting Delhi. The party seems averse to antagonize its vote bank in Bengal at the cost of migrant Dalits. We all know how the Member of Parliament are using their funds. These funds could have used to rehabilitate the people even if there was a need to displace them in the name of environment and beautification. Conclusion: Nothing happen to Bellilius Park's which was evicted in the name of beautification. Today, it is just a reflection of old demolished houses, temples and schools and show us the brutality of those who shout atop of their voice against global imperialism while condoning their own brand of racist imperialism in Bengal which the migrant Dalits face. It is more ironical that none of the mainstream political parties and even the media has come forward to raise the issue. Have we become obsessed with the market and international events that we tend to ignore these issues related to lives of thousands of people without any importance? If displacement can become an issue elsewhere surely it could have become in West Bengal but why this conspicuous silence. Is it because all the opposition platform are in the hands of progressive left who would not like to dig their own grave by raising these issues. In the eighteen months miseries of the Dalits of Howarah have increased and none of the left front people including its member of Parliament bother to ask as what is the way out. The ruling party in West Bengal and its well wishers will have to tell the world whether they are the best defender of a Varna system or they care for the lowest of the low in Indian society. Whether the discrimination being done to the migrant Dalits in West Bengal will end or they will simply say there is no such problem. Hope they will not deny that manual scavenging is officially not prohibited in West Bengal and that municipal corporation employ people for cleaning private toilets. One sincerely hope that the Dalits of Howarh will get justice and for that the government will have to be sensitized as well as upheld rule of law. It cannot throw away its people who kept its cities clean despite facing indignities and humiliation. In fact, it is Kolkata's time to repay the debt of the Dalits who worked day and night so that the city remains clean and hygienic. Let the left front government come out of its preconceived mindset and abolish manual scavenging, give the Dalits representation in the government services and rehabilitate them in such a way which become symbol of a new India where work is not confined on the basis of the caste and where every one is free for his choice of work and living. VB Rawat can be reached at vbrawat@vsnl.com Raising the illegal immigration issue, Deputy Prime Minister L.K. Advani has told the States to initiate a special drive against those Pakistanis and Bangladeshis who are overstaying illegally in the country. Inaugurating a two-day conference of State Chief Secretaries and the police chiefs in New Delhi on January 7, he disclosed that as many as 11,500 Pakistanis and 1.5 million Bangladeshis were living illegally in the country. He said there is no reason why the States should be soft on them and immediate steps should be taken to identify and locate them and throw them out. Calling for launching a special drive to detect and deport these foreigners, Advani disclosed that powers of the Union Government to detect and deport these illegal immigrants have been delegated to the States and Union Territories. He said the Centre was considering preparing a National Register of Indian citizens and issuing to them multi-purpose national identity cards. These cards would provide a credible individual identification system and also act as a deterrent against future illegal immigration. To begin with, a pilot project for the issuance of National Identity cards in thirteen sensitive States would be launched from April 1, covering a first phase population of 28.5 lakh. The conference also called for reinforced Centre-State intelligence gathering, multi-agency centres in States and a joint task force. The States are to have the power, now residing with the Centre, to launch drives to detect and deport foreigners. In addition, coastal patrolling and surveillance are to be increased. Political observers agree with Advani's concern over the serious problem of illegal immigration, although they do not think that identifying them and throwing out an estimated 20 million of them would be practicable. In many States like West Bengal and Tripura these illegal immigrants have become captive vote banks. The cost to the country is however prohibitive. A recent report by the UN's Population Division has pointed out that India harbours on a conservative estimate 6.3 million of such migrants. Other population experts say the actual figure is double that. The UN report also says that India's neighbours all have immigration-unfriendly policies. Seen along with the estimate of illegal Bangladeshi immigrants prepared by the Centre during the Narasimha Rao regime, the figure stated by Advani shows that the influx, which has radically altered the demographic profile of vast swathe of territory cutting through West Bengal, Bihar, Assam ad other states in the North-East, continues unabated. Though their growing involvement in crimes has forced the authorities in the Capital, to acknowledge the presence of illegal Bangla immigrants, the Governments of Assam, West Bengal and Bihar - States worst affected but the problem in that order - are unable to act because of a host of factors, political consideration being the chief among them. The inexplicable increase in the number of a community has given them a political leverage in the politics of Assam and West Bengal, further retarding the efforts to expel them. The problem has given rise to social tensions too. Assam which witnessed a massive agitation against the problem but found itself constrained not to proceed against the illegal immigrants because of the "illegal immigrant-friendly" provisions of the IMDT Act, is once again simmering with discontent as the Bangla component of its society continues to swell in a way which cannot be explained by rational logic. There are two types of illegal migrants. First are those who come here on valid documents and overstay. The others are those who enter clandestinely without any documents at all. It is they who comprise the majority and are mostly Bangladeshis. A number of factors have been responsible for the Bangladeshi influx into India. The steep rise in the Bangladeshi population which was 128 million in 2000, the relatively better economic opportunities in India, and the porous 4,000 km international border which continues to be permeable despite attempts to stem the spate of illegal crossings. In its report submitted two years ago, the Task Force on Border Management estimated that three lakh Bangladeshi illegal immigrants enter India every year. The Bangladeshi influx continues unabated in West Bengal, Bihar, Assam and other North-Eastern States due to politically motivated official inertia. The status of illegal immigrants, viewed as a constituency, has long been legitimized through issuance of ration cards and other benefits accruing to genuine citizens. Add to this inadequate records and unavailability of accurate demographic statistics. In Assam and West Bengal, the Bangladeshi population's rapid growth has gone along with its increased clout, sapping political will to launch deportation drives, The question of repealing the Illegal Migrants (Determination by Tribunals) Act has also been the subject of controversy, hampering identification and expulsion of illegal immigrants from Assam, which shares a 158 kilometre border with Bangladesh.
http://news.indiamart.com/news-analysis/migrant-menace-advan-2438.html | |||||||||
Understanding a controversial legislation
M.S. Prabhakara
| While admitting the opportunism that went into the making of the Illegal Migrants (Determination by Tribunals) Act, 1983, the political circumstances that had made it necessary at that point of time cannot be ignored. |
THE ILLEGAL Migrants (Determination by Tribunals) Act, 1983, which the Supreme Court recently struck down as unconstitutional, was a Central legislation applicable only to Assam. Prior to its legislation in October 1983, the Foreigners Act, 1946 was the only law dealing with matters relating to the entry of foreigners into India throughout the country.
Among other observations in the judgment, two made towards the end of paragraphs 28 and 42 are noteworthy. "A deep analysis of the IMDT Act and the Rules made thereunder would reveal that they have been purposely so enacted or made so as to give shelter or protection to illegal migrants who came to Assam from Bangladesh on or after 25 March, 1971, rather than to identify or deport them."
Later, after finding mostly on the basis of a report to the President sent by the Governor of Assam on November 8, 1998, that illegal migration from Bangladesh into Assam had led to a situation where Assam was facing "external aggression and internal disturbance," the judgment says: "[T]he provisions of the IMDT Act and the Rules made thereunder clearly negate the constitutional mandate contained in Article 355 of the Constitution, where a duty has been cast upon the Union of India to protect every State against external aggression and internal disturbance. The IMDT Act which contravenes Article 355 of the Constitution is, therefore, wholly unconstitutional and must be struck down."
A brief recapitulation of the background and circumstances of the enactment of the IMDT Act is necessary to understand why and how this contentious and divisive legislation, driven both by opportunism and necessity, was enacted. For this one has to go back to the unique character of Assam's representativeness, such as it was, in the Seventh Lok Sabha elected in the January 1980 general elections.
When those elections were held, the Assam agitation was in full swing. As part of the agitation programme, there was a call for the boycott of the Lok Sabha elections. In the event, elections could be held only in two constituencies, Silchar and Karimganj (SC), both in the Bengali-dominated Barak Valley where the Assam agitation had little impact or even relevance — then. However, no elections could be held in the remaining 12 constituencies in the Brahmaputra Valley, in 10 of which even nominations were not filed. Other problems were created to ensure that elections could not be held in the other two constituencies as well.
Three years later, when in related, but far more tense and bloody circumstances, the elections to the Assam Assembly were forced through in February 1983, the Election Commission also decided to complete the electoral process in the 12 Lok Sabha constituencies. The farcical nature of these elections is a matter of record set out in the Report of the State's Chief Electoral Officer and other documents of the Election Commission. Despite all efforts, elections could not be held in seven of the 12 constituencies. In other words, half of the Lok Sabha constituencies, and the majority of the constituencies in the Brahmaputra Valley, remained unrepresented throughout the life of the Seventh Lok Sabha. It was this Lok Sabha that passed the IMDT Act.
It is easy to get indignant about the manipulation of the electoral process, and the invidiousness of the provisions of the IMDT Act that are now anyway history. However, while admitting the opportunism that went into the making of the Act, one also has to consider the political circumstances that made the Act necessary at that point of time. Failing to note this would be surrendering to the populist and dangerous perception that `politics,' and everything associated with public affairs, is tainted beyond repair and the only alternative is `non-political politics', whatever it may mean. This is the way to fascism.
The IMDT Act was passed on October 15, 1983, barely eight months after the bloodstained elections of February 1983, and received the President's assent on December 25, 1983. Though the carnage was generalised, the majority of the victims were descendants of erstwhile migrants, legally from East Bengal and, after Partition, illegally from East Pakistan and Bangladesh, overwhelmingly Muslim.
Formally, the All Assam Students Union and the political parties and leaders who emerged out of the Assam agitation have always maintained that their agitation made no distinction between an `infiltrator' (Muslim) and a `refugee' (Hindu). However, such a distinction, that also reflects a political reality whatever be the normative stand of the AASU, remains central to the national policy, though never clearly spelt out; but more openly acknowledged by the BJP and other parties of the Hindutva persuasion. More crucially, to the extent that the policy has been implemented, this distinction has remained central irrespective of the political and ideological complexion of the Union Government.
This arrangement that had worked with its usual incompetence broke down under the pressure of forces released during the Assam agitation, especially in the face of the repression let loose by the state to control the violence that became an inescapable part of the resistance to the holding of the elections. A semblance of normal voting took place only in minority-dominated constituencies. A government elected on a transparently flawed mandate secured on the strength of the support extended by the minorities had to be responsive to this support base, traumatised in the extreme by the violence it had experienced. This was the political rationale, indeed the political necessity, for the IMDT Act.
True to its culture, this political necessity was implemented with the utmost opportunism and dishonesty that resonate in every word of the legislation, especially its preamble.
This too is history. However, history has its own ways of intruding on the present and setting the agenda for the future in the oddest of ways. One of the points made in the judgment while expatiating on the relative merits of the Foreigners Act, 1946, and the IMDT Act is that in West Bengal where the Foreigners Act applies and where an analogous situation prevails vis-à-vis the illegal migration from Bangladesh, many more illegal aliens had been detected and deported than in Assam where the IMDT Act prevails.
The figures
Inquiries were initiated in 3,10,759 cases under the IMDT Act but only 10,015 were declared as illegal migrants and finally only 1,481 were physically expelled up to April 30, 2000. In West Bengal where the Foreigners Act is applicable, 4,89,046 people were actually deported between 1983 and November 1986, which is a lesser period, and even this result was termed unsatisfactory in the counter affidavit filed by the Union of India.
The key words in the passage are `physically expelled' used in respect of the 1,481 persons established as illegal migrants in Assam, and `deported' in respect of the 4,89,046 illegal migrants from West Bengal. Anyone even with the most superficial familiarity with the border regions in Assam (and West Bengal) will see such claims for what they are — little more than figures in records.
The inescapable reality is that the movement of people from Bangladesh into India — and not merely into States bordering Bangladesh — has created an irreversible shift in the balance of forces. No legal or `informal' methods such as `push back' across the border at a spot loosely policed on the other side, with the hope that the persons so pushed back will not return, can substantially alter the situation on the ground. Above all, none of these policies takes into account the single-mindedness of the Government(s) of Bangladesh, whose policies vis-à-vis this region have had a consistency going back to the period before Partition.
http://www.hindu.com/2005/07/23/stories/2005072303111000.htm
Uprooted and divided
MEGHNA GUHA THAKURTA
I AM not a historian by training. Hence imagine my surprise when I found myself researching into family histories of the 1947 partition of Bengal during my first sabbatical from Dhaka University where I taught International Relations! The reasons for taking up such a subject, as I discovered later, were manifold. First, it took me a long time to realise that my family and I, like every other citizen of the current state of Bangladesh, were directly and indirectly a byproduct of the Partition to the extent that even our daily struggles sometimes evolved around it.
Second, as noted by many scholars, even after two generations the migration across borders continues. It is still debated and deliberated in waves among family members, perhaps not for the same reasons, but from circumstances which arose from the same event. Third, as a feminist scholar, I realised it is not enough to declare that the personal is equally political in one's academic work but that it is necessary to confront it in living out one's own life.
The result is my current research on Understanding Population Movements through Reconstructing Family Histories: The Case of the Bengal Partition. In this paper I will try to outline my intervention in the following way: (a) Try to delineate both the discursive and situational context of the Bengal partition; (b) Explain why I have chosen family histories as the method by which to research this area; and (c) Outline some of the findings by using illustrations from the case studies.
Until recently, apart from the well-known historical accounts, writings on the partition of the subcontinent have mainly been centred around fictional literature and autobiographical narratives. There has also been a tendency to focus on the communal and violent nature of Partition and the mass exodus accompanying it. That was more the case of the Punjab frontier where forced migration took place. Along the Bengal border things were different. For some families it was a matter of conscious choice: for example, those families whose members were in government service and were given the option to take up equivalent work on the other side. Some families, however, had to decide in a very short period of time, so that people who exercised the option also had to reach a hurried decision which they later regretted.
For others the decision to migrate was taken almost overnight, especially if the family was directly or indirectly hit by any one of the communal uprisings which followed Partition. But for most families the decision to migrate was deliberated slowly and in waves, within the circle of the family, a process which continues even today. This has created a curious effect on the social makeup of the region resulting in a 'diaspora' of families – Hindus, Muslims, Biharis, Chakmas, Garos and so on, separated and divided, living on either side of the lines chalked out by the Radcliffe Award, each part engrossed in its own struggle for survival or achievement and yet connected by ties, emotional, imaginary and real.
T
his is not to say that the Bengal partition occurred without violence or was not stricken by communal forces. Violence is not always to be measured by external acts of murder, loot or abduction, reports of which are also found in pre- and post-partition Bengal. However, these occurrences might have been more sporadic on this side. What is crucial to note is that violence also typifies a state where a sense of fear is generated and perpetrated in such a way as to make it systemic, pervasive and inevitable. Thus, during the nine-month occupation of Dhaka by the Pakistani army in 1971, what General Yahya Khan called a 'normal and peaceful' situation, people went about their daily chores in dread and fear, not knowing when a tap on the door could mean death or even worse for women, rape.In the many communal riots which preceded as well as followed Partition, it was the fear of being persecuted, the fear of being dispossessed, the fear of not belonging that caused many to flee rather than actual incidents of violence. In many cases this fear was deliberately generated, by leaflets or newspaper reports, by rumours or mere example (seeing your neighbours leave). Interviewing migrants across the borders, one is astounded by the large number of people who said they had not witnessed an act of violence, but had fled because of rumours that a mob was coming their way, or that the next village had been set ablaze, or even by idle chatter which made them believe that this country no longer belonged to them!
It is also not necessary that actual incidents of violence always cause people to flee because there are many who remain (given the choice of course). Fear is sometimes less derived from actual acts of violence than from perceptions of violence. People stay for many reasons and nowhere are those reasons more rich or varied than in the case of the Bengal partition as the case histories demonstrate.
T
he situation in Bengal is different because the two Bengals enjoyed open borders for a long period of time. It was not until 1953 that passports were introduced and only after the 1965 Indo-Pakistan war were visas required. Rail and air communication also stopped after the '65 war and only very restrictive overland communication was maintained. People across the border, both for trading as well as other social reasons, persistently defied these restrictions. So much so, a whole network of underground operators who helped people cross borders without a visa or passport grew steadily, a method often colourfully termed in the local language as gola-dhakka passage (taking you by the scruff of the neck and pushing you across).The Bangladesh liberation war in 1971 and the consequent mass exodus of people fleeing from persecution interrogated the same borderlines and boundaries. But despite all this porousness, 'illegal' trade or smuggling has been a primary concern for successive national governments. Such 'border incidents' or skirmishes between border forces have also captured front-page news. This phenomenon reached its peak in contemporary times when economic migrants by the thousands, Hindus and Muslims, have crossed frontiers in search of better means of livelihood.
B
ut as far as Partition is concerned there has been a further silencing of the processes at work, apparent in the writing about the partition of the two Bengals. Although fiction and autobiographical writings have dominated the partition discourse on both sides, the voices of Hindu migrants from East Bengal have been more prominent than Muslim migrants from West Bengal. The reason for this is of course an open question which awaits further research.One of the important distinctions between the two 'migrant' groups has been created by the political conditions in the country to which they migrated. For Hindus the experience of dispossession and nostalgia for their 'homesteads' (bhitabari) has been very pronounced and glorified in their writings. For many Muslims of a particular generation the journey to Pakistan was like a journey to a 'promised land', an image which later became tarnished as Pakistan entered its most repressive stage under the Ayub regime, the brunt of which was borne by the people of East Bengal.
In the oppressive atmosphere of a martial law regime whose favourite occupation was 'India-bashing', it was understandably difficult to write, much less be nostalgic, about ones homeland in India. There is therefore a reticence, even now, among Bengali Muslims to talk of their desh (ancestral home as it is referred to in Bengali) publicly, if it happens to be in India. In recording family histories, however, one succeeded to a certain extent in overcoming this barrier, for nostalgic memories of childhood, growing up, family ties and accompanying emotions find a space where one can talk about them freely without the direct intervention of nationalist politics.
T
here is yet another phenomenon which distinguishes East Bengali Hindu reminiscences of Partition from those promoted by the Muslim migration from West Bengal. This is the Bangladesh liberation war of 1971. Memories of 1947 or Partition have often been superseded by memories of 1971, or movements which led to 1971, because in the quest for a Bengali identity many Bengali Muslims had to rethink their positions. Thus when memories of Partition are revived, they are either blocked or coloured by memories of 1971.Many Muslims came to the East from West Bengal and Bihar in the hope of finding their promised land, though not all of them believed in the Muslim League ideology. Many progressive cultural activists and professionals came from Calcutta, not spontaneously, but with the ambition of constructing a new nation that would give shape and colour to their dreams. But for most this dream was short-lived. The repression of Bengali identity and the imposition of a new cultural identity of Pakistan, the imposition of martial law, generated spontaneous resistance from the people whether in the form of the language movement of 1952, or the anti-Ayub demonstrations of 1969, culminating in the liberation war of 1971 for an independent Bangladesh.
