Mamata Banrejee Lands in Matua MAHASANGH as Matua religion is CAPTURED in the Same Manner as BUDDHISM and JAINISM Have Been ECLIPSED by the Rotten BRAHAMINCAL System!
Indian Holocaust My Father`s Life and Time- One Hundred and SEVENTY SEVEN
Palash Biswas
http://indianholocaustmyfatherslifeandtime.blogspot.com
Matyua mela 2008
The mela falls on H H Sri Sri Harichand Thakur's birthday thirteenth day of Falgun 1214 of the Bangla calendar. A sea of humanity has ascended on this small town on the Indo-bangla border of Thakur...
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cNJtVl1X9Fo
http://www.youtube.com/v/cNJtVl1X9Fo&hl=en&fs=1&"> name="allowFullScreen" value="true">http://www.youtube.com/v/cNJtVl1X9Fo&hl=en&fs=1&" type="application/x-shockwave-flash" allowscriptaccess="always" allowfullscreen="true" width="425" height="344">
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""God Harichand Thakur""
"Harichand Thakur"(1811-1877) a Hindu votary and founder of the matuya sect, was born in Orakandi of kashiani upazila in Gopalganj on the thirteenth day of Falgun 1214 of the Bangla calendar.
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NAMASUDRAS, THE WORST PERSECUTED "NATION" IN THE WORLD S.K. BISWAS, PRESIDENT, DALIT-BAHUJAN INTELLECTUAL FORUM, 387-A, J&K POCKET, DILSHAD GARDEN, DELHI - 110 095 The Bengali Untouchables, especially the Chandals (Namasudras), were the pioneering in liberating themselves from the Brahmin yoke and thus became the harbinger of the self-conscious independent movement of the Untouchables, by the Untouchables and even for the Untouchables of India. The race, called Chandals, have been one of the most ancient ethnic groups of people who followed Budhism. They had been mentioned in the old Budhist literature and the Sanskrit Ramayana etc. The Chandals were enumerated in the census by the British as Namasudras for the first time in the 1911 Census Report. This was the result of a calculated conspiratory process to hinduise (enslave) this numerically very large group who from time immemorial fought the Brahminism. In a democracy, number of any conscious group matters. The democratic battle of the Bengal Untouchables that was started under the leadership of Guruchand Thakur from the 1880's could send the first Indian Untouchable to the Legislature in 1921. Guruchand Thakur sowed the seeds of 'Separate Electorate' for the Untouchables in Bengal long before the Round Table Conference or establishment of Simon Commission in (1928). Soon after 1909, the Namasudra leaders in Bengal demanded: "We beg to add that, though our religious rites and their observances and social customs are similar to those of Brahmins, we have not the slightest connection with any of the Hindu communities. They have been continually looking down upon us with contempt and malice; have kept us under subjugation and total ignorance. We have been smarting under their yoke of bondage. It is absolutely absurd to anticipate that they would in future mix with us in social and religious performances. Thus we desire to be recognized by the Government as entirely a different community having separate claim to political privileges like Muhammadans." A disciple of Guruchand, Mukunda Behari Mullick, fought for 'Separate Electorate' since 1921. Guruchand's father, Harichand Thakur (born 1812) declared the Chandal Untouchables of Bengal as a distinct religious group completely separate from the (Brahmin) Hindu fold and had preached a new religion called "Matua" which tangibly defied all Hindu scriptures like the Vedas and Puranas, Brahmans, gods and goddesses. He refused to recognize the Hindu places of pilgrimages and discarded all Brahminic rituals. He remained indifferent and never showed even interest in the Untouchables' temple (Hindu) movement that occurred before his eyes and knowledge. He never supported those Untouchables who were beaten up by the Hindus while trying to enter Kali temple. Instead he built up a self-conscious, independent self-help movement under the banner of powerful Matua religion given by his father. Thus he brought a distinct identity and social consolidation of the Untouchables of Bengal. He brought tremendous socio-cultural awareness and encouraged a fighting spirit against the Brahminical exploitation and social order. Guruchand Thakur had given a call: "Educate, Agitate, Organise" in 1880 and launched a scheme of establishing schools in villages through an inter-linked network. He established over 1,000 schools in rural Bengal for the Untouchable children. Consequently, Bengal