Though in the nationalist writing of history these events appear in a linear schema, the personal histories of those involved in or affected by these movements were far from linear. These events foreshadowed the contradictions of identity which individuals had to confront in their personal lives as they contested the different notions of nationhood in the political arena: one based on the Bengali language and the other on Islam. This is why, even in present day Bangladesh, narratives of the liberation war are still a site for contestation between rival nationalisms : Bengali and Bangladeshi.
I
now explain my choice of family histories as a method of research. Dominant historiographical trends construe the 1947 partition of the subcontinent as a product of the colonial state as well as a landmark in the progressive march towards achieving modern nationhood. In subsequent years this nationhood came to determine questions of citizenship and social exchange and to define personal identities for the people occupying the newly defined territories of India and Pakistan.A major critique of this view has come from the subaltern school which maintains that there exist groups like peasants, women and others whose voices have remained silent or marginalised and who may possess a notion of community different from, even in opposition to, that of the nationalist project. My focus on family histories uses the above perspective, both as a point of departure as well as a springboard from which to explore the problematic of looking at the social history of a people who, though disempowered by developments beyond their control, have at the same time struggled hard to retain an element of control in their effort to adapt to the new situation.
Family histories provide us with a conceptual tool through which such processes could be better understood. In this paper I wish to emphasise the importance of looking at family histories because they enable us to (a) look at Partition from a site that is inter-mediate to, but not wholly exclusive from, larger structural forces on the one hand and individual decision-making on the other, and (b) to locate Partition and what it represents in the temporal scale of generations since family histories are about inter-generational exchanges. To focus on the family as an important inter-mediary site is to see how memories of individuals and generations are constructed and negotiated and how personal identities of gender, class or nation are formed, conformed to or contested and confronted.
I
have studied the case histories of two families: one a Muslim family from Barasat, West Bengal, and the other a Hindu family from Barisal, East Bengal. In the latter case it is my own family. However, I am not the prime narrator here, but my aunt who was a witness to Partition. In both cases the interviewees are men and women who crossed the border in 1947 or afterwards as a result of the fallout of Partition.The structures of both families are of course different. While the family from Barasat was land-centred and hence patrilineal and location-specific, the family from Banaripara was not dependent on land – it capitalised on education and the service sector. But many of the marriage alliances which took place were with the landed gentry, and these alliances were used for resource pooling within my family.
In the first instance almost every-one married into the same district or at least neighbouring ones, in West or East Bengal. Apart from the members who migrated to Bangladesh and one who settled in another village in West Bengal, most of the family lives in the natal village though they have separate households. In the second instance, marriages took place with families in other districts, but located essentially within East Bengal. However, as the members of the Hindu family were not directly dependent on land, and the ancestral home existed mostly at a symbolic level, even for the previous generation, the residence pattern was scattered.
B
ut a general trend emerged where the inclination was to move towards the urban centres: Mymensingh, Dhaka, Calcutta. Though this was prompted by the need for white collar jobs, the gravitation towards the metropolis was not always through patrilineal ties, but often by using connections through marriage. Thus many cousins in the Hindu family grew up in their mamabari or maternal uncle's house. All this was a pre-partition syndrome. When Partition occurred, each member of the family took his own decision.Calcutta was the mega city and metropolis of British India, and hence the focal point of migration. Urban migration had increased in the '40s, especially during and after the famine of 1943. Dhaka and Mymensingh in the eastern parts too had their attractions. The Muslim family from Barasat, though land-centred, also lived in the vicinity of Calcutta. This determined their mindset when the option to move came up. Both concerns of property and living in the vicinity of Calcutta with educational and employment opportunities for their children became important considerations.
The Hindu service worker had, however, started his/her migratory trend towards Calcutta long before everyone else, both in relation to education and employment. As the second case shows, this was true for them as well. This pre-partition migration, like any other urban migratory trend, used family connections and contacts to establish a 'chain' which enabled other members of the family to follow. But when Partition came, this 'chain' was stretched to its limits and often broke down. At this precise juncture, migrants became refugees. Too many people were coming in at short notice and family resources were often inadequate to bear the burden. Many 'fictive kinships' and extra family alliances too were made at this point.
The findings of the case studies are organised into four sub themes: (a) Communal identity and the decision to migrate; (b) The construction and deconstruction of the nation; (c) Resource base and social mobility; and (d) Gendered interpretations of the family, community and nation.
C
ommunal identity and the decision to migrate: In both families the actual decision to migrate was taken at the height of the communal conflict. In both cases it was the post-partition communal riots which created the context. For the Muslim family it was the 1964 riots, for the Hindu family it was the 1950 riots.In 1964, Barasat was affected by Hindu-Muslim riots. At that time the family (let us say, Minhaj's family) consisted of J. Ali the father, his wife and their nine children of whom Minhaj was the seventh. Out of the nine children three elder sisters and three brothers remained in Barasat. Only Minhaj, his younger sister Arjoo, and his elder brother Momtaj subsequently migrated to East Bengal, now Bangladesh. The areas surrounding their village were hit hard. People fled their homes to take shelter in the fields. When the Indo-Pakistan war came in the wake of the riots, it was no surprise to see many Muslim families supporting Pakistan in the war. Minhaj recalls that during the war they listened to BBC radio in the mango grove out of earshot, and joyously cheered for Pakistan. People began calling them Pakistan-panthi, followers of Pakistan. They felt cornered.
I
n the meantime families around Barasat were gradually sending their children away to Pakistan. But Minhaj's family refused to budge. There seemed too much at stake: their property for example. Moreover, by this time everyone in the family was comfortably off, each with his own side business, mostly shopkeeping. That they had their own high school in the village was mentioned as a plus point. Besides, no one wanted to go to a 'backward place' like East Pakistan leaving behind their property. So the general feeling was to keep an open mind about it: Dekha jaak, jacchi jabo (Let us see and then decide).Minhaj's elder brother had already accompanied his uncle to East Pakistan for reasons that will be discussed in the next section. But in 1967 Minhaj's father instructed him and his youngest sister Arjoo to join their elder brother in East Pakistan. Why? And why Minhaj and Arjoo out of the remaining six brothers and sisters? The answer to the first question was supplied by Minhaj's father himself. 'Your brother lives in a foreign land, so you must go in case he needs help. One needs a family member in times of crises.'
At that time Minhaj had passed his school finals and was seeking admission to Bangabasi College and then to Surendranath College in Calcutta. To his family it seemed that Minhaj, an extrovert from childhood, was 'mixing too much with his Hindu friends.'
The threat of the Naxal movement also pervaded the air. So with his three elder sisters married off, and two older brothers to look after the property, Minhaj was the best possible choice to 'send away'. Arjoo, the youngest daughter of the family, eleven years old and unmarried, was chosen for reasons of security. After the 1964 riots it was no longer considered safe to keep an unmarried girl at home. Hence, Minhaj and Arjoo reluctantly left West Bengal to join their brother in Pakistan.
F
or my own family living in Dhaka the decision to migrate was prompted by circumstances created by the 1964 Hindu-Muslim riots. Here is how my aunt Tapati and my uncle Jyotsnamoy described the situation. At that time the family consisted of Sumati, the widowed mother, and her four children – Jyotirmoy, Arati, Jyotsnamoy and Tapati. Jyotirmoy, the eldest son (my father), was the sole bread earner and had just started his teaching career at a college in Dhaka. He had also married Basanti (my mother) who was a headmistress in a girls school.After the riots Arati, the elder sister, married and settled down in Bihar and Sumati together with the two younger children, Jyotsnamoy and Tapati, migrated to Calcutta. Jyotirmoy and Basanti (my father and mother) remained in Dhaka. I was born in 1956. In my father's generation, only Jyotsnamoy and Tapati are still alive.
The riots started in late January 1950. Quite suddenly, rumours of the killing of Hindus were heard in Dhaka. Arati was teaching at Basanti's school and was already on her way when news about the riot broke. Jyotirmoy was stopped in time from going out and Basanti too stayed back. Only Arati was out on the road. Jyotsnamoy tried to catch up with her on a bicycle but did not succeed. Arati did not reach her destination. She too learnt of the riots and got down at a friends house. The friends house was attacked by an unruly mob and they barely managed to escape by the backdoor. They took shelter in the neighbouring house from where they could hear the mob debating whether they should charge in and kill everyone or not. Suddenly the mob was called off by someone, and later everyone took refuge at a Hindu police inspector's house which had virtually become a refugee centre. Since there was no safe way of communication at that point, Arati and others who took shelter like her, spent the whole day and night in terror, their whereabouts unknown to their families. It was not until the next afternoon that Arati was found and brought back home.
T
his incident had a radical effect on the family. Arati's wedding was to take place as planned, in curfew-ridden Dhaka. Only close relatives and some friends were to attend. Their houses were guarded by young students and friends who formed brigades, keeping watch on the roofs at night to ward off any assault. After the wedding Arati was to go to her new home in Giridih, Bihar with her husband. Tapati and Jyotsnamoy would accompany her to Calcutta. The decision to migrate was made almost overnight! But Jyotirmoy and Basanti decided to stay. Tapati was too young to understand why. She just mentioned that her eldest brother was persistent in his refusal to leave and would not give a clear answer.However, much later his friend and political colleague K.K.Sinha said in his memoirs: 'Éhe (Jyotirmoy) always ended by saying that the intellectual horizon of the young Bengali Muslims in East Pakistan was undergoing a revolutionÉ A new generation was rising and it was that which sustained his confidence and faith. The new intellectual elite that was rising was much more virile, much more creative and much more open-minded and flexible and he felt that he was sharing the joy of this emergence of the new rising sun.'
Jyotirmoy was a follower of M.N. Roy's Radical Humanist Party and believed that he should stay in his homeland (whatever be its nomenclature) and work for his country and not subscribe to the communal frenzy which by then seemed to have taken over most of the middle class Hindu families. But due to the peculiar circumstances arising out of the 1950 riots, he failed to communicate his confidence to most of his family members. Only my mother shared his beliefs and remained with him.
We therefore see that despite the prevailing current of affairs, each family member was negotiating notions of communal identity for himself, according to his own perception of security. Minhaj's family members carefully weighed their well-being with their perceptions of security just as my family debated the idealism of my father vis-ˆ-vis the practicality of siding with the mainstream. In both families, however, the fate of the younger women of the family (the unmarried girls) was decided for them.
T
he construction and deconstruction of the nation: Just as communal identities were negotiated within the family, notions of nationhood too were constructed and deconstructed therein. In Minhaj's family the construction of Pakistan as a homeland for Muslims was quite a popular idea and one which was earnestly believed in by his eldest uncle, S. Ali. In fact, in 1947, S. Ali opted for Pakistan because he, like many others of his generation, believed that Pakistan was the homeland for all the Muslims of the subcontinent.Minhaj remembered that he had grown up in an atmosphere where the politics of the Muslim League held sway. In addition to taking his family with him, S. Ali asked his nephew Momtaj, then a school boy in his teens, to accompany him to the 'promised land'. His father did not object because at that time the whole family was in two minds about moving, and it seemed that S. Ali was merely taking the first step.
B
ut following their arrival in East Pakistan, the political atmosphere in the country gradually started heating up with the demand for autonomy for East Bengal. Campuses were hotbeds of politics. Minhaj had got involved, if only marginally, in student politics. After his arrival he was asked by friends to join the New Students Federation, the students branch of the Muslim League which had supported the Ayub regime.But in 1969 he was won over by the Bangladesh Chhatro Union, the students wing of the Communist Party which had a fairly strong base at Jessore. The 1969 anti-Ayub demonstrations in the eastern wing of Pakistan had left little doubt in anyone's mind, including Minhaj's family back in Barasat, that the concept of Pakistan as the homeland of Muslims was foredoomed to failure.
In the case of my family only my father seemed to retain a non nationalist vision. He did cherish a concept of the homeland, a sense of rootedness in his birthland and a commitment to stand by democratic ideals. He met his death at the hands of the Pakistan Army in 1971 when he was accused of possessing an identity which he had always resisted, i.e. of being a Hindu. His professed identity of a humanist was not to be found anywhere in the vocabulary of Yahya Khan's barbaric regime.
On the other hand, my grandmother, uncle and aunts who, haunted by a sheer sense of insecurity, had migrated to India did not have any convictions about nationhood. Some of them felt for their birthland but they never ceased to coax, cajole and pester my parents to migrate to India or any other country. The trauma of the 1950 riots remained and their vision was still tainted by it.
For them, Muslims in the abstract were still the Other and by that definition they themselves were Hindus. Like many Hindu families in West Bengal they used the categories of Bengali and Hindus as synonymous, thus excluding Muslims from their sense of nationhood. Most of these families until recently were oblivious or chose to remain oblivious of the Bengali nationalist movement across the border in East Bengal until the 1971 liberation war.
R
esource base and social mobility: In both narratives, the importance of the resource base of the family has featured time and again. This has been the prime factor in the process of decision-making: to move or not to move, whom to include in the family while constructing marriage alliances and kinship networks or breaking joint households into single ones. Indeed, education, employment opportunity and favourable marital alliances can open up horizons for an individual in a new place. But what is important to remember in the context of Partition is that these are also political spaces which enable an individual to contest and protest the feeling of otherness which he/she faces in a new place.After migration when Minhaj entered college, he first joined a students party that was aligned with the Muslim League. But later he found assimilation easier when he associated himself with the strong demand for a Bengali identity. The concept of 'homeland' embedded in Minhaj's consciousness was under constant threat. It was threatened by communal uprisings in the homeland itself when he was construed by the dominant community as the 'other'. It was also threatened when he failed to identify with causes and movements in his new surroundings.
It is important to see at what point in ones life migration takes place. Life-cycle is an important element in both narratives. It makes a difference if there is a primary breadwinner among the migrant's family, on whom one can fall back on during crisis. A lack of skills and adequate qualification can be a disadvantage as in the case of Jyotsnamoy whose schooling was interrupted by Partition and who as the only male member had to look after the practicalities of getting the family settled.
Even after he raised his own family, he had to struggle hard to give his three sons a good education. Therefore, the family always stated that if Jyotirmoy (the sole breadwinner at the time of Partition) had come to Calcutta, the family fortunes would have been different. Their conjecture is not without basis. In fact, this also runs contrary to general migration patterns, where it is the breadwinner who migrates first and then 'pulls' in the others.
G
endered interpretations of the family, community and nation: My methodological intervention aims to reveal the gendered narratives in family histories. Since in both the families interviewed, I found women who were unmarried at Partition and as a consequence were forced to migrate for reasons of security, this task was made easier for me. Arjoo, Minhaj's sister, was barely twelve when she was forced to leave her mother for the security of East Pakistan where her elder brother lived.
T
he incident is related in her own poignant words: 'Everyone got panicky. I remember some outsiders came and put fire to some houses in Kazipara, a nearby village. I panicked. At that time my mother and I were alone in the house. I ran and hid in the sugarcane field for an hour. My mother didn't go with me. Being the youngest in the family I used to be the only one to go to the Kazipara primary school. The rest of the family had attended the village school. But after the riots my father put pressure on me to go and stay in East Pakistan with my brother. Both my mother and I resisted at first, but my father said he would stop my education if I didn't listen to him. My mother then laid out the options and said that either I go or my education would be stopped. I was determined to get an education, so I went.'About community relations she said: 'I have fond memories of my school at Kazipara. I still maintain contact with some of my friends. I had mostly Hindu friends. I remember no signs of discrimination but there were differences. For example, I remember we had a crazy teacher called Ganesh. Hindu girls used to say aggey while answering to the roll call while Muslim girls said ji. Once my Hindu friend said ji instead and Ganesh sir immediately reacted. "You are a Hindu," he said, "Why should you say ji".'
Arjoo's perception of nation or homeland was mediated through kinship and marital relations. She got married to someone whose ancestral home was in Jessore. It meant double dislocation for her. Not only did she feel herself an outsider in East Pakistan or Bangladesh, she was also an outsider in her in-law's house.
She relates her experience as a new bride: 'I felt the differences because I came from West Bengal although I was not openly told about it.' She said there were differences in their dialect and hers. Her in-laws used to tease her and called her 'khuni' (murderer) because she spoke in her local dialect 'jabokhuni khabhokhuni' instead of 'jaboney khaboney'. She sometimes could not under stand her mother-in-law when she asked her to come down from the roof (ulla aia); Ulla was the name of her village.
Arjoo feels proud of her natal village in Barasat. She visits it often though sometimes she has to fight with her husband for that right. When her husband asks her why she goes there so often, her response is that as long as she has the strength she will go. 'Once I lose my strength I will automatically stop.' She visits with her children, a boy and two girls. Once when she took her boy there he was surprised when he got down at Barasat. He remarked, 'Mom! But we have only come to Jessore.'
T
apati on the other hand felt more insecure in her perceptions of family, community and homeland/nation. This was perhaps due to the disturbing and traumatic experiences of her adolescence and adult life. Tapati's miseries did not stop with Partition. In 1957 she married and began to live in a joint family, which soon broke up. 1971 brought the tragic news of Jyotirmoy's death at the hands of the Pakistan Army, but most tragic of all was when in 1980 her husband died of a heart attack leaving her to fend for herself and their two unmarried daughters.In her own words, 'I could never find a secure home. I lost my father when I was barely some months old. Throughout my life I have been compelled to leave one home for another. Even now that is my reality.' Tapati has no nostalgia about her homeland, some memories perhaps, but she never glorifies them. Her life has been too unsettling and she still relives the trauma in her everyday life. She is afraid whenever she reads in the papers that the Tenancy Act could be revoked, withdrawing the rights of the tenant. She quakes with fear that the house she is living in might suddenly collapse because it is built on uncertain foundations. Her only concern is the security of her daughters and herself.
T
he Bengal partition compelled divided or migrant families, whether of Hindu or Muslim origin, to render different narratives according to different orientations in their resource base: whether land-based or service-oriented, or located near or linked to a mega city like Calcutta. Likewise, individuals within families speak with many voices given their resource base, life skills, age and gender. Questions of migration and mobility not only link up to the events of Partition but also to the quest for education, employment and the sustenance or breaking-up of marital and kinship ties.Family histories of Partition, therefore, make a strong statement about social transformation. They reiterate that families are open to change, transforming themselves and thereby changing social reality. Times of transition are trying as such changes, brought about suddenly, create havoc and an upheaval that continues to haunt one into another century.
http://www.india-seminar.com/2002/510/510%20meghna%20guha%20thakurta.htm
West Bengal: A Survey
(A Study by South Asia Research Society, Calcutta)
On account of the Partition of the Indian subcontinent in 1947, refugees moved from Pakistan, without much interruption, to various parts of India, especially to West Bengal, till 1971, when political boundaries in South Asia were redrawn. Even after the emergence of Bangladesh as an independent country in 1971, however, the march of refugees to West Bengal appeared to be ceaseless. Nevertheless, there is one great difference in the patterns of migration before and after 1971. In the days of Pakistan, nearly all refugees coming to West Bengal were members of the minority communities in East Bengal (East Pakistan), viz. Buddhists, Christians and Hindus. In the Bangladesh era, however, in addition to the forced migration of members of minority community (the overwhelming majority being Hindus) to West Bengal, there has been largescale voluntary infiltration of Bangladeshi Muslims (forming the majority community in that country) to West Bengal and other parts of India. Certainly, the Government of India and the Government of West Bengal are not unaware of this grim phenomenon. Occasionally, the Home Minister of the Government of India and the Chief Minister of West Bengal have expressed serious concern over this problem. This brief survey - its brevity attributable to the barrier of needless secrecy against the free flow of census data (unexpected in a democratic country like India) - aims at unraveling the mystery of population explosion in a progressive state like West Bengal, as also at arousing the consciousness of the public about the factor of migration /infiltration underlying this explosion, which cannot but pose a mounting challenge to vital national interests.
Table 1.1: Population in West Bengal 1941-91
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Source: Statistical Abstract, West Bengal, 1978-89 (Combined Issue), Bureau of Applied Economics and Statistics.
In accordance with estimates prepared by the Government of West Bengal, 44.5 lakhs of refugees came from East Bengal (East Pakistan) to West Bengal during 1946-1970.1 The 1981 Census contained an important clue to the persistence of migration / infiltration to West Bengal. The population growth rate declined from 26.9% in 1961-71 to 23.2% in 1971-81. Yet, the 1981 Census recorded a population of 4,67,000 in excess of the population derived from differences in birth /death rates. If one excluded these 4,67,000 persons - who obviously moved to West Bengal from other regions inside/outside India - the population growth rate in 1971-81 would have declined from 23.2% to 22.1%. Actually, in West Bengal, on account of an expansion of education and family planning programmes, as also of a pronounced rise in social consciousness, the population growth rate during 1981-91 should have fallen below 22%, and demographic experts of the Government of India perceptively forecast the rate of 20.79% for this period. Evidently, this forecast was upset by migration /infiltration from Bangladesh. For, the 1991 Census puts the decadal growth rate at 24.55%, i.e. higher than that in 1971-81. Where and how could this unexpected rate of population growth take place?2
Natural Population Increase in 1981-91:
Every year the Registrar General of India conducts sample surveys, and estimates the annual rates of birth and death. Table 1.2 communicates these rates for West Bengal during 1981-90.
Table 1.2: Birth and Death Rates in West Bengal 1981-90
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Source: Sample Registration Survey Reports by the Registrar General of India.
Column 4 of Table 1.2 demonstrates that the estimated natural population increase in West Bengal during 1981-91 stands at 21.9%. [This estimate is prepared on the basis of natural population increase in course of a decade, i.e. r1 r2 ?. r10, and in accordance with the formula, viz R = (1+ r1) (1+r2) (1+r3) ?. (1+r10) - 1.] The estimate of the expert committee on population growth rate was 1.1% below 21.9%, i.e. the rate of natural increase during 1981-91. Nevertheless, the actual population growth rate exceeded the rate of natural population increase by 2.7%, and stood at 24.6% during 1981-91. This increase can largely be accounted for by the influx of people from Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan and other regions of India. Thus, the number of migrants / infiltrators to West Bengal during 1981-91 can be calculated at 14,74,000, i.e. 11% of the total population increase of 1,34,00,000.3 The actual number of outsiders in West Bengal is likely to be much higher, because a very large number of them have presumably escaped detection by Census personnel.
It has been suggested that, during 1971-81 and 1981-91, West Bengal has accommodated 2 million outsiders. Actually, this number should be much larger, because, from Bangladesh alone, 2.95 million Bengali-speaking Hindus have entered into India (mainly West Bengal) during 1974-1991.4 As Mohiuddin Ahmed, a renowned journalist of Bangladesh, writes: ?Thus, we encounter a scenario of ?missing Hindu population? in the successive census periods. The extent of this missing population was about 1.22 million during the period of 1974-1981, and about 1.73 million during the last intercensual period 1981-91. As many as 475 Hindus are ?disappearing? every day from the soil of Bangladesh on an average since 1974. How this phenomenon would be interpreted in terms of demography? The relevant parameter is obviously ?migration? which provides a clue to the missing link.?5 The following Table illustrates the rise and fall of Hindu and Muslim population in the last fifty year in Bangladesh.
Table 1.3
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Source: Bangladesh Population Census in 1981 and 91.
It is noteworthy that, of the nearly ten million Hindu refugees leaving East Pakistan for India in course of the 1971 liberation struggle, a large number did not return to Bangladesh. Moreover, of those who returned, a big number, failing to recover movable / immovable properties looted / misappropriated during 1971, came back to India in one or two years. These refugees have not been taken into account by the Bangladesh Census reports. Their number soars above 3 million.6
After the successful conclusion of the Bangladesh liberation struggle in 1971, only 2,00,000 out of 1 million stranded non-Bengalis (usually called Biharis) in Bangladesh, could obtain help from International Red Cross Society in order to move over to Pakistan. The Government of Pakistan trumped up a variety of excuses to avoid the repatriation of the other 8,00,000 Biharis, who were compelled to stay on in Bangladesh. As of late 1994 - i.e. after the lapse of 23 years since 1971 - only 2,50,000 Biharis were found to be living amidst subhuman conditions at 66 camps in Bangladesh.7 Actually, in terms of a natural population increase, the 8,00,000 Biharis should have swelled to more than 1.3 million by 1994. To the question of where have the more than 1 million Biharis vanished from Bangladesh since 1971, the obvious answer is, they have surreptitiously moved into their ancestral places in India (notably in Bihar), and settled down. In one of his recent election utterances, Laloo Prasad Yadav, the Chief Minister of Bihar, has confessed to granting ration cards and voting rights to 100,000 Biharis from Bangladesh.8 It may be added that some Governments have loudly complained about infiltration of Pakistanis and Bangladeshis into such important cities as Bombay and New Delhi.
In addition, for the 1981-91 period, Bangladesh Census authorities detect the somewhat unique phenomenon of ?missing population?, and estimates the number at 8 million.9 As already indicated, 1.73 million Hindus are to be included in the figure of 8 million. It is, therefore, entirely plausible that the remainder of 8 million, i.e. 6.27 million Muslims, have infiltrated into various parts of India, notably West Bengal. The Government of Bangladesh naturally observes silence on this vital issue, this silence being occasionally broken by a hackneyed repetition of the announcement that there are no Bangladeshis in India.
It is, therefore, pertinent to affirm that 6 million Hindus have left Bangladesh for India during 1971-1991, and not less than 6 million Bangladeshi Muslims have infiltrated into India during 1981-1991. To this should be added 1 million stranded Biharis in Bangladesh moving to India. Since the extent of Muslim infiltration during 1971-1981 awaits appraisal, it is fair to conclude that at least - at least - 13-14 million migrants/infiltrators have crossed over from Bangladesh to India from 1971 to 1991. A large number of these outsiders have taken shelter in various parts of West Bengal, including the sensitive border areas. In order to facilitate a clear comprehension of this phenomenon, we provide below a Table recording the district wise population growth rate in West Bengal as also the categorisation of this population by religion. It is not logical to explain this growth by reference to migration from other states in India to West Bengal. For, in course of the 1981-1991 decade, West Bengal has witnessed a decrease, rather than increase, of employment in the organised sector.10 As to migrants from Bhutan and Nepal, they mostly reside in the districts of Coochbehar, Darjeeling and Jalpaiguri, whereas their number is too insignificant in comparison to the number of migrants from Bangladesh.
Table 1.4
List of comparative percentage of religion-wise population figures
based on 1981 and 1991 Census in West Bengal and its districts.
| | | Increase (%) | ||
| West Bengal | Total population | 5,45,80,647 | 6,80,77,965 | |
| Hindu | 4,20,07,159 | 5,08,50,000 | 88,42,841 | |
| (76.96) | (74.69) | (21.05) | ||
| Muslim | 1,17,43,209 | 1,60,50,000 | 43,06,791 | |
| (21.51) | (23.57) | (36.67) | ||
| Cooch Behar | Total population | 17,71,643 | 21,71,14 | |
| Hindu | 13,99,844 | 16,59,000 | 2,59,156 | |
| (79.01) | (76.41) | (18.51) | ||
| Muslim | 3,68,176 | 5,06,000 | 1,37,824 | |
| (20,78) | (23.30) | (37.43) | ||
| Jalpaiguri | Total population | 22,14,871 | 28,02,543 | |
| Hindu | 19,38,062 | 23,75,000 | 4,36,938 | |
| (87.50) | (84.42) | (22.54) | ||
| Muslim | 1,93,658 | 2,80,000 | 86,342 | |
| (8.75) | (10.0) | (44.58) | ||
| Darjeeling | Total population | 10,24,269 | 12,99,919 | |
| Hindu | 8,13,625 | 10,13,000 | 1,99,375 | |
| (79.44) | (77.98) | (24.50) | ||
| Muslim | 0,37,299 | 0.59,000 | 21,701 | |
| (3.64) | (4.53) | (58.18) | ||
| West Dinajpur | Total population | 24,04,947 | 31,27,653 | |
| Hindu | 15,21,416 | 19,55,000 | 4,33,584 | |
| (63.26) | (62.51) | (28.49) | ||
| Muslim | 8,60,797 | 11,49,000 | 2,88,203 | |
| (35.79) | (36.74) | (33.48) | ||
| Maldah | Total population | 20,31,871 | 26,37,032 | |
| Hindu | 11,07,192 | 13,77,000 | 2,69,808 | |
| (54.49) | (52.21) | (24.36) | ||
| Murshidabad | Total population | 36,97,552 | 47,40,149 | |
| Hindu | 15,21,448 | 18,19,000 | 2,97,552 | |
| (41.15) | (38.37) | (19.55) | ||
| Muslim | 21,69,121 | 29,10,000 | 7,40,879 | |
| (58.67) | (61.39) | (34.15) | ||
| Nadia | Total population | 29,64,253 | 38,52,097 | |
| Hindu | 22,29,177 | 28.63,000 | 6,33,823 | |
| (75.20) | (74.32) | (28.43) | ||
| Muslim | 7,13,776 | 9,60,000 | 2,46,224 | |
| (24.08) | (24.92) | (34.49) | ||
| 24-Parganas | Total Population | 1,07,39,439 | 1,29,96,911 | |
| Hindu | 81,08,070 | 94,45,000 | 13,37,000 | |
| (75.50) | (72.67) | (16.49) | ||
| Muslim | 25,63,751 | 34,65,000 | 9,01,249 | |
| (23.87) | (26.66) | (35.15) | ||
| (A) North 24-Parganas | Total population | 72,81,881 | ||
| Hindu | 54,95,000 | |||
| (75.47) | ||||
| Muslim | 17,55,000 | |||
| (24.10) | ||||
| (B) South 24-Parganas | Total population | 57,15,030 | ||
| Hindu | 39,50,000 | |||
| (69.11) | ||||
| Muslim | 17,10,000 | |||
| (29.92) | ||||
| Calcutta | Total population | 33,05,006 | 43,99,819 | |
| Hindu | 27,06,511 | 35,40,000 | 8,33,469 | |
| (81.89) | (80.47) | (30.79) | ||
| Muslim | 5,06,942 | 7,79,000 | 2,72,508 | |
| (15.34) | (17.70) | (53.67) | ||
| Howrah | Total population | 29,66,861 | 37,29,644 | |
| Hindu | 23,58,785 | 28,85,000 | 5,26,215 | |
| (79.50) | (77.36) | (22.30) | ||
| Muslim | 5,98,448 | 8,28,000 | 2,29,552 | |
| (20.17) | (22.20) | (38.35) | ||
| Hooghly | Total population | 35,57,306 | 43,55,230 | |
| Hindu | 30,56,143 | 36.95,000 | 6,38,856 | |
| (85.91) | (84.84) | (20.90) | ||
| Muslim | 4,89,494 | 6,32,000 | 1,42,506 | |
| (13.76) | (14.51) | (29.11) | ||
| Midnapore | Total population | 67,42,796 | 83,31,912 | |
| Hindu | 60,37,882 | 72,30,000 | 11,92,118 | |
| (89.55) | (86.78) | (19.74) | ||
| Muslim | 5,86,587 | 8,98,000 | 3,11,413 | |
| (8.70) | (10.77) | (53.08) | ||
| Bankura | Total population | 23,74,815 | 28,05,065 | |
| Hindu | 21,34,153 | 24,40,000 | 3,05,847 | |
| (89.87) | (86.98) | (14.33) | ||
| Muslim | 1,34,085 | 1,86,000 | 51,915 | |
| (5.65) | (6.63) | (38.71) | ||
| Purulia | Total population | 18,53,801 | 22,24,577 | |
| Hindu | 16,98,530 | 20,20,000 | 3,21,470 | |
| (91.63) | (90.82) | (18.93) | ||
| Muslim | 1,01,044 | 1,33,000 | 31,956 | |
| (5.45) | (5.97) | (31.62) | ||
| Burdwan | Total population | 48,35,388 | 60,50,605 | |
| Hindu | 39,38,376 | 48,20,000 | 8,81,624 | |
| (81.45) | (79.76) | (22.38) | ||
| Muslim | 8,50,951 | 11,80,000 | 3,29,049 | |
| (17.60) | (19.50) | (38.67) | ||
| Birbhum | Total population | 20,95,829 | 25,55,664 | |
| Hindu | 14,37,945 | 17,02,000 | 2,64,055 | |
| (68.61) | (66.61) | (18.36) | ||
| Muslim | 6,49,212 | 8,44,000 | 1,94,788 | |
| (30.98) | (33.02) | (30.0) |
The Census reports of 1981 and 1991 indicate that, in course of the 1981-91 decade, the number of Hindus in West Bengal has decreased by 2.27%, whereas the number of Muslims in West Bengal has increased by 2.06%. Whereas the number of Hindus in West Bengal has risen by 21.05%, the number of Muslims in West Bengal has shot up by 36.67%. In every district of West Bengal, the contrast between a decline in Hindu population and an extraordinary upswing in Muslim population is indeed remarkable. Even in Calcutta itself, the Muslim population has gone up by 53.67%, but the Hindu population has moved up by 30.79%. In a number of districts, the rate of growth of Muslim population is double or more than double that of Hindu population. Six such districts are listed below:
| | | |
| | | |
| Cooch Behar | | |
| Jalpaiguri | | |
| Darjeeling | | |
| Midnapore | | |
| Bankura | | |
| 24-Parganas (North & South) | | |
Moreover, in the following districts, the rate of growth of Muslim population has been significantly higher than that of Hindu population:
| | | |
| | | |
| West Dinajpur | | |
| Maldah | | |
| Murshidabad | | |
| Nadia | | |
| Howrah | | |
| Hooghly | | |
| Purulia | | |
| Burdwan | | |
| Birbhum | | |
It is noteworthy that in Calcutta, Nadia and West Dinajpur, the rate of growth of Hindu population has surpassed the decadal growth rate of 24.55%. In other districts, the rate of growth of Hindu population is much below 24.55%. In contrast, in every district of West Bengal, the rate of growth of Muslim population is much higher than 24.55%.
Table 1.4 demonstrates how this acute disparity in the rates of population growth translates itself into actual population figures. For example, in the district of Maldah, the number of Hindus has gone up from 11,07,192 in 1981 to 13,77,000 in 1991, registering a net increase of 2,69,808. In sharp contrast, the number of Muslims has shot up from 9,19,918 in 1981 to 12,52,000 in 1991, the net increase being 3,32,082. In other words, in ten years, the Muslim population has leapt from being 45.27% of the total population to being 47.47%, whereas the Hindu population has come down from forming 54.49% of the total population to forming 52.21%. Keeping in view such a fast-changing demographic scenario, one can certainly start worrying about the future of West Bengal.
A pertinent query is whether the excessively high rate of growth of Muslim population in all the districts of West Bengal is solely due to infiltration by Bangladeshis. Alternatively, one can ask whether it is permissible to affirm that Muslims in West Bengal are far less concerned about birth control, and far more backward in family planning, than Hindus in West Bengal.
In the Muslim society, the impact of religious propaganda upon daily life is enormous. Fundamentalist notions are growing stronger among Muslims. The belief that Islam opposes birth control is still prevalent. Not to speak of Fatwas (directives) from Mullahs or Maulanas, even preachings by a section of Muslim intellectuals have reinforced this belief. Far from the introduction of compulsory measures in public interest, neither the Government of India nor any state Government has even encouraged voluntary birth control among Muslims. Consequently, even though population control is universally recognised today as a key contributor to economic upliftment, the GRP among Muslims is very high. Actually, in nearly all Muslim countries of the world - whether in the richest or the poorest category - the total fertility rate (TFR) is significantly high, as is the GRP.11 It may be relevant in this context to refer to Bangladesh Contraceptive Survey, 1991, which observes: ?It has been found that the Total Fertility Rate (TFR) among the non-Muslims is relatively lower than among the Muslims, the difference ranged from 7% to 12% in the eighties. It has never been claimed that the Hindus have higher mortality rate. It is likely that they have lower mortality rate due to higher extent of immunisation among their children.?12 There is no reason why this observation about Bangladesh should not be applicable to Hindus and Muslims in West Bengal too.
The above noted facts - and the attendant analyses - make it quite clear that, on account of ceaseless infiltration from Bangladesh, and the tremendously high rate of growth of Muslim population, West Bengal, with 766 persons per square kilometer, has emerged as the state having the highest density of population in the whole of India. West Bengal occupies 2.77% of India?s land area, and accommodates 8.06% of its population. The actual pressure of population upon West Bengal may indeed be higher than what is estimated from Census data, which are seldom complete.
Anyway, where is West Bengal destined to go?
Footnotes:
2 Satchidananda Dutta Roy, Paschimbangabasi, K.P. Bagchi, Calcutta, 1994, p. 21 (in Bengali).
3 Ibid., p. 22.
4 Mohiuddin Ahmed, ?The Missing Population?, Holiday, Weekly, Dhaka, 7 January 1994.
5 Ibid.
6 Bimal Pramanik, ?Interface of Migration and Inter-Religious Community Relations in Bangladesh and Eastern India?, a paper presented at a Workshop organised by Bharat Bangladesh Maitri Samiti in Calcutta on 12 May 1990. This paper makes an extensive use of Census reports of Pakistan and Bangladesh.
7 For details, see The Telegraph, English daily, Calcutta, 26 September 1994.
8 Anandabazar Patrika, Bengali daily, Calcutta, 8 March 1995.
9 For details, see Bangladesh Population Census 1991, Vol. 2, December, 1993; and Report of the Task Force on Bangladesh: Development Strategies for the 1990?s, Vol. 1, University Press Ltd., Dhaka, 1991, p. 20.
10 Satchidananda Dutta Roy, op. cit., p. 23.
11 World Population Projections, 1994-95 Edition, published for the World Bank, The University Press, Baltimore and London.
12 Mohiuddin Ahmed, ?The Missing Population?, op. cit.
http://www.bharatvani.org/books//tfst/appii1.htm
Population migration to Assam
— Dr Prabin BaishyaMigration of Homo Sapiens, nay, of the whole biological kingdom from one's native place to another since the beginning of life in the most primitive form is a universal phenomenon. The north eastern region of the Indian sub-continent has also been populated by migrants from all directions. The Dravidians including king Naraka of Pragjyotish is reported to have come from the west and had driven out to the hills the Austric, people like the Khasis, Syntengs and Mundas who might have come earlier from Cambodia and Burma. The Mongolians represented by the Boro-Kacharis, Koches, Rabhas, Garos, Nagas, Kukis etc. had also come to Pragjyotish or medieval Kamarupa a through Tibet, Nepal and Bhutan. Aryan migration to the North East began during the 5th, century B.C. as depicted in a legend in the Satapatha Brahmana.
As human civilization progressed and kingdoms were built up side by side with the geopolitical growth of language and religion, migrants of other cultures like. Islam had also started coming to this region since the 13th century and after consolidating their power in the western part they had occupied Hajo Pandu and then Guwahati and advanced upto Gargaon in the 17th century. But they and their descendents had mingled with the local people and acted exactly in thc same manner of the Assamese having nothing new except the name Islam as it was observed by a Mughal writer Shihabuddin Talish.
It is not necessary to mention that the Ahoms who ruled Assam for long six hundred years had, also migritied from Thailand. It is however, important to note that these rulers did never try to impose their Tai language and culture, rather had accepted Assamese as their medium of expression and Hinduism as their religion though, of course, the process took a long period of three hundred years till the reign of Svarga Narayan (1497-1539).
The History of Assam, however, took a new turn since the Burmese invasion and subsequent occupation of Assam by British since 1826. Though the number of the people was small British soldiers consisting of different ethnic groups from other parts of India as well as from Nepal had come here and many retired persons like Gorkhas and Sikhs had settled here. At the same time another wave of migrants mainly, consisting of tea garden labours from Bihar, Orissa, Andhra etc. had settled in and around the tea estates and their number including their descendents was around 3 lakh in 1921. At the same time other migrants, particularly from Bengal started coming to government offices as well as for trade and commerce. It is said that at their pressure Bengali language was introduced in the courts and schools of Assam in 1837 till it was replaced by Assamese in 1873 as it was demanded by the indigenous people, particularly the neo-elites. But immigration continued unabated to all the sectors of the Assam economy and the number of immigrants from all Indian states stood at 407,000 in 2001 with the highest number of 127,000 coming from Bihar followed by about 82,000 from West Bengal besides small numbers from other Indian states. As a result the number of Hindi speakers had increased from 792481 in 1971 to 15,69,662 or by 98.06 per cent in 2001 and that of Bengali speakers had risen from 28,82,039 to 73,43,338 i.c. by 154,79 per cent as per census data of the respective years leaving aside the number of other linguistic groups coming from outside the State (Assamese speakers increased by 46.10 per cent from 89,04,000 to 13010,000).
However, the main problem of immigration was created by the land hungry peasants from erstwhile East Bengal to grab the river islands, jungle lands including lands in the tribal dominated areas known later on as Tribal Blocks and Belts. As a Census Officer had remarked, wheresoever a carcass is Found, vultures gather there; where there is waste land thither flock the Maimasisingiyas. The 1951 census had recorded in the Assam plains 558,000 such immigrants from East Pakistan excluding 274,000 refugees after Partition of the country. The flow of such migrants had, however, continued and the 1971 census had recorded 903,000 Pakistan born persons excluding the children of the former immigrants. It may also be noted that total Muslim- population in Assam in 1971 was 3,592,000 and it had increase to 8,240,000 in 2001 (increased from 24.56 to 30.9 per cent of the total population of 26,655,000 of the State). In the context of the six year long Anti-Foreigners' Movement (1979-85) launched by the AASU and the Assam Accord of 1985 it should be noted that the indigenous Muslims as well as the immigrants upto March 25/ 1971 including their children born here should be excluded from the total Muslim population figure for getting an estimate of the illegal migrants. But there is no census records of either indigenous Muslims or the children of the early immigrants. That such estimates are difficult was acknowledged by the census authorities as the immigrants do not give correct statements about their place of last residence.
Anyway, that illegal migration from Bangladesh is continuing is a fact as the print media focuses the cases of detection of foreigners not in Assam alone but also in Delhi etc. But the floating Bengali speaking labourers found in the towns and cities are mostly landless and seasonal workers being descendents of early immigrants. Still, however, calculations of Bangladeshi immigrant data of 1991 and 2001 censuses show that around three lakh and not millions as depicted by some circles had infiltrated into Assam after March 25/1971. That illegal migration from foreign countries should be checked and foreigners be detected and deported was upheld by the Supreme Court in its historic judgement of July 12/2005 by declaring the vote bank IMDT Act of 1983 as ultra vires the Constitution. Let us also note in the same breath that the Muslim as well as all other immigrants in Assam have become bi-lingual, if not multi-lingual, speaking their-mother tongues among them and Assamese in the market place.
Therefore, the Assamese chauvinists need not stagger while hearing another language and there should not be any attempt at imposing Assamese on any other linguistic group. They may, take from about 13 lakh Boro speakers while trying to impose Assamese on them, the Boros had accepted Devanagri cript and got Baro language included in the 8th Schedule of the Constitution. Acceptance of a language and culture of one community by another as well as assimilation of communities is a very long drawn process as it was indicated by the Ahoms. In the context let us recall that human society under the influence of global cultural hegemony in the ways of living and life-style is converging towards unity as it was one in origin and one in progress.
(The article is based on a speech delivered at a seminar organised by Asom Suraksha Manch recently)
http://www.assamtribune.com/scripts/details.asp?id=jul2109/edit2
Varsha Bhosle
Lajja
Last November, a Pakistani diplomat stationed in Bangladesh said at a seminar in Dhaka that the atrocities committed in 1971 in what was then East Pakistan were sparked by "Awami League miscreants" and not the Pakistan Army. Which statement so upset the host country that Pakistani flags were torched. Mulling over the incident, Pakistani columnist Ayaz Amir noted some things which, had they flowed from my pen, I'd be branded the bigot I am. Mr Amir happens to be one of my favourite writers, not just because of his acerbic wit and impeccable language, but because his love for his country does not permit him to remain blind to politicians' perversities or to wallow in political correctness. Moreover, his facts are facts.
For me, that Dawn article was a revelation of sorts even in December. But, after the brutal murders of the 16 BSF jawans by the Bangladesh Rifles, it assumed a newer significance: A nation that forgets its history *will* have its jawans strangulated, scalded with boiling water, and shot through the eyes at point blank range. Perhaps, our "Hindu nationalist" government, especially the former major of the Indian Army who heads the ministries of external affairs and defence, can learn some basics from the excerpts I reproduce below:
"If anything can be called Pakistani nationalism -- or more accurately subcontinental Muslim nationalism -- its cradle lay not in the areas which now constitute Pakistan... The idea of Pakistan drew inspiration from two centres, north India (now UP) and East Bengal. The Muslim League saw its birth in Dhaka. The idea of Muslim separatism gained strength from the partition of Bengal in 1905... Let us not forget that at that time Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs lived largely in amity in Punjab. In Bengal, on the other hand, the sense of Muslim grievances, fuelled in no small measure by the fact that the great movement of Hindu revivalism in the 19th century arose from Bengal, was stronger.
"In the 1946 elections which set the stage for the partition of India, it was only in Bengal that the Muslim League emerged as the single largest party, capturing almost half the seats. In Punjab it did well but its numbers were almost equalled by the Unionist Party. In Sindh it won a large number of seats but could not achieve a majority. When Jinnah gave his call for Direct Action in July 1946, the Calcutta killings a month later convinced everyone in India, including the British, about the gulf that had opened between the two communities. Not that the Direct Action call was in any way responsible for the Calcutta riots, but that those riots on such a scale happened in Bengal rather than anywhere else shows the inflamed state of Hindu-Muslim feelings in the province. So the question is pertinent: without the push that the Muslim cause received from Bengal, could there have been a Pakistan?
"The Muslim halves of the Bengal and Punjab legislatures opted for Pakistan... In Assam, the Muslim majority district of Sylhet decided by referendum to join Pakistan. Pakistan thus came into being as the result of a freely-exercised choice by the Muslim majority areas of India... East Bengal, more than any other province or region, was pivotal to this exercise...
"We must not put the past aside. That's what we do all the time: forget the past and repeat its follies. For once we must understand the past and come to terms with it. This might just help us rid our minds of the demons which impel us from one act of gratuitous folly to another."
Yes, we never have taken lessons from our past, and so, even a two-bit banana republic, with inhabitants who are at the bottom rung of human evolution, attacks us with impunity and without fear of retribution. And, of course, no retribution will be forthcoming -- the MEA's statement about "local adventurism" gives the clear message that Dhaka is not responsible for the cold-blooded murders of 16 Indians by Bangladesh's armed forces. As Prem Shanker Jha said, "The one thing this government is really good at is sitting very still, like a toad, hoping that its camouflage will protect it from the predator."
I do not have new revelations. Last year, when I wrote about the BD government's demand that India ban Mayer Dak, I already made all the points that apply to the current crisis. Actually, I'd made them even in the tens of articles I've written on illegal immigrants. All the "secularist" governments -- Congress, pinko, socialist, dorks all -- have deliberately and consistently made light of Bangladeshi infiltration for their own vote-bank politics. Result: over 14 million immigrants have changed the demography of Assam and West Bengal and "are in a position to decisively influence over 54 Assembly constituencies in West Bengal. In 100 other Assembly seats, they can change the tide against any candidate" (The Pioneer, April 22). And while we were hand-feeding "the blood of our blood," Bangladesh was busy pushing back Indian migrants from its territory.
Oh yeah, we're gonna lose the northeast, too. On March 4, 1997, The Hindu wrote about the spurt in Islamist activities in Assam, outlining the mushrooming of fundamentalist organisations and activities in the NE states "with covert support from abroad." It said: "The developments are seen as part of the game plan of the ISI of Pakistan to destabilise the region... Two student bodies are also counted among the fundamentalist outfits. One of them, the Islamic Students Movement of India, was floated by Saudi Arabia during Ayatollah Khomeini's regime in Iran... The ISMI is being encouraged by fundamentalists of Pakistan and Bangladesh. The Bangladesh Chhatra Shibir is the Bangladeshi counterpart of the ISMI. The ISMI is understood to be collaborating with the Jamaat-e-Islami of Bangladesh, Bangladesh Freedom League and Bangladesh Nationalist Party. The ISMI is reportedly training Muslim militant groups of the northeastern region and also imparting training in arms. It also uses the mosques for holding caucus meetings and indoctrination." Make no mistake: an Islamic country is exactly that.
Khilafat is the binding factor of Islamic nations, no matter the dispute over language. And so:
- In 1994, Hajpayee's pal, Masood Azhar, entered India via Bangladesh.
- On January 3, 1997, The Telegraph wrote: "Insurgency in the northeast is likely to take a new turn with Bangladeshi refugees acquiring sophisticated weapons from across the border... Muslim fundamentalists, who crossed over the border as refugees, acquired a large number of arms recently with the help of Pakistan's ISI... The Indian intelligence network also confirmed the supply of arms to Bangladeshi refugees by the ISI... Dhubri and Nalbari districts in Assam, and Tura in Meghalaya, have been identified as important areas of ISI activities. The Muslim-dominated villages in these districts are the focal points. A number of sophisticated arms including light machine guns have already reached the Muslim immigrants. The transit zones for supply of arms are Mancachar, Mahendraganj and Fakirganj ghat in Dhubri district."
- Some of the 20 terrorists involved in the Coimbatore blasts of February 1998 admitted to the police that they had undergone training in Bangladesh.
- In November 1999, former director of the CBI, SK Datta, wrote: "Abu Nasir, a Bangladeshi Laskar who was arrested in West Bengal revealed names of many Laskars who were operating in the country. The Siliguri corridor has been targeted by the ISI through Laskars for establishing bases... [Chief of L-e-T] Prof Saeed visited Bangladesh in 1998 and managed to recruit Bengali Laskars. Incidentally, Bangladesh has been the favourite shelter for ISI operatives, ULFA activists and other militants of the northeast."
- Thousands of, what newspapers call, "Hindi-speaking" settlers -- so afraid are they to say "Hindu" -- have fled Assam due to ULFA's targeting them. The Assam police has evidence that the ISI had been actively involved in spreading terrorism in the state by imparting indoctrination, arms and training to ULFA cadres. "Top ULFA leadership was in close touch with certain officers of the Pakistani high commission in Bangladesh, who arranged for their passport in various names and sent them to Karachi (Hindustan Times, December 29, 2000).
- On February 24, The Assam Tribune reported: "Members of the state assembly today expressed serious concern over the proposal mooted by a section of Bangladeshi intellectuals to divide India to form a confederation comprising Bangladesh, northeast States of India and West Bengal."
- In March, 6 Harkat-ul-Mujahideen terrorists surrendered in Assam. They were trained in a camp in Pakistan and motivated by the ISI to create unrest in the northeast. The Asian Age reported: "Sahabul Ali said he joined the militant group 'to protect the rights of Muslims in Assam.' 'I later crossed over to Bangladesh and then flew to Karachi and Islamabad and finally to the main training camp'... The members of the fundamentalist outfit, who reached Pakistan with the help of some agents crossed over the Indian territory from Lower Assam's Dhubri district. From Dhaka they were given a passport that facilitated their easy exit to Pakistan."
Islam divides the world into two camps: Dar-ul-Islam is the country where Islamic laws reign supreme, and in Dar-ul-Harb, Islamic penetration is to be accomplished. India falls under the category of Dar-ul-Harb, where there is a constant war till the objective of Islamisation is completed. Bangladesh is an Islamic country. That is its past and its present.
Thing is, when one, single baby was shot by a Palestinian sniper in March, Israel imposed a blockade on the West Bank city of Hebron. Then, as a response to Palestinian mortar and shooting attacks against its citizens, Israeli troops entered northern Gaza and razed six Palestinian police stations and destroyed groves and farmland outside Beit Hanoun. Later, it flattened more police stations in the southern end of the Gaza Strip... Hundreds of Chechens took to the streets of Moscow against the terrorists who killed 24 people with a car bombing planned by Ramazan Ahmedov, key lieutenant of Islamic warlord Shamil Basayev.
Here, when Brig IJ Singh states that 15,000 villagers on the Indian side were affected; when BSF DG Gurbachan Jagat rages that "the jawans were tortured before being shot," what do we do...? This: "The two governments regret the loss of lives in the unfortunate incidents and agreed that utmost restraint must be exercised to prevent further incidents... It is well recognised that the long common border between the countries can give rise to problems of border management from time to time" (MEA). "While we can be emotionally charged at the way the our jawans were killed let us not be swayed by rumours" (Film-maker Gautam Ghosh). And, the BJP uses the charred bodies for its election manifesto...
Meanwhile, the chief of Bangladesh Rifles, Maj Gen Fazlur Rehman, says he doesn't need to apologize. Why would he? Muslims aren't eunuchs! Because they are inspired by, not the Gandhian version of Hinduism, but an Islam which has never advocated Ahimsa as a brick in nation-building. I'm so ashamed of being a Hindu Indian.
http://www.rediff.com/news/2001/apr/23varsha.htm -
Tuesday, August 7, 2007
http://eastindiawatch.blogspot.com/2007/08/hindus-suffering-in-west-bengal-east.htmlHindus suffering in West Bengal --- East Midnapur
East Medinipur district was and is never known as Muslim dominated district. It's Muslim population is only 14 percent. 85 percent are Hindus. In spite of that Hindus are suffering a lot due to Muslims. But all these sufferings, tortures and humiliations of Hindus are suppressed – thanks to political machinations and 'secular' media.
On 8th July this year, a small dispute arised in village Sarberia of Bhagawanpur p.s. of Medinipur district. In this village, there is a market named 'Bhawanichak Dharmabazar'. In that village market there is one 'PIRER THAN' worshiped by Hindus all through the year. 2 years back, Muslims of nearby villages converted it to a MAZAR forcefully. This year in the 1st week of July, Muslims started construction work to build a Masjid (mosque) on that spot. Local Hindus objected to it very peacefully and asked them whether they have obtained any proper permission either from local administration or market committee. The Muslims could not show any. So, the Hindus requested them to stop the unauthorized construction work and obtain proper permission.
Muslims left the place only to reappear in bigger number a few hours later at 11 a.m. About 1500 in number they first attacked the/a nearby Kali Temple and a Hari Mancha. They snatched all the idols of the Kali Temple outside the temple and demolished/destroyed the idols by kicking. Then they broke top portion of the Hari Mancha.
Then the Muslims started looting and destroying the shops of the Hindus in that market and mercilessly beating the Hindu shop owners who tried to resist the massacres. Earlier Hindus informed the police about the development. A small contingent of police came there to maintain peace. 2 policemen were also beaten up by the Muslims. Hindus arranged for their primary treatment.
Hindu shop owner Basudeb Pradhan became severely injured. He got head injury and treated in Contai Darua govt. hospital. Police when taking him to hospital by an ambulance, that too was chased and attacked by the Muslims. Police left the ambulance unfended. So Hindus could not dare to take the other injured persons to hospital as the road to hospital passes through Muslim villages. The other injured persons are Sadhan Pradhan, Biswajit Barik, Atal Manna, Pravat Barik, Biswajit Mandal, Ramshankar Pradhan, Anukul Shasmal, Pranab Das and others. The Hindus whose shops were destroyed and looted are Basudeb Pradhan, Phanibhusan Kamelia, Anup Porua, Atal Manna, Anukul Shasmal, etc.
The attackers were : Seikh Gaffar Ali, vill. – Paschim Sarberia; Lutfar Ali- vill--Hinchageria, Aminul Khan- vill--Purba Sarberia (also secretary of market committee); Anwar Ali- vill- Hinchageria, Saber Ali, Rahaman Ali, Fajlu Ali, Raju Ali, Tasiruddin Ali, all vill- Paschim Sarberia; Kalu Seikh, Budha Khan, Kalu Khan, Metu Khan- all vill-- Sultanpur, Jahangir Ali and Bablu Ali- vill- Barogeria, Nurul Islam, vill—Narayandari and others.
After being severely tortured and looted, Hindus could not go to the police station to lodge their complain because the road goes through Muslim villages. Hindus lodged a complain by registered post only.
In this predominantly Hindu majority district of Medinipur, Muslims successfully resisted the entry of renowned writer Taslima Nasreen to Medinipur town where she was invited to attend a literary program. Receiving threatening from the Muslims of Medinipur, District Magistrate served a notice to Smt Nasreen not to enter Medinipur town because he is unable to give her protection.
- Assam's problem of foreign infiltration The Hindu immigrants generally gave their birth place correctly; but among the Muslims almost everyone gave his birth place as Assam. Those incorrect statements have reached such serious proportions that it is no longer possible for me to make any reliable conclusion from migration data and therefore the conclusions regarding Muslim.
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Demographic Changes in Bengal - Genocide of Hindus and Another Partition
Apr 15 2009 | Views 1267 | Comments (38)
Tags: west bengal bangladesh bengal hindu bangladeshi infiltration jihad
1951 – Bengal population – 66743 (in 000s) (West Bengal and Bangladesh)Hindu – 43% - 28701
Muslim – 37052 – 55.51%
2001 – Bengal Population – 204027 (in 000s) (West Bengal and Bangladesh)
Hindu – 69484 – 34.56%
Muslim – 64.36%
This is the state of Bengal. The demography of the Bengal region of South Asia is drastically changing. In 5 decades, the Hindu population has come down from 43% to 34.56%. In Bangladesh, the Hindu community has dwindled from 22% in 1951 to 9.2 % in 2001. If all these Hindus had come to India, then we would expect an increase in the proportion of Hindu population of West Bengal. But the opposite has occurred here. The Hindu population of West Bengal has fallen from 78.45% to 72.47%. How could this happen?
We may assume that the Hindu growth rate is very low. But even that cannot explain the fall of Hindu population in West Bengal if we assume that all the 'missing' Hindus of Bangladesh did come to West Bengal. 10% of East Bengal population is more than enough to make up for any lower growth rate among the Hindus.
Yes, the 0-6 year population data shows that Muslims do have higher fertility rates. The proportion of children (0-6 years) among the Hindu population is 12.69% while that among the Muslims is 18.7%. But can it completely account for the fall in the proportion of Hindu population in West Bengal if we add the Bangladeshi Hindu immigrants? The answer is 'NO'.
A simple calculation shows it all. The Hindu population in West Bengal was 78% in 1951 while in Bangladesh it was 22% (9239000). If we assume a conservative 22% average growth rate per decade for the entire Hindu population, it comes to 77,570,000 for the entire Bengal. But we lack about 8 million Hindus who are unaccounted for. The Bangladeshi Hindus must number around 24,970,000. They currently number around 11,379,000. If all the other Hindus had migrated to India, the Hindu population of West Bengal should have gone up by at least 11 million (assuming that 2 million could have gone to other states like Assam and Tripura). Add with it the growth of the Hindu population of West Bengal which must have reached 52,600,000. The Hindu Population in West Bengal should be around 63 – 64 millions. But it is only 58 millions. So we find that some 6 million Hindus are definitely missing. Where did they go? Please remember that this number is a very conservative estimate. The actual growth rate could have been more than 22% per decade. Therefore, the actual number of missing Hindus could be far high. This definitely portrays the silent and continuing persecution of Hindus that is going on in Bangladesh. The Hindu population of Bangladesh shows less than 2% growth in a decade (1991 – 2001). This is not possible in a South Asian country especially in a place like Bangladesh where literacy levels low. The only explanation is that the Hindus are either emigrating out of Bangladesh or they are being killed in a 'long and silent' genocide.
The comparison of Hindu and Muslim populations of Bengal during 1991 – 2001 proves that the persecution of Hindus is a continuing phenomenon in Bangladesh. The Hindu population of W. Bengal grew by 14% while that of Bangladesh grew by 1.79%. We saw that the proportion of Hindu population in 0-6 year age is 12%. Hence, the 14% growth rate of Hindu population in West Bengal appears completely internal. If so, what happened to the Hindus of Bangladesh? Their growth rate must have been at least 12% even if we consider their growth rate to be as low as that of Kerala and Tamil Nadu. Their population should have increased by 1.2 millions in terms of absolute figures. But the actual increase is 0.2 million. What happened to the rest 1 million? If they emigrated out of their homeland, why did they do so? We are not speaking about internal migration within a country. A million people have emigrated out of their nation to the neighbouring nation. That this emigration was that of a particular community and that proportionate emigration of the majority community has not occurred shows clear evidence of persecution. We saw earlier that several million Hindus must have been killed in Bangladesh. How many of them were killed in the past decade? How many of these 1 million Hindus were killed by the Muslim extremists. Even 1% of them amounts to 10,000 individuals. 1 million Hindus means about 10% of the Hindu minority population in Bangladesh – about 1 % of the country's population. If some 10 million Muslims had emigrated out of the country in a decade due to persecution, what would be the world's reaction?
Why, even in India, there will be a huge political outcry over such issue. But no such thing has happened in the case of the Bangladeshi Hindus. No huge emigration of Muslims out of Gujarat occurred after the 2002 riots. We are still 'debating' about the riots in the media. Why is it that we are not seeing any such importance attached to the Hindu genocide in our neighbourhood. Is it that our media and politicians do not consider Hindu lives to be important? Whatever happened to the United Nations or the human rights guardian of the world, the USA, who intervened in Kosovo? Either they do not know about the issue due to lack of publicity or they do not care about the 'brown-skinned' people. I fervently hope that it is the former. For if the latter exists in the 21st century, it shows a bleak future for the humanity as a whole.
Also, one of the major threats facing West Bengal is the illegal immigration of Bangladeshi Muslims into West Bengal. This phenomenon is proved by the considerable high growth rates of Muslim population in West Bengal to interior districts of India. While the difference in growth rates of Hindu and Muslim population of India shows about 50% higher growth among the Muslims, in many districts of West Bengal, it is as high as or more than 100% (Malda, Darjeeling, Bankura, Purulia, Howrah, Kolkatta and South 24 Parganas). The argument that such an increase is completely explained by lack of family planning among Muslims is utter nonsense. Family planning is not practiced by the majority Muslims throughout India. But at the national level, Muslim population grows at a rate which is 50% higher than that of the Hindu population. In Darjeeling, the Muslim population has increased by more than 1200% in the 5 decades compared to 240% for the Hindus. These numbers clearly indicate the infiltration of Bangladeshi Muslims into India.
The Bengali demography, as a whole, is changing significantly. The Hindus in the eastern part of South Asia are losing out in the population race due to high fertility among the Muslims and the various genocides orchestrated against the Hindus in Bangladesh. This is a dangerous situation for the Hindus. Not only are the Hindus losing their ground in Bangladesh but they are losing out in West Bengal as well. Already the border areas have become Muslim majority and as such, an 'extension' of Bangladesh. The Hindu minority is forced to live in constant fear in these areas. Can we be sure that the same 'pogroms' which have occurred in Bangladesh will not occur in West Bengal as well? Won't the Muslim orthodoxy 'love' to treat the Hindus of West Bengal in the same way they 'treat' the Hindus of Bangladesh?
We must remember that India was formed as a 'Hindu nation'. The Congress party which announced the country as a 'secular nation' did lobby for Junagadh as it was a Hindu majority region. Similar was the case with Hyderabad. Thus, even though we may have a 'secular' government, the character of the nation is entirely 'Hindu'. For that is how this nation was formed. Those people who call for separatism from India are basically anti-Hindu or minorities (anti-Hindu Dravidian activists of Tamil Nadu before the 1960s, NSCN supported by the Baptist Church of Nagaland, Muslim organisations of Kashmir, erstwhile Christian Mizo separatists etc). The only exception is ULFA in Assam but the ULFA has 'Assamese identity' as its character. It lost support among the Assamese once it targeted the migrant Hindus in Assam. The reason for the Assamese uprising was the rising threat of illegal Bangladeshi Muslim immigrants who are changing the demographic structure of the state.
Whether we accept it or not, the one thread that is binding this huge nation of diverse languages and culture. It is the thread running through the pearls of the necklace. The weakening of this thread is not good for the nation. I feel a second partition clouding the nation. The border districts surrounding Bangladesh are particularly vulnerable. The changing demography in these areas is creating a 'greater Bangladesh'. If this is not a threat to the country's security, I wonder what else could be.
The best way to safeguard India's interests will be to seal the Indo-Bangladesh borders. Also, ensure that family planning is made compulsory through direct and indirect interventions. The government could propose a tax on the families which give birth to more than 2 children. All necessary steps have to be taken to curtail this dangerous time-bomb. The population of West Bengal must not be seen alone. One must include the population of Bangladesh as well to determine the actual situation. There is an across the board fall in the proportion of Hindu population as it was shown earlier. That the situation is very bad for the Hindus in Bangladesh is proved by the very low decadal growth rates of the Hindu population in Bangladesh. The Indian government will do well to provide a safe haven for the Hindu refugees from Bangladesh.
We have already lost more than 5 million Bengali Hindu lives at the hands of Islamic fundamentalism and intolerance. If we do not wake up and take care of our brothers and sisters, we will be unfit call ourselves 'humans' any longer.
http://ravilochanan.sulekha.com/blog/post/2009/04/demographic-changes-in-bengal-genocide-of-hindus.htm -
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Wednesday, October 07, 2009 
Close this window Nation This is not Mr Advani speaking Arun Shourie As early as in 1996, the present Governor of Uttar Pradesh, T V Rajeswar had forecast the rise of a ''third Islamic State'' in the sub-continent. Bangladeshi Muslim immigrants into parts of Assam and North Bengal, he wrote, pose a grave danger to national as well as regional security What if I had forecast 'the third Islamic State in the sub-continent'? What if I had drawn attention of the rulers to the long-standing design to create a Greater, Islamic Bangladesh — by annexing Assam, the bordering districts of West Bengal, and parts of Bihar, and to the fact that through illegal infiltration the design was well on the way to being realised? What if I had gone on to stress that the way this influx had already converted vast, contiguous tracts into Muslim, specifically Bangladeshi Muslim dominated areas, the prospect had already arisen that a third Islamic State may be carved in the sub-continent out of India?
What if I had recalled what the then Muslim League Premier of Bengal, Nazimuddin had told the Governor of the province, R G Casey — Casey had set it out for the Viceroy, Lord Wavell:
''Nazimuddin tells me that they calculated that the combined area would give them a majority of 58% of Muslims in place of 51% if only all Bengal and all Assam were to be included. He tells me that the Muslims bred faster than the Hindus and that 58% would reach 60% and more within a relatively few years. He went on to say that they believed that once this North Eastern Pakistan was established, there would be no one more keen about it than the Hindus within its borders and that he believed it possible that the Burdwan Division might come into North Eastern Pakistan in due course.''
What if I had gone on to cite Kissinger's dire warning — should that be ''wish''?
''The inevitable emergence of Bangladesh — which we postulated — presented India with fierce long-term problems. For Bangladesh was in effect East Bengal, separated only by religion from India's most fractious and most separatist state, West Bengal. They share language, tradition, culture, and, above all, a volatile national character. Whether it turned nationalist or radical, Bangladesh would over time accentuate India's centrifugal tendencies. It might set a precedent for the creation of other Moslem States, carved this time out of India. Once it was independent, its Moslem heritage might eventually lead to a rapprochement with Pakistan.''
What if I had recalled this, and then in the following words urged the people and the Government to wake up to what had already come to pass:
''Muslims in India accounted for 9.9 per cent (of India's population) in 1951, 10.8 per cent in 1971 and 11.3 per cent in 1981, and presumably about 12.1 per cent in 1991. The present population ratio of Muslims is calculated to be 28 per cent in Assam and 25 per cent in West Bengal. In 1991 the Muslim population in the border districts of West Bengal accounted for 56 per cent in South and North Parganas, 48 per cent in Nadia, 52 per cent in Murshidabad, 54 per cent in Malda and about 60 per cent in Islampur sub-division of West Dinajpur. A study of the border belt of West Bengal yields some telling statistics: 20-40 per cent villages in the border districts are said to be predominantly Muslim. There are indications that the concentration of the minority community, including the Bangladesh immigrants, in the villages has resulted in the majority community moving to urban centres. Several towns in the border districts are now predominantly inhabited by the majority community but surrounded by villages mostly dominated by the minority community. Lin Piao's theory of occupying the villages before overwhelming the cities comes to mind, though the context is different. However, the basic factor of security threat in both the cases is the same.
''...Figures have been given showing the concentration of Muslim population in the districts of West Bengal bordering Bangladesh starting from 24 Parganas and going up to Islampur of West Dinajpur district and their population being well over 50 per cent of the population. The Kishanganj district (of Bihar) which was part of Purnea district earlier, which is contiguous to the West Bengal area, also has a majority of Muslim population. The total population of the districts of South and North 24 Parganas, Murshidabad, Nadia, Malda and West Dinajpur adds up to 27,337,362. If we add the population of Kishanganj district of Bihar of 986,672, the total comes to 28,324,034. (All figures are based on the 1991 Census.) This mass of land with a population of nearly 2.8 crores has a Muslim majority. The total population of West Bengal in 1991 was 67.9 million and of these, 28.32 million are concentrated in the border districts, with about 16-17 million population of minority community being concentrated in this area. This crucial tract of land in West Bengal and Bihar, lying along the Ganges/Hughly and west Bangladesh with a population of over 28 million, with Muslims constituting a majority, should give cause for anxiety for any thinking Indian.''
And what if, from these figures, I had advanced two warnings. First,
''There is a distinct danger of another Muslim country, speaking predominantly Bengali, emerging in the eastern part of India in the future, at a time when India might find itself weakened politically and militarily.''
And second that the danger is as grave even if that third Islamic State does not get carved out in the sub-continent into a full-fledged country? What if I had put that danger as follows?
''Let us look at the map of Eastern India — starting from the North 24 Parganas district, proceeding through Nadia, Murshidabad, Malda and West Dinajpur before entering the narrow neck of land lying through Raiganj and Dalkola of Islampur sub-division before passing through the Kishanganj district of East Bihar to enter Siliguri. Proceed further and take a look at the north Bengal districts of Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri and Cooch Behar before entering Assam, and its districts of Dhubri, Goalpara, Bongaigaon, Kokrajhar and Barpeta. A more sensitive region in Asia is difficult to locate...''
If I had written all this, what would that have made these dire forecasts? Communal? Fascist?
But all this is what the former head of the Intelligence Bureau, the new Governor of Uttar Pradesh, T V Rajeswar wrote in a series of articles in The Hindustan Times in early 1996.
Does the fact that you now know that he, and not I, to say nothing of Mr Advani, wrote all that make the warnings ring true? Or do you conclude that because he wrote in this refrain, T V Rajeswar is a closet communalist and should not be allowed to continue as Governor of Uttar Pradesh?
Should he too be dismissed from his post of Governor because, as will be clear from the expressions he used in these articles, his ''ideology'' is not compatible with the ''ideology'' that the new Government and its props profess?
In fact, Rajeswar had gone public with these warnings for good reason. For three of them, actually. First, the entire Northeast, much of Bengal and Bihar are indeed being inundated by this demographic aggression. Second, as Rajeswar documented, apart from everything else this swamping constitutes a grave threat to national security. Third, he had been trying in vain to awaken successive Prime Ministers and Home Ministers to the menace. To no avail.
He told me that after he had assumed office as Governor of West Bengal in March 1989, he had gone into the continuing demographic invasion from Bangladesh in great detail and found that the problem was far more serious than he had perceived earlier. He had written to the President, the Prime Minister and the Home Minister regularly during his stay in Kolkata on this danger. In his very first monthly report for March, 1989 sent to the President on April 6, with copies to the Prime Minister and the Home Minister, he had referred to the problem of Bangladesh immigrants. In his report for the month of May 1989 he had referred to this matter in greater detail — as by now he had visited the North Bengal districts of Cooch Behar, Jalpaiguri, Darjeeling and West Dinajpur. He also wrote a detailed letter to Chief Minister Jyoti Basu on June 5, 1989 suggesting that a census should be held in all the districts of West Bengal to assess and identify Bangladeshi immigrants. He had urged that once the census had been conducted identity cards should be issued to those residing in the border districts of West Bengal.
After the Janata Dal Government assumed office at the Centre, he wrote in January 1990 to Shri I K Gujral, Minister for External Affairs, with copies to the Prime Minister and the Home Minister. He suggested that a detailed study be carried out by a committee consisting of senior officers from the ministries of External Affairs and Home, as well as from the State Governments of West Bengal and Bihar. He said that this should be followed by a thorough census, that this should be conducted along with the national census of 1991. There was no response from any of them till he left Kolkata on February 6, 1990.
All these reports of T V Rajeswar will be available to the new Home Minister, Shivraj Patil — and presumably they will carry credibility with him. After all, they embody study and reflection, they embody the dire warnings of one whom Patil himself must have a hand in picking up for ''ideological compatibility''.
Another question also springs forth. Intelligence agencies have documented in diligent detail what is happening in the state over which Rajeswar now presides — Uttar Pradesh. They have documented how Islamic extremists have established a series of modules in West UP. They have documented the mushrooming of madrasas along the border of UP with Nepal, and they have elaborated at length the threat this spells for the country. Will T V Rajeswar, ever alert to the security needs of the country, and now Governor of the very state in which this peril is swelling by the month, will he now study this menace also, and awaken the new Government to it?
Those persons of undivided India who migrated to Assam or to any other part of India before July 19, 1948 were deemed to be Indian citizens. From July 19, 1948 up to the enactment of the Constitution of India on November 26, 1949, all migrants were granted Indian citizenship on application after six months residence in India. For the rest, Parliament had enacted the Citizenship Act making elaborate provisions for acquisition and termination of Indian Citizenship.
In spite of these legal provisions, a steady flow of migrants from East Bengal to Assam continued unabated. So, with a view to stopping illegal infiltration, Parliament enacted on December 24, 1949 "The Immigrants (Expulsion from Assam) Act, 1950. In the statement of objects and reasons of the Bill it was said that the stay of such persons or class of persons in Assam is detrimental to the interests of the general public of India or of any section thereof...."
The tribal people of Assam have been the major victims from the migration of infiltrators from East Bengal. Close on the heel of the Bill being passed by Parliament, Pakistan started complaining whereupon discussions followed between Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India and Liaquat Ali Khan, Prime Minister of Pakistan. On April 6, 1950 Nehru-Liaquat Pact was signed which provided for the return of the East Pakistan Muslims. This was taken advantage of in full measure by the East Pakistani Muslims who had earlier been pushed back from Assam. The whole purpose of the 1950 Act was defeated. Furtermore, the National Register of Citizens prepared in 1951 taking resort to the cover afforded by the Nehru-Liaquat Pact included as good citizens those of the East Pakistani Muslims whom the Act of 1950 described as foreign infiltrators and directed their expulsion but could not be expelled due to the Nehru-Liaquat Pact. Nehru became a party to this Pact mainly for two reasons:- (i) He wanted to show India was so secular that the Muslim and other religious minorities preferred India to their countries of origin ostensibly created on the basis of religion. Secondly, the Congress party of which Nehru was the Parliamentary leader had in the meantime struck an understanding with the Muslim religious leaders that the Muslim community would be a solid and stable vote bank for the Congress party.
In October, 1952 was introduced the Passport Regulations and in 1955 was enacted the Citizenship Act, 1955. Travel between India and Pakistan was restricted. Such of the Pakistani Nationals as had come over to India and had decided to forsake their Pak nationality and take Indian citizenship was given the opportunity to do so. To facilitate this, the Immigrants (Expulsion from Assam) Act, 1951 was formally withdrawn.
The 1961 Census showed a 34.97 per cent increase of Assam's population against a national average of 21.64 per cent in the decade 1951-1961. The Census of 1961 estimated that not less than 7,50,000 East Pakistani Muslims infiltrated into Assam within the decade of 1951-1961. In 1965, the Prime Minister of India made a statement on the floor of the Lok Sabha to this effect on the basis of the reports of the Indian Intelligence Service. Late B.P. Chaliha, the then Chief Minister of Assam, however, estimated the influx at 3.50 lakh only. However, 10 tribunals were set up to hear the appeals the confirmed infiltrators. Thereafter in the year 1967, 1968 and 1969, 1.29 lakh infiltrators were expelled/deported from Assam. Thereupon, 33 Congress Legislators belonging to the Muslim Community led by Moinul Haque Choudhury, Dev Kanta Barooah and Sarat Chandra Sinha demonstrated against the Chief Minister and said that if all expulsions of the alleged Muslim infiltrators be not stopped forthwith the Muslim block of Congress vote bank would be lost for ever.
The liberation struggle of East Pakistan and formation of Bangladesh state resulted in increased infiltration of Muslims from that region to Assam. Shekh Mujibur Rahman openly said that Assam was the natural field for expansion of Bangladesh. During the period from March 25, 1971 and December 12, 1971 it is on record that more than 12 lakh people came over to Assam from East Pakistan and took shelter here with their relations, friends and acquaintances who had come over earlier. Most of them did not return.
The Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of India vide Memo. No. 11/160/72-TX dated September 30, 1972 informed the Government of Assam that Indira Gandhi, Prime Minister of India, had arrived at an understanding with the Prime Minister of Bangladesh Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to the effect that such of the persons as had come over to India from erstwhile East Pakistan before March 25, 1971 shall not be deported. In the case of persons who had illegally entered India after March 25, 1971 the State government should prepare list and should forward the same to the Branch secretariat, External Affairs Ministry, Government of India at Calcutta in duplicate which would submit a list to the Deputy High Commissioner, Bangladesh at Calcutta to lease with him for their deportation. But no such deportation took place. In substance this amounted to the proposition that Articles 5 and 6 of the Constitution of India would have no relevance with regard to such infiltrators. Such Bangladeshi infiltrators to Assam became thus well-protected.
Even in the case of infiltrators coming over to Assam after March 25, 1971 the Government of Bangladesh hold the right to determine and say whether or not such persons are their citizens. The process of the indigenous majority being relegated to the position of minority as practised in Tripura and Sikkim is being repeated in Assam. Failure to appreciate the problem of foreign infiltration to Assam may lead to dire consequences of dismembering Assam from the Indian Union and its incorporation in Bangladesh which has now become an Islamic State. In the alternative, there lurks the danger of creation of a separate "independent" North-Eastern State as was envisaged by the "Corpland Plan". Statistical Abstract India, 1972 published by the Government of India has shown the Decennial growth of population of North-East region of India which is a danger signal.
It shows that the growth for India as a whole was 5.73 per cent in the decade of 1901 to 1911. By the decade of 1961 to 1971 it has gone up to 24.57 per cent. As against this, the growth in Assam has been from 16.84 per cent to 34.71 per cent. The growth in Manipur has been from 21.71 per cent to 37.53 per cent. The growth in Meghalaya has been from 15.71 per cent to 31.50 per cent. In Nagaland from 46.76 per cent in 1901-1911 it went down to 14.07 per cent in 1951-1961 and it went up to 39.85 per cent in the decade of 1961 to 1971. Nagaland figures are not very reliable due to the disturbed condition and absence of well-settled administration there. Moreover, Nagaland has not been experiencing the Bangladesh infiltration as acutely as Assam. In Tripura from the growth position of 32.48 per cent in the decade of 1901-1911 it shot up to 78.71 per cent in the decade of 1951-1961. In Tripura the saturation point was reached in the matter of immigration even before independence of the country and the indigenous Tripuri people became a minority and the Bengali migrants became the dominant and dominating factor. This led to violent resistance from the Tripura tribals and it is still continuing.
There is a wrong notion in other parts of India that there is plenty of cultivable waste land in Assam and in comparison with that the total population of the province and density of population per square mile is small. Yes, it was so in 1931 when as per the Census held on February 26, 1931, the total area of Assam was 67,334 sq. miles, the total population was 9,247,857 and density of population was 137 per sq. mile. But at present (as per 1991 Census) the total area of Assam is 78438 sq.km. The population is 2,24,14,000 and density of population per sq. km. is 286. In plains districts like Nalbari, Kamrup and Karimganj it is 450, 460, 457 respectively per sq. km. As against this, the density per sq. km. in West Bengal is 504, Bihar 324 and U.P. 300. The pressure on agricultural land in Assam is very high. There are about three lakhs of landless people in Assam. The continuous flow of Muslim infiltrators, who are mostly cultivators is, therefore, telling upon the economy of the State.
Up till division of India on communal (religious) line that is, Bharat and Pakistan and thereby getting political independence for the country, the problem was politically simple. It was influx to Assam a part of India, of non-Assamese people from outside Assam but from within the territory of India. Overwhelming number of these immigrants was Bengali Muslims. But all the same, they were Indians. But after Independence the problem became very complicated in that henceforward unauthorised immigration became illegal foreign infiltration. Previously, it was provincial or regional problems. Now it has become a National Problem.
http://www.nenanews.com/OT%20July%207-%20July%2021,%2099/oh3.htm
Is every Bangla-speaking poor Muslim in India Bangladeshi migrant?
By Mumtaz Alam Falahi, TwoCircles.net,
New Delhi: The attitude of government agencies, both central and state, particularly police gives the answer in positive. There is no denying the fact that illegal Bangladeshi migrants have infiltrated our country over decades. But it is also a fact that lakhs of Bangla-speaking poor Muslim residents of West Bengal have become internal migrants in search of livelihood over a period of time, and can be found in various states. The pity is that these Indian citizens are also treated as illegal immigrants though they have valid election IDs or ration cards issued by West Bengal government.
So far BJP leaders have claimed that there are several crore Bangladeshi migrants in India. Now the Central Government seems to have concluded that there are two crore illegal Bangladeshi migrants. A news report in October 4 issue of Indian Express says that according to estimates sent by state governments regarding number of illegal migrants from Bangladesh living in states, their population now constitutes two percent of India's total population. It is an open understanding among governments and politicians that by Bangladeshi infiltrators they mean only Bangla-speaking Muslim migrants. The question is: if the government has enlisted Bangla-speaking Muslim residents of West Bengal also as Bangladeshi migrants. The attitude of government agencies towards these people again gives the answer in positive.
Like in other parts of the country, Bangla-speaking poor Muslim residents of West Bengal are in thousands in Delhi. Hardly a day passes when they do not face harassment – that ends up in extortion -- at the hands of law enforcing agencies. A petty crime or terror blasts and police pounce on their clusters thinking them as 'natural' perpetrators.
Prakash Vihar is a jhuggi-jhopri colony in New Delhi's Rohini area. The colony has about 200 poor Muslim families from West Bengal. Their only source of income is rag picking. Almost all of them have valid proofs of their being Indian citizen – some possessing election IDs or ration cards from West Bengal while others have similar documents from Delhi. Yet they are vulnerable to khaki terror and are living at the mercy of the police. They are frequented with police raids; some young men are picked branding them as Bangladeshis and released only after their family coughs up money.
With Commonwealth Games in Delhi round the corner they are facing another round of police torture and harassment. A couple of weeks ago a police team pounded on them threatening to push them out to make the city 'clean' before the Games. While the area is not on the map of Games venues they are being harassed.
Hazrat Khan is living in the colony for seven years. He has election ID both from West Bengal and Delhi. Hailing from Birbhum district in West Bengal Khan earns from rag picking. "Though I have valid proofs of being Indian citizen police brand me Bangladeshi and harass me," Khan tells TwoCircles.net. He lives here with wife and children while other members of his family – mother, sister, brother, uncle and others – are in Birbhum. Before this colony he lived in Amar colony area in the city. He came to Delhi 19 years ago.
Kanchan Khan, a man in mid-twenties, is also from Birbhum. He is living here with his family for seven years. He too is a rag picker.
Some of the residents of this colony are from Murshidabad. This is Jamruddin Khan. He left Murshidabad in West Bengal 15 years ago and first settled down near Yamuna River in east Delhi. He has been living in Prakash Vihar for seven years. He is also a rag picker. In support of his being Indian citizen he shows a ration card issued from West Bengal government.
Why do police ignore their valid proofs of citizenship and brand them as Bangladeshi? "Because they are poor and followers of Islam" says Pramod Kumar, general secretary of Green Flag Waste Workers' Union. Kumar lives near the locality and has been working for welfare of these residents. He says Bangla-speaking Hindu residents of West Bengal are not treated as such.
Faisal Khan of National Alliance of People's Movement, who is working with Pramod, is planning to organize a protest by Bangla-speaking people possessing valid proofs of citizenship before the Delhi police headquarters or National Human Rights Commission. On the fact that police reject their election IDs as fake, Khan said it is on the authorities to prove their allegation. It is easy for election commission to check genuineness of an election ID, Khan said.
The residents of the locality have a makeshift mosque in the middle of the colony. Faiz Ahmed, Imam of the mosque, says these residents hail from West Bengal. Police harass them as they do not catch big people and make money from them. Ahmed, himself from Uttar Dinajpur in West Bengal, has been rendering his services as Imam in the mosque for the last 10 months. Earlier he lived in Rajasthan.
Posts
Indian Citizen shud not be harrased
So gopi, u agree that Indian citizens should not be targeted just because they happen to share religion with few of illegal Bangladeshi.
Indian Citizen shud not be harrased
So gopi, u agree that Indian citizens should not be targeted just because they happen to share religion with few of illegal Bangladeshi.
anonymous/harassment
Anybody or group or association that is suspected of terrorism should be arrested, explored, and if found a "mistake", release immediately, and if there is a real connection , proscute vigorously and put in jail for life.
Boomerang
Its really unfair on part of the government and these corrupt authorities to harass people only because they are Muslims. All this moves by the government in the name of development and national security is going to boomerang negatively if not stopped.
Fake Ids
Article assumes that the IDs that the people acquired are all valid ones. There were many reports of illegal racketing in making of the Ids. Don't you think the rackets involved in sending illegal immigrants across the border will not make fake Ids to help settle the immigrants. The article also assumes there is no corruption involved in making of the Ids. All in all it is a biased article. Heck, these rackets exist even in the most advanced countries like USA where the illegal mexicans mostly use fake driving license.
sanatgood@yahoo.com
Illegal immigration from BEngla Desh is a mortal threat to india. There are almost 2 crore illegals (almost 2/3 of kerala)!
Politicians gloss over this. Liberals will say "now they are here, whartt acn we do"...
This base of people becomes an easy breeding ground of terrorism, agents of foreign spies and agencies like ISI.
It is high time our political eladers acre about the security of the country
what abt illegal Sri Lankan Tamils and Nepali??????
Mr. Gopi, how do u distinguish between a Bangla speaking person from West Bengal and a Bangldeshi?
There are thousands of Nepali and Sri Lankan Tamils in India. Involved in all sorts of activities including terror, spying for other country. Do u hv some advise for them?
By the way one Nepali is also MP of our country and sitting in Parliament, Moni Kumar Subba. Does this bother u? There r many Nepali who are indulging in spying for China.
But these things will not bother u coz they are not your target group.
Anonymous/Srilanka
All illegals should be sent back, including from Nepal and Sri Lanka, except who were officially provided political asylum.
It is a big issue if these illegals can contest election. Obviously, because of our political parties involvement, all of these illegals get the appropriate ID cards.
http://twocircles.net/2009oct06/every_bangla_speaking_poor_muslim_india_bangladeshi_migrant.html
India's melting and fermenting borders and strategic ocean boundaries
Political history and destiny of a nation is determined by its geophysical borders as well geopolitical and geostrategic borders. India's political and cultural borders, from ancient times, waxed and waned with the might of arms and foresight of its dynastic rulers. Later traditions had put Hindukush (massacre of the Hindus) as the western border that ran down to present Balochistan and to the Arabian Sea. This border was violated by various invaders till the British Empire succeeded in drawing the temporary Durand Line demarcating British India and Afghanistan. That part of the border between Pakistan, Afghanistan and Iran has become fluid by the impact of Taliban movement, Pakhtunkhwa and independent Balochistan movements. Pakistan's political geography had changed once in 1971. Future borders of Pakistan are in the anvil of history in making. In case Pakistan collapses under homegrown and global Islamicist jihadist thrust both Balochistan and Pakhtun areas may declare independence or incline towards Afghanistan and Iran respectively. Sind has the propensity to incline towards India. Therefore, in this sector of India's western borders future developments may bring in more changes. History may prove that boundaries drawn in 1947 were not destined to be permanent.
India's present political boundary is not its natural geophysical boundary and its geostrategic boundary may be redefined with India accruing strength to emerge as a global power. Indian's are attuned to the idea of a country having borders with China, Bhutan, Nepal, Myanmar, Bangladesh and Pakistan. Very few are aware that our borders are demarcated and mutually accepted with Bangladesh (touching Mizoram, Assam, Meghalaya and West Bengal), Bhutan, Myanmar and Nepal. For geophysical purpose these borders are internationally honored but in practice, these are melting borders. Illegal border crossing from Bangladesh and Nepal are rampant and India has no reliable statistics of Bangladeshi and Nepalese nationals staying in the country, almost all over the length and breadth of the nation with concentrations in Assam, West Bengal, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Delhi. Unofficial estimate indicate that at any given point of time there are nearly 7 to 8 million Bangladeshi nationals illegally staying in India in connivance with political parties and local influential Muslims. In Delhi NCR region there are about 7 lakh Bangladeshi nationals. Out of ten household helping hands 5 depend on Bangladeshi nationals who adopt false Hindu names. These people assume Hindu name and work in middle class homes for pittance and in the general service sector say rickshaw puller, fish and vegetable vendors etc out of ten minimum 3 are Bangladeshi males. Even in a prosperous state like Punjab out of 100 agricultural labour 30 are Bangladeshi nationals.
Most Indians are unaware that the tiny state of Mizoram (in the finger like projection into Myanmar) out of a million people nearly 80,000 is migrants of Chin origin from the Sagaing Division of Myanmar. They flee Myanmar due to economic distress and uncertain law and order situation. Such ethnic migration in Manipur and Mizoram are common. Though tension often breaks out between the Mizos and the Chins the two have started living together separately. This is a very fluid border of India. The gradual growth of a still non-violent movement for a homeland for Chin origin people, ZORAM, with territories from India and Myanmar may cause serious concern in near future.
Nepali nationals are not even treated as foreigners. Most of them try to pass on as West Bengal Nepali, Uttarakhand dwellers and having drifted in from Manipur and Assam. In the general service sector Indian average is about 10 "Gorkhas" out of 40 in security duties, 3 out of 10 in domestic sectors and 3 out of 10 in miscellaneous sectors. It is difficult to assess the floating Nepalese population in India. A rough estimate is that about 1 million Nepalese nationals live in India at any given point of time. There is an advantage with this population. Some of them return to Nepal after amassing some wealth, but the incoming flow is incessant and unstoppable. The danger with Bangladeshi population is that they stay put permanently and more and more are added. Therefore, political borders with Bangladesh and Nepal are melting in nature. The "Line" is there only to be violated. Indian system has not developed to check the real number of Indians in India and "fake Indians" staying on and new flows being added. This silent demographic change adds to security implications and gives rise to newer political realities that pose threat to national unity. We would comment on security implication of this in later paragraphs.
Indian minds are periodically stirred by media reports about frequent border violation by China from land and air. As is the wont of Indian people "TV patriotism" is the only symptom of patriotic fervor left outside the organised forces; they do not emotionally feel about the national borders and its sanctity. The vast majority, outside the informed section, try to realize that India's Northern and Northwestern borders are volcanic in nature. A few media reports followed by Governmental sop agitate and opiate public minds, which are marginally alert. The vast majority are not even bothered. Televisions can titillate patriotic feeling. But patriotic perception and realistic understanding basically come through early school education and upbringing as adolescents and youths. Our system has failed in this vital sector.
India's China border with the entire Arunachal Pradesh (McMahon Line) is not accepted by China. It opposes even when the Indian President visits the state, Dalai Lama is allowed to visit Tawang and when the Asian Development Bank offers loans to Arunachal. Even friendly countries like Japan and South Korea supported China's objection in the last ADB meeting. In average every year this sector of the border is violated by China nearly 85 times. Chinese troops enter into the Arunachal borders and camp for a few days before returning. Indian authorities mostly come to know from local villagers. Rarely Indian troops visit the LAC and patrol the disputed areas. The IB and RAW border posts often detect such violations.
The entire northern border between Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh and Ladakh (Northern Area of Pakistan and Kashmir area ceded by Pakistan to China excluded) with China are shown in "red" meaning "disputed." In this sector average yearly border violation by China is around 75. Since India is not in a position to bring up with Pakistan the question of restoration of entire territory of Jammu & Kashmir as demarcated in the Instrument of Accession by Maharaja Hari Singh, we would exclude that part from our present discussions.
Therefore, these borders are volcanic in nature. In international geostrategic game plan these borders may become live issues for war between India, Pakistan and China. In such a war China would obviously side with Pakistan and vice versa. Mere diplomacy cannot cool a volcano but may temporarily spread a dust cover to pass time and hope for the best. In international relationship hope is the wiliest dame. She ditches every time one hopes and prays for the best. Conscious Indians have to bear the Think Tank's meaningless word-spinning and government's helpless trust that diplomacy alone can bury the history. Diplomacy has never solved, anywhere in the world, alive and burring border problems. Mostly these are settled and unsettled by wars. The border disputes have been discussed with China several times, every meeting ending with bitterness. Pity India would be ready for wars in near future to force China to accept India's perception of its geopolitical borders.
If this disturbing picture of India's international boundary does not disturb the readers let us have a look at an international map, where so-called disputed areas are marked red as disputed borders between India, China and Pakistan. Except China's border with Bhutan, Indian state of Sikkim and Nepal the rest of the border is claimed to be disputed by China.
INDIA-CHINA-PAKISTAN BORDER MARKED IN RED
Amidst media reports about frequent Chinese incursions into Indian claimed territory, the government played it cool by reiterating that present instances of border violation had not exceeded figures of earlier incursions. They have not denied the facts of incursions.
Pakistan has taken moves for legislating new administrative provisions for the Northern Area (Gilgit-Skardu) possibly allowing a puppet assembly and some fringe civil powers which were being controlled by Islamabad. India has lodged another protest as officially the entire Jammu & Kashmir had acceded to India. Pakistan, on the other hand, has resumed ceasefire violation along the LoC and even in demarcated borders with Jammu region. Despite Ceasefire Agreement the LoC itself has become volatile. If some Pakistani reports are correct the jihadi tanzeems like LeT and Taliban have started aiming rockets at Indian villages in Punjab.
Strategic thinkers, who do not subscribe to Chinese lobby, have started drawing a picture that depicts China's strategic efforts to "encircle" India from all possible sides. Besides building modern roads along Indo-Tibet borders, new Chinese Air Force formations have been stationed at such locations from where India can be easily targeted. Nuclear capable missile bases have been set up in Tibet region for the first time. We propose to touch upon the probable and feasible strategic gridlocks between India-China-Pakistan in later paragraphs. I put China and Pakistan together whenever India's strategic concerns are involved. Pakistan issue cannot be solved minus China issue and vice versa. China and Pakistan are umbilical strategic allies-proved better by recent revelation by A. Q. Khan's damning letter to his wife disclosing the nexus between Pakistan and China.
However, the media and the people need not panic. Indian policy makers are alive of the situation and they are using all possible measures to contain China on the unresolved border issue.
China had always maintained a large military presence in Tibet. Reports say it moved in 20,000 troops from the 3rd Army Corps in Chengdu and the 13th Army in Lanzhou by early 1987, along with heavy artillery and helicopters. Around April 1987 it had moved 8 divisions to eastern Tibet as a threatening posture. India reciprocated with Operation Falcon in late 1986, and continued through early 1987 under Exercise Chequerboard. This massive air-land exercise involved 10 Divisions of the Indian Army and several squadrons of the IAF. The Indian Army moved 3 divisions to positions around Wangdung, where they were supplied solely by air. These reinforcements were over and above the 50,000 troops already present across Arunachal Pradesh. The backup troop positioning has taken place in 2008-2009 and existing airbases have been upgraded to accommodate most advanced Sukhoi and other aircraft. Missile batteries capable of hitting southern China and eastern Tibet are also in position. Since 1986 India China border has not witnessed any major exchange of firing.
An Agreement on the Maintenance of Peace and Tranquility along the Line of Actual Control in the India-China Border Areas was signed on 7 September 1993. New Delhi and Beijing initiated in February 1994 to foster "confidence-building measures" between the defense forces. During President Jiang Zemin's visit to India in November 1996, the Governments of China and India signed the Agreement on Confidence Building Measures in the Military Field along the Line of Actual Control in the China-India Border Areas, which is an important step for the building of mutual trust between the two countries. These agreements are not inviolable. But in international relations such agreements have some kind of legal values. India would continue to use diplomatic tools to defer armed conflict, even of limited duration.
Though lot had been done during the Sino-Indian official border talks, with number of border related CBMs put in place, the border issue remains mired in various bilateral and domestic compulsions and contradictions on both sides. Border 'bickering' between India and China are not rare, and arise from the very real disagreements that exist between the two sides in demarcating the LAC on the ground. Such incidents have usually been handled, not in full media glare, but by the two sides discreetly withdrawing to their earlier positions.
During the Indian Prime Minister's visit to China in June 2003 the two countries signed a Memorandum on Expanding Border Trade, which adds Nathula as another pass on the India-China border for conducting border trade. During Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao's visit to India in April 2005, the two sides signed an agreement on political settlement of the boundary issue, setting guidelines and principles. In the agreement, China and India affirmed their readiness to seek a fair, reasonable and mutually acceptable solution to the boundary issue through equal and friendly negotiations. Since then several rounds of border talks have taken place. Reports of a few violations, intentional or accidental, therefore, require deep attention of the government; there is no need for media outcry.
Indians are required to take cognizance of the live border issue with China and live with reports of occasional transgression as the entire border is not demarcated and both China and India have different perceptions on the issue. Perceptions can be fought over the battleground, provided a nation is ready to go to war on such vexed and chronic issues. In terms of near-future history diplomacy and geostrategic moves and international power-play are the best weapons. As long as the government of India and custodians of the Establishment are aware of the threats and the degree of own and enemy's progress in military preparedness there is no need for hysteric war cry. But the media has a role to play as conscience keeper of the people. In my view neither India nor China is ready to fight any war in near future. No such war can be conclusive. China, according to international observers, may create diversionary strategic moves on Indian borders to divert world attention from its increased military activities in Uyghur Autonomous Region, Tibet and Golmund and Quinghai regions. In recent months massive military movements have taken place to these areas and China suspects that India, in collaboration with the USA, may generate more unrest in the troubled regions of its western territories. India has taken cognizance of such strategic moves and has started beefing up army and air defences in the regions.
However, India has to remain prepared for facing the ultimate truth of history. No unresolved issue should be kept hanging for centuries. Vagueness in history often leads to national belligerence and devastating wars. Is India getting ready for that eventuality? We would examine while discussing the comparative combat resources of China and India as well as that of Pakistan. As commented earlier, China and Pakistan are required to be studied as a possible Joint Command against India.
According to Department of Defense reports of the USA for 2006, China's military expenditure was estimated to be 80 billion US dollars. The actual Chinese military capabilities and budget are hedged under camouflaged heads of expenditure and the world is kept on the tenterhooks guessing China's real annual military expenditure. According to some estimates in 2008-09 China officially spent $ 58 billion for modernization and adding more flab to different wings of the armed forces. In fact, this could be in the region of $ 120-140 billion. India's official military expenditure for 2008-2009 was Rs. 1056 bn, $ 26.6 bn, a mere 10 % increase from the last financial year. Being a democratic country India has no way to hedge its defence budget under any other head of expenditure.
In terms of military manpower China has actual Military manpower of 667, 657, 509, Actual Personnel fit for Military service: 550, 265, 789 and Average Yearly Available Manpower are 25, 848, 582. As against this India's position under these heads are: 556, 075, 946; 429, 389, 552 and 22, 112, 329 respectively. It must be added that India is encumbered by several insurgency and terrorist action groups, some inspired by Maoist ideology and some inspired and engineered by Pakistan. Except some problem in Xinjiang, Tibet and Golmund areas China has no major internal turmoil and is not threaded by a nuclear capable unstable and failed nation like Pakistan.
China's total engagement worthy aircraft tare 2,643 with 400,000 personnel. Most of these are of old vintage and cannot stand up to India's modern fleet. India's total fleet is 849 with 1, 61,000 manpower. China's main air horses are Xian-1800; Shijiazhuong-300, Nanchag-1919; Sukhoi-162 etc. (data from PLA AF official figures). India's ageing air horses are MIG-39==74; Sukhoi 30==50; Mirage 2000==48. The MIG class aircraft are unreliable and in any event of air engagement would prove to be inferior to Chinese aircrafts. It is reported that the MIG fleet is being upgraded. China has capability to build aircrafts at faster rate and India is still struggling at the drawing boards. India requires speedy augmentation and modernization of its Air force fleet.
Indian Navy is the world's eighth largest navy with a with a fleet of 145 vessels consisting of missile-capable warships, advanced submarines, the latest naval aircrafts and an aircraft carrier in its inventory. That India is experienced both in combat and rescue operations during wartime and peace has been proved beyond doubt. In comparison, China's PLA Navy with its fleet of 284 vessels is quantitatively larger but lacks actual war experience. However, China is on way to have its first Aircraft Carrier. If stationed in the Indian Ocean India has to go for speedy addition to its Aircraft Carrier fleet. In case India can acquire 3 aircraft carriers and augment naval power at faster rate it can dominate the Indian Ocean region along with the dominant US Navy. Both in Naval and Air power India are yet to close ranks with China. Taking into consideration China's policy of encircling India and India's commitment in the Indian Ocean region the country is required to get rid of bureaucratic stranglehold and the issue should be decided between the political decision makers and the professionals of the Armed Forces. All that the corrupt Baboos (Indian government servants) can do is to facilitate the procurement procedure.
China's Major Air Deployment Map: courtesy www.software.net. Stars= New Deployments.
India is basically an Indian Ocean nation. Its geography is vulnerable from land borders as well as sea borders. The recent sea-borne attack by a Pakistani group on Mumbai on 26/11 has proved beyond doubt that despite considerable blue water capability India's coastal security is very vulnerable. Besides this India has greater stakes in the Indian Ocean region:
Countries in Indian Ocean Zone: Courtesy Map.Com
The map itself clarifies that Countries in the Arabian Sea and Red Sea are affected by Islamic Jihadi movements. Pakistan is the breeding ground of jihadi terrorism. Besides the homegrown tanzeems like Lashkar-e-Taiba, Jais-e-Mohammad, Hijbul Mujahideen, HUJI, Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, Sipah Sahaba and Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan, the al Qaeda high command is located in Pakistan on remote Afghan-Pakistan borders. Internal security of Pakistan is under threat from the jihadi tanzeems. Pakistan's ally in fight against terror, the USA, is aware of these global terrorist breeding factories in Pakistan. Washington also knows that the Afghan Talibans are in cahoots with the top leaders of Taliban movement and Pakistan is a steady source of supply of weapons to Mullah Omar and gangs. The US Congressmen have repeatedly opined that without ISI support Afghan Taliban cannot survive for long. They are also supported by Iran with whom the US has very little diplomatic leverage. The US knows that Pakistan diverts part of the dole against India; it also divers a considerable fraction to Afghan Talibanis. The policy makers in USA and the CIA are aware of these dirty games of Pakistan. However, Washington is saddled with an adulterous bed partner.
With recent revelation of A. Q. Khan that Pakistan, China, Iran and North Korea worked in tandem to proliferate nuclear technology, it becomes apparent that Islamabad enjoys special relationship with Tehran. India and Iran signed a multi-billion dollar agreement in 2005 for supply of 7.5 million tons of LNG annually for 25 years. Though the proposed Iran, Pakistan and India pipeline is yet to take shape because of India's troubled relations with Pakistan, India is helping Iran in developing a deep sea port at Chah Bahar, on the Gulf of Oman which would help Iran in establishing a forward Naval base. This is an ambitious project as compared to Chinese help to Pakistan in building naval bases at Gwadar and Pasni. The existing submarine base at Omara is also being upgraded with Chinese help.
The Red Sea countries Sudan and Eritrea have been affected by al Qaeda terrorists. In Yemen the al Qaeda has stable bases. Somalia has become a pirate's paradise. Major oil supplies from Indonesia, Malaysia, Gulf and Arab countries pass through to European and US destinations through the Gulf of Aden. Indian navy recently intervened on Somalia coast striking against the pirates. The EU US naval forces under UK command have also joined the endeavor to minimize threats of piracy. Recent US agreement with Kenya for judicial action in Kenyan territory against the Somali pirates has brightened up some prospect of justice as there is hardly any government in the trouble torn Horn of Africa.
The US Naval and airbase at Diego Garcia is not enough for global protection in the troubled region of the western flank of the India Ocean and Arabian Sea. India has added responsibility to dominate the blue waters in this region against Somali pirates, al Qaeda adventurists in Eritrea, Yemen and Sudan. Pakistan, the almost-non-state is tottering despite US and Chinese support. Any upheaval in Pakistan can tilt the balance of power in favour of the hawkish army coterie and their jihadi supporters. In that event naval threat from Pakistan may increase considerably. In addition, India has responsibilities to ensure stability in the Maldives and should dominate the region with the help of the Navy. The Laccadive Sea and the group of islands are in Indian Territory. India has binding responsibility to protect the Laccadive Seas and the group of islands. It may be recalled China has established a naval refueling facility in southern Sir Lanka. This route is used by about 50% of naval vessels and tankers plying between east and West Indian Ocean regions.
In South Asia Islamic rim the Islamicists are active in the Bay of Bengal country of Bangladesh. Jihadi thrust from Bangladesh and ISI and DGFI operations against India have been dealt in other essays in this portal. Hence we would skip this and move on to the Andaman Seas. The three Muslim dominated districts of Thailand -Pattani, Narathiwat and Yala are highly affected by Islamic terrorist groups. The unrest is on the increase and the Muslim rebels receive support from Bangladesh, Pakistan, Libya, UAE etc countries and the al Qaeda.
Numerous suspected terrorists with links to al Qaeda have been filtering in and out of Malaysia. Yazid Sufaat was recently detained by the government for al Qaeda connections. Sufaat, a Malaysian chemist and a member of Jemaah Islamiah, is a close associate of Hambali, one of the Bali bombers. He was the linchpin of al Qaeda in South East Asia and had spun the concept of Nausetara Raya, a compact Muslim Islamic republic comprising South Thailand, Malaysia, Indonesia, Singapore and the Philippines. Suffat was close to Zacarias Moussaoui, another figure implicated in the 9/11 attacks in USA. Malaysian authorities are currently on the lookout for the four tons of ammonium nitrate used to make truck bombs that Sufaat ordered in late 2000, and which has since gone missing. Along with Sufaat, Malaysian authorities have arrested dozens of suspected Jemaah Islamiah members in recent months.
Indonesia continues to be a live playfield of Islamist jihadis. Abu Bakr Basay'ir had created Jemma Islamiyah modeling it after al Qaeda. His followers were Imam Samudra, Nurjaman Isamuddin aka Hanbali etc who had carried out several bombing operations in Jakarta, Bali, Java and other places. Only recently Nurdin Top another important Jemma Islamiah and al Qaeda operative was eliminated after he carried out devastating bombings in Jakarta.
In the Philippines the Islamic and assorted terrorists have set up deep rooted bases. I have described these in details in my book Fulcrum of Evil. In short, the Philippines is home to a number of militant groups, including the Abu Sayyaf Group, the Communist Party of the Philippines/New People's Army, Jemaah Islamiyah, the Alex Boncayao Brigade, the Pentagon Gang, the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). These groups have conducted over three hundred attacks within the Philippines since 2004, the largest of which was a ferry bombing that killed 130 people. Manila was made the headquarter by al Qaeda for its Operation Bojinka (big bang) that had planned dowing of 11 US flights over the Pacific as a prelude to 9/11 attack. Fortunately Operation Bojinka of al Qaeda and Pakistani jihadis was aborted in time.
India has to take these developments seriously as its homegrown Islamicist extremism and jihad export by Pakistan has emerged as a great challenge to national security. Islamist jihad, like the Ummah, has no national boundary, fortunately the Thai government is acting tough and the Malaysian authorities are on the constant watch. Indonesia is also pursuing the Islamicists vigorously and al Qaeda is yet to set firm footing after its forward group was detected and eliminated. However, southern Philippines are still in ferment.
Besides centrality of the Islamic countries in the western and eastern rims of the Indian Ocean, on which most of the western and eastern countries including China and Japan depend it may be remembered that Indian Ocean is used by the energy consumers to carry at least 65% of oil and gas requirements. Stable naval peace in the Indian Ocean region is absolutely necessary. This cannot alone be ensured by the USA. The British Navy is leading the EU fleet in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden. Big US naval presence in the Red Sea region and in the Gulf of Oman counterbalances threats from inimical forces. But it must be remembered that Sudan, Eritrea, Somalia are more or less collapsed states. Global naval powers have greater responsibility to ensure that this part of the India Ocean do not turn into virtual minefields. In the event of Pakistan collapsing in near future the India Navy would have to undertake greater responsibilities in respect of Sind and Balochistan.
Similarly India and China are great emerging powers; both the nations are energy hungry. Both India and China are competing to woo Myanmar for its abundant gas supplies. India and Myanmar are engaged in developing Mizoram>Kaladan>Sittwe route for providing a sea opening to the north eastern states. If Sittwe agreement takes shape in next 5 years India has a plan to develop a pipeline for connecting Myanmar's gas fields to India's production centres. Sensing this China is also wooing Myanmar with military hardware for opening up a gas pipeline.
The Strait of Malacca is another area of concern. Eighty percent of China's energy needs pass through the Malacca Straits. The Chinese are weary of India's naval presence in the Andamans and visualize that in near future India might be in a position to place an aircraft carrier in this vital area of the India Ocean dominating the Straits of Malacca. The US also maintains a large presence in Singapore regions and tries to ensure that nearly 70% of oil and gas traversing the Pacific routes are not disturbed by China. Japan is equally anxious to maintain naval equilibrium in this region.
The Strait of Malacca Region
Like India has a "Gulf of Hormuz dilemma" for energy transportation from Iran, China has the "Malacca dilemma" for its own reasons. According to some scholars (Robert D. Kaplan etc), China desperately wants to integrate Taiwan to enable it to withdraw some of the vast Eastern China Sea fleet for dominating the Straits of Malacca. At present the US and Indian navy dominate the area. Keeping this in view China is engaging Thailand to open a Panama Canal like water way in the Isthmus of Kra in Thailand connecting the Andaman Seas with the Gulf of Thailand, from where oil and gas can be transported to China bypassing the "metal chain" Indian islands of Andaman and Nicobar. In case this materialize in next 30 years the energy map of the world would change vastly and the naval map of the Indian Ocean region would require further review.
Increased Chinese presence in Bangladesh, development deep ports in Chittagong areas and Myanmar and Chinese presence in Myanmar's Coco Island has been causing concern to India. Beijing are pumping in billions of dollars in arms and economic aids to a besieged Myanmar, where the junta is more inclined to lean on the eastern giant than begging from Washington. India has a great task ahead to neutralize Chinese influence on Myanmar. In this regard India is required to work with Myanmar and Malaysia which is planning to connect the ports in Bay of Bengal with those in South China by connecting to the existing pipelines and building new ones.
India alone cannot take up the challenge of dominating the entire Indian Ocean region. Though India is progressing towards building a viable naval force it would require faster growth along with deadlier and stealthier striking capability. For this purpose India, Australia, Japan and USA may think about forming an Indian Ocean Axis to ensure that China does not emerge as the unchallenged naval power in the region and threat imbalance. Just to dominate the west and eastern flanks of the Indian Ocean, keeping hawk eye on the Islamicists in the instable regions of Pakistan, Afghanistan, Yemen, Somalia, Sudan and Kenya etc on the one hand and the South East Asian Islamicists India require a vast naval force. In addition, the emerging naval power of China, its growing capability to strike deep into India and its strategic grip on Pakistan give rise to higher levels of strategic considerations for India.
While India is required to galvanize its melting borders with Bangladesh, Nepal and Pakistan, the task of solving the fermenting border issues with Pakistan and China is paramount. Scholars feel that India-China-Pakistan border issues cannot be bilaterally solved. This is an ambiguous argument. In International relations bilateralism is one of the best approaches. Strategic priorities demand that India should first address its border issues with China and demarcate the borders scientifically by overcoming the legacy of the tribulations of the British Raj. How best this can be done should be left to the policy makers and war strategists who understand better the strategic vulnerability of the country. This job should not be left to wild think tanks and the media. Nowhere in the world border were issues ever solved by media propaganda.
The wild theories of China trying to balkanize India and India trying to aid the Tibetans and the Uyghurs should be abandoned. What China is doing is diplomatic and strategic encirclement of India with a view to put pressure on India to slow down on economic growth and divert more on military expenditures. There is a lesson to learn. If China can both economically and militarily progress at a faster rate why India cannot! India cannot get away by asserting that in democracy gradual growth is built in: in autocratic nations growth can be imposed. This redundant theory need reexamination and India may now decide to embark upon the course of developing military growth as faster as the country plans to go for economic growth. The country of baniyas also require stronger military infrastructure to secure the ambience of growth. When would the government rationalize its defence procurement machineries bypassing corruption and deals and dalals? How long India would depend only on DRDO and not opt for newer dynamic organisations and mechanisms that can deliver faster results and not get bogged down for over two decades in developing a tank and a fighter system? There are many such vital issues that require immediate national attention and overhauling of the existing system beset with inefficiency and corruption. Indians have to remain sensitive towards the country's land borders as well as its expanding ocean boundaries with international responsibility.
maloykrishnadhar.com
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2.1. The uses of migration
In the demographic competition, simple procreation is not the only factor. There are cases where Muslims are in a minority and use migration to remedy their minority condition. This does not, of course, mean that all Muslims involved in such migration are conscious soldiers in a demographic offensive ("infiltrators"), but an element of planning may nonetheless be involved, or may arise in certain activist circles once the political potential of an ongoing migration process becomes apparent.
Thus, about the situation in Europe, Bat Ye'or observes: "The Islamicist movement does not conceal its intention to islamize Europe at all. Brochures sold in European Islamic centres explain goal and means, including conversion work, marriages with native women, and especially immigration. Knowing that Islam always started as a minority in the countries it conquered, these ideologues consider the implantation of Islam in Europe and the USA as a great chance for Islam."[1]
The Islamic calendar starts with a momentous migration, that of Mohammed and his followers from Mecca to Medina. The result of this immigration from the Medinese viewpoint was that the city lost its autonomy to Mohammed, who became its dictator and expelled or killed sections of its population.
A recent case of the use of demography in the interest of Islam was on the occasion of the 1994 provincial elections in the Malaysian province of Sabah: "The number of Muslim-dominated constituencies in Sabah has increased from 17 in 1990 to 24 in 1994. The [Christian-led] Parti Bersatu Sabah has accused [the ruling party] of flooding the state with Muslim immigrants from Indonesia and the Philippines. Some estimates put the number of immigrants as high as 800,000", with Sabah's original population numbering 1.5 million.[2]
The situation in India follows the same pattern: higher Muslim birth rate, and migration creating Muslim majorities in strategic places. This is most visible in the problem of illegal immigration from Bangladesh in the 1980s and 90s, the most common occasion for using the term "demographic aggression". In the case of immigration, the intentionality is undeniable but it is not necessarily or at least not exclusively motivated by Islamic concerns: Bangladesh is simply overpopulated and wants to get rid of its population surplus by all means available. Non-Muslim governments would probably pursue a similar policy in similar circumstances.
One factor which makes India the prime target of Bangladesh's demographic dumping policy, apart from its geographical contiguity, is the tough policy of other countries vis-?-vis illegal or even legal immigrants: "At the end of last year, there were still more than 100,000 illegal immigrant workers from Bangladesh in Malaysia. As of early February 1997 they are massively expelled by the Malay Government. (...) Bangladesh has some experience with such disasters: last year already, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates and Qatar expelled some 50,000 illegal Bangladeshis. (...) Three years ago, the Malaysian Government signed an agreement with the Government in Dhaka agreeing to take in 50,000 new guest workers from Bangladesh. But when more and more Bangladeshis entered the countries secretly and started to work without work permit, Malaysia canceled the agreement unilaterally."[3] Against Bangladesh's aggressive policy of encouraging its citizens to trespass against the laws of other countries by settling there without permit, most other countries defend themselves with a non-nonsense policy of cracking down on these infiltrators.
2.2. Refugees and migrants
Immigration from Bangladesh is of two types. Firstly there are members of the minority communities fleeing occasional waves of persecution or the more general sense of being second-class citizens under the Islamic dispensation.[4] Few Hindus would dispute their right to settle down in India. Secondly, there are Muslims seeking economic opportunities or sheer living space, which dirt-poor and intensely overcrowded Bangladesh cannot offer to the ever-larger numbers of newcomers on the housing and labour market.
Hindu Revivalists are glad to quote unsuspect secular sources to confirm their worst misgivings about Muslim demographic aggression from Bangladesh. A 1992 report prepared by B.B. Dutta for the North-Eastern Congress Coordination Committee meeting in Guwahati looked into both types of immigration and notes:
"Between 1971 and 1981, Bangladesh census records show a reduction of 39 lakhs in the minority population.
"Between 1981-89, 36 lakh religious minorities were missing from that country.
"In 1972, there were 7.5 lakh Bihari Muslims in the camps in Dacca. As a result of mediation by Saudi Arabia only 33,000 of them were accepted by Pakistan.[5] At present, there are less than two lakhs in the camps, where have the rest gone? (...)
"It would be interesting to note that a group of intellectuals in Dacca is seeking to legitimise the migration of Muslims into the adjoining areas of North East region by invoking the theory of lebensraum or living space. A number of Dacca dailies carried articles written on these lines by university professors. They were not at all apologetic about the infiltration. People are sought to be inspired by the hope that one day the north-eastern region will be added to Bangladesh giving it a natural boundary in place of present one which throttles Bangladesh."[6]
So, there is a large emigration of non-Muslims, but there is also a large emigration of Muslims, as exemplified by the case of the Bihari Muslims in Bangladesh, of whom the great majority, feeling unwelcome both in Bangladesh and in Pakistan, have simply returned to Bihar and adjoining areas, whence their parents had left for the promised land of (East) Pakistan in 1947. Moreover, the intentionality of the population shift from Bangladesh to India is expressed quite candidly by opinion leaders in Bangladesh.
The BJP argues that refugees from persecution and illegal economic migrants merit a different treatment, as is assumed in the arrangements for refugee relief of most countries. But secularists see it differently, for "unlike the BJP, the Congress (I) views both Hindus and Muslim from Bangladesh as infiltrators".[7] Terminology is a part of the problem here, with secularists systematically describing Hindu refugees as "migrants" if not "infiltrators", and Muslim illegal immigrants as "refugees".
2.3. An estimate of the numbers
Arun Shourie has brought the findings of the police and other Government agencies to the notice of the public. According to an Internal Note prepared by the Home Ministry, "large-scale infiltration has changed the demographic landscape of the borders", and it also affects Delhi, Maharashtra, Gujarat, etc.[8]
By 1987, the number of illegal immigrants in West Bengal alone was ca. 4.4 million, and 2 to 3 million in Assam, so that "large stretches of the border in these states are becoming predominantly inhabited by Bangladeshi Muslims. The simmering communal tension in some of the border areas is one of the manifestations of the effects of large-scale illegal migration of Bangladeshi nationals who have slowly displaced or dispossessed the local population, particularly those belonging to the Hindu community".[9] Moreover: "In the metropolitan cities of Delhi and Bombay not less than 4 to 5 lakh Bangladeshi Muslims have been residing".[10]
The Hindu population in East Bengal had declined from 33% in 1901 to 28% in 1941. It fell to 22% by 1951 due to the Partition and the post-Partition exodus, and to 18.5% in 1961. By 1971, it had fallen to 13.5%, partly due to the 1971 massacre by the Pakistani Army, partly due to intermittent waves of emigration. The 1981 figure was 12.1%. In 1989 and 1990, due to "large-scale destruction, desecration and damage inflicted on Hindu temples and religious institutions"[11], "clandestine migration by the Hindus to India went up".[12]
On top of the continuous trickle of Hindu-Buddhist refugees fleeing discrimination and harassment, the big majority of clandestine immigrants consisted of Muslims seeking "living space". It is very hard to count them, but the difference between the actual Bangladesh population in 1991 and predictions for 1991 based on the birth rate and other data shows that millions of people have disappeared from the radar screen of Bangladeshi census workers: "The net shortfall, according to Bangladesh government projection was between 7.24 and 9.24 million, and according to UNDP estimates it was between 12.24 and 14.24 million."[13] And since 1991, millions more have been added to that number.
2.4. Indian worries
All the BJP's "genuine secularists" are, in their heart of hearts, worried about the demographic increase of the minorities, but they don't want to admit it in so many words. Thus, in its 1996 Election Manifesto, the BJP warns that because of Bangladeshi infiltration, "various demographic entities are bound to come in conflict" due to "an alarming growth of a section of the population"; already, "a section of the population has grown by almost 100 per cent" in certain northeastern areas.[14] Not wanting to sound anti-Muslim, the BJP avoids being explicit about the "communal" angle.
Even to the extent that the BJP does identify the problem as "illegal Bangladeshi Muslims", it dooms itself to an unimaginative (and by now probably unrealistic) solution, viz. to physically push these people back across the border, and then build a hermetic fence around Bangladesh. However, the BJP state government in Delhi, voted to power in 1993 on a platform prominently including a crackdown on Bangladeshi "infiltrators", has totally gone back on this promise. Few people seem to realize that the only democratic way to conduct this policy of allowing illegal immigration is to have Parliament pass a law declaring: "Henceforth, India gives up the right to control its borders and the access to its territory", a right which is one of the defining elements of sovereignty. Allowing illegal immigration to continue is an act of contempt for India's democratic laws and institutions.
Even a secularist paper has noticed the seriousness of the problem: "The police say that Bangladeshis are behind most of the robberies, stabbings and other crimes being committed in the capital. Their area of operation includes posh localities in South Delhi where most of them work as domestic help.(...) Scarce job opportunities are thus being hijacked by these foreigners. Pakistan claims to be a great friend of Bangladesh, but it is unwilling to allow even one Bangladeshi to stay on. In fact, Pakistan gunned down hundreds of Bangladeshis who were trying to sneak into its territory. If this is how Pakistan is dealing with the situation, there is no need why we should be so generous. As a first step, India's borders with Bangladesh should be effectively sealed. As for those Bangladeshis who are already in the country, they should be identified and deported. Otherwise, the whole country will be paying a very heavy price."[15]
As against the reassuring view that Muslims can only outnumber Hindus in India in a matter of centuries, the evolution in the North-East suggests that the problem of a Muslim majority will take the form of the successive Unterwanderung ("to overwhelm by walking in") of designated parts of India within decades. The demographic evolution is bound to create successive Kashmir-type situations, with local Muslim majorities in a (decreasingly) Hindu-majority republic.
[1] Bat Ye'or: Les chr?tiens d'Orient entre Jihad et Dhimmitude (Le Cerf, Paris 1991), p.256.
[2] The Economist, 26/2/1994.
[3] De Wereld Morgen (Brussels), April 1997, p.17.
[4] Published information about the oppression of and the violence against the minorities in Bangladesh is extremely scarce. The most accessible general information can be found in Taslima Nasrin's controversial fact-novel Lajja (1993, Penguin 1994); an actual report is Communal Discrimination in Bangladesh: Facts and Documents, compiled and published by the Bangladesh Hindu-Buddhist-Christian Unity Council, 1993.
[5] Urdu-speaking Bihari Muslims migrated from Bihar to East Pakistan in 1947. In the Urdu-Bengali controversy and in the Bengali freedom struggle they sided with Pakistan, a position which turned them into unwanted refugees after the creation of Bangladesh.
[6] "Report 'C' -- 1992 of Congress (I)", excerpts reproduced as appendix 2 in Arun Shourie: Secular Agenda (ASA, Delhi 1993), quotation on p.299-300; as annexure B in Baljit Rai: Is India Going Islamic? (B.S. Publ., Chandigarh 1994), quotation on p.91-92; and in S.N.M. Abdi: "No place to call their own", Illustrated Weekly of India, 14-11-1992.
[7] Statement by Mr. D.P. Roy, joint secreatry of the All-India Congress Committee, quoted by Tapan Sikdar, president of the West Bengal BJP: "How West Bengal Congress is providing fillip to Muslim infiltrators", BJP Today, 1-10-1992.
[8] Appendix 1 in Arun Shourie: A Secular Agenda, spec. p.269.
[9] In Shourie: Secular Agenda, p.269-270.
[10] In Shourie: Secular Agenda, p.270.
[11] A list of over 200 Hindu places of worship attacked or destroyed in November 1989, compiled by the Hindu-Buddhist-Christian Unity Council of Bangladesh, is given in Shourie, Goel et al.: Hindu Temples, What Happened to Them, vol.1 (Voice of India 1990), appendix.
[12] Shourie: Secular Agenda, p.272.
[13] Internal Note, in Shourie: Secular Agenda, p.273.
[14] BJP Election Manifesto 1996, p.39. Though intended as quite serious, this could practically be read as a parody of the Press Council rules pertaining to riot reporting (where "Muslims burned a temple down" becomes "members of a particular community damaged a religious building"). BJP spokesmen have tried to justify this wording with reference to a crackdown on Hindu refugees by the CPM Government of West Bengal, who wanted to show that Hindus would suffer first if anything was undertaken against Bangladeshi immigrants.
[15] Rajiv Shukla: "The unwanted guests. Isn't it time we sorted out the Bangladeshi illegal immigrants issue?", Sunday, 12/2/1995.
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[1] Estimate given by Rodney Stark: The Rise of Christianity (1996); this book has received jubilant reviews in Christian circles because it downplays the factor of suppression of Paganism by Christian emperors and highlights positive factors such as the effectiveness of Christian charity in attracting converts, see e.g. the review by Marcel van Nieuwenborgh: "Toen Nieuwe Testament nog nieuw was", De Standaard (Brussels), 2761996.
[2] "Etnisch konflikt in Boetan leidt tot vluchtelingendrama" (Dutch: "Ethnic conflict in Bhutan leads to refugee drama"), De Standaard, 1181992.
[3] Among the Parsis, 36% is over 55, and 25% of the adults are unmarried. Their numbers have plummeted to ca. 50,000, half of what it was in mid20th century. See e.g. Nergis Dalal: "The Parsis are allowing themselves to die out", Times of India, 2031990; Bachi J. Karkaria: "Dying embers", Illustrated Weekly of India, 2811990; and Arnavaz Mama: "Survival strategies", Sunday Observer, 711990.
[4] Shraddhananda: Hindu Sangathan, p.99.
[5] Shraddhananda: Hindu Sangathan, p.1819.
[6] See also P.K. Datta: "'Dying Hindus' Production of Hindu communal common sense in early 20th century Bengal", Economic and Political Weekly, 1961993, p.1307; and C. Jaffrelot: Hindu Nationalist Movement (Viking/Penguin 1996), p.24. Typically, both exclusively discuss the presumed sociological determinants and other externals of Mukherji's analysis, not its degree of accuracy.
[7] Indra Prakash: They Count Their Gains, We Calculate Our Losses, HMS, Delhi 1979.
[8] S.K. Bhattacharyya: Genocide in East Pakistan/Bangladesh (A. Ghosh, Houston 1987), p.159. In the Hindi original: Ham do ham?re do Ham p?nch ham?re pach?s. The saying is sometimes accompanied by a cartoon showing the Government poster (father, mother, boy, girl) plus its Muslim variant: a man with goatbeard and four veiled wives surrounded by a sea of children.
[9] S.K. Bhattacharyya: Genocide in East Pakistan/Bangladesh, A. Ghosh, Houston 1987, p.151.
[10] The Economist, 7/11/1992.
[11] Reproduced in K.R. Malkani: The Politics of Ayodhya and HinduMuslim relations (HarAnand, Delhi 1993), appendix 4.
[12] Reproduced in K.R. Malkani: The Politics of Ayodhya and HinduMuslim relations, appendix 4.
[13] Unlike in British India, the census category "Hindu" here includes the preIndependence category "tribal" or "animist".
[14] Syed Shahabuddin: "Census 1991, Muslim Indians and Sangh Parivar", Muslim India, September 1995, p.386. The estimate for Jammu & Kashmir is based on the assumption of a constant ratio between the religions, which understates the Muslim percentage by ignoring the higher Muslim birth rate and the Hindu emigration from the state.
[15] Ashish Bose: "1991 Census data: Muslim rate of growth", Indian Express, 991995.
[16] In a letter published in Organiser, 1561997, Syed Shahabuddin opines that the Indian Muslims may well be "the largest Muslim community in the world", i.e. larger than the Indonesian Muslim community.
[17] Ashish Bose: "1991 Census data: Muslim rate of growth", Indian Express, 991995.
[18] Calculated on the basis of provincewise population figures given by Joachim Betz: "Indien", Informationen zur politischen Bildung no.257/1997, p.31.
[19] Figures given in Violette Graff: "L'islam indien ? la crois?e des chemins", Relations Start?giques et Internationales, p.118.
[20] M.S. Aiyar: "Sex, lies and tushtikaran", Sunday, 2411993. Tushtikaran: "appeasement".
[21] Namita Bhandare, Louise Fernandes and Minu Jain: "A pampered minority?", Sunday, 721993.
[22] N. Bhandare, L. Fernandes, M. Jain: "A pampered minority?", Sunday, 721993.
[23] Encyclopaedia Brittannica, Book of the Year 1992, entry Bangladesh, official figure for 1991.
[24] UNO estimate for religionwise percentage given in Jaarboek 1996 of Winkler PrinsEncyclopedie; the Encyclopeadia Brittannica yearbooks 199196 only give the 1981 figure: 96.7%.
[25] Total population figure based on preliminary census data, given in various media, e.g. W.M. Callewaert: "De moslims in India", Kultuurleven (Leuven), 1997/3, p.44. The Encyclopeadia Brittannica yearbook 1991 only gives a UNO estimate.
[26] This assumes the Encyclopaedia Brittannica figure for the Hindu percentage in Bangladesh in 1991, viz. 11.9%, which is probably too high.
[27] See in Malkani: Politics of Ayodhya, appendix 4.
[28] R. Zakaria: The Widening Divide (Viking/Penguin 1995), p.181.
[29] R. Zakaria: The Widening Divide, p.146. The survey was conducted by the "High Power Panel for Minorities", with Dr. Gopal Singh as Chairman and Zakaria himself as MemberSecretary.
[30] "10,000 Pakistani untraceable after expiry of visas", Indian Express, 1371994.
[31] Most explicitly in the title of retired police officer Baljit Rai's book Demographic Aggression against India: Muslim Avalanche from Bangladesh (B.S. Publ., Chandigarh 1993), about the spillover of Bangladesh's demographic surplus into India.
Partition of Bengal (1947)
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
The Partition of Bengal in 1947, part of the Partition of India, was a partition that divided the British Indian province of Bengal between India and Pakistan, with West Bengal becoming a province of India and East Bengal becoming a province of Pakistan. The partition was done according to what has come to be known as the 3 June Plan or Mountbatten Plan.
As per the plan, on 20 June, 1947, the members of the Bengal Legislative Assembly cast three separate votes on the proposal to partition Bengal:
Under the Mountbatten Plan, a single majority vote in favour of partition by either notionally divided half of the Assembly would have decided the division of the province, and hence the house proceedings on 20 June resulted in the decision to partition Bengal. This set the stage for the creation of West Bengal as a province of the Union of India and East Bengal as a province of the Dominion of Pakistan.
Also in accordance with the Mountbatten Plan, in a referendum held on 7 July, the electorate of Sylhet gave a verdict in favor of joining East Bengal. Further, the Boundary Commission headed by Sir Cyril Radcliffe decided on the territorial demarcation between the two newly created provinces. The power was finally officially transferred to Pakistan and India on 14 and 15 August, respectively, under the Indian Independence Act, 1947.
In 1955, East Bengal was renamed East Pakistan, and later became the independent nation of Bangladesh after the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971.
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