produced the first Untouchable graduate in India when in 1893 Panchanan Sarkar, an Untouchable Rajbansi, graduated from North Bengal Victoria College. He passed MA and LLB in 1897 and 1898 respectively. Raicharan Sardar, an Untouchable Poundra of South Bengal, became a graduate from the Calcutta University in 1901. On failing to get a govt. job, both Sarkar and Sardar remained as advocates. Shyamlal Sarkar, became the first Namasudra graduate in 1903. It was Guruchand who was the first to raise demands for reservation in govt. services, a monopoly of the Brahmins and a few of their associates, for the Untouchables. He launched a united struggle with the Muslims of Bengal on this issue. The Dalit-Muslim united front even demanded creation of a separate state of Eastern Bengal with Dacca as its capital to avoid the domination of Calcutta-based Brahmins. The partition of Bengal in 1905 was a crowning victory for the Dalit-Muslim struggle. A new law was passed giving reservation to the Untouchables and the Muslims of Bengal. "Proportional representation of communities in govt. jobs, the Act of 1906 of Assam-Bengal government" was passed. Shasi Bhusan Thakur, son of Guruchand, was the first Untouchable to get a reserved a job as a sub-registrar. Soon after graduation Kumub Behari Mullick became a Deputy Magistrate in 1908. The deprived people among Muslims were greatly benefitted by the Reservation Act. Furious Bengali Brahmins launched an agitation against the partition decision of Bengal (1905) by Lord Curzon because their domination over Eastern Bengal, where 80% population was Dalits and Muslims, would come to an end. Consequently the Partition of Bengal was nullified in 1912. Once they secured govt. jobs, Guruchand's next target was to capture political power. The Govt. of India Act of 1919 was amended to nominate Untouchables to the legislature. Advocate Bhiswadev Das, a Matua and a disciple of Guruchand, became the first Indian Untouchable to be nominated to the Legislative Council of Bengal (1921). Five Untouchables—Nirod Behari Mullick, Panchanan Burman (Sarkar), Rasik Lal Chamar, Hem Chandra Naskar and Prassanna Kumar Raikat —were selected to the Bengal Assembly in the 1921 general election. However the gem of the Namas-udra community, Mukunda Behari Mullick, was defeated by a Hindu stooge from a constituency thickly populated by the Namasudras. M.B. Mullick, a lecturer of Pali language in Calcutta University, was defeated by a Congress (Untouchable) candidate (Rasik Lal Chamar). He then demanded separate electorate for the Untouchables as such a protective benefit was being enjoyed by the Muslims and Sikhs since 1909 and 1919 respectively. However, M. B. Mullick had to wait till Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar eventually achieved the same at the national level through the Communal Award of 1932 announced by the British. But M.K. Gandhi went on his fake fast-unto-death and snatched away the golden opportunity of the Untouchables to protect and chisel out their own fate. Despite being branded enemy of the Untouchables by an impartial third party, the British, Gandhi along with his Hindu conspirators shamelessly continued his intrigues against Dr. Ambedkar and to force them to surrender. There came even a threat to launch wholesale massacre of Untouchables. But alas there was no resistance —not even a counter fast-unto-death to protect the sunshine of liberty in the form of Communal Award of the age-old servile Untouchables. However Bengal showed a ray of hope. The Depressed Classes Association protested to the Govt. against the "Poona Pact". They said Dr. Ambedkar should have consulted them before signing the "Pact". It hailed the "Communal Award" as a "political advantage unprecedented and unparalleled in the constitutional history of India" and condemned the "Pact" as "Dr. Ambedkar's political blunder". Both the Namasudra Association and the Depressed Classes Association said Bengal was not bound by the "Poona Pact". Dr. Ambedkar too argued in the post-"Poona Pact" era against the mischief of joint electorate. "The joint electorate is from the point of the Hindus, to use a familiar phrase, a rotten borough in which the Hindus get the right to nominate an Untouchable to set nominally as a representative of the Untouchables but really as a tool of the Hindus. By declaring that Gandhi betrayed the Untouchables in the "Poona Pact", he further disclosed that "the Poona Pact is thus fraught with mischief. It was accepted because of the coercive fast of Mr. Gandhi and because of the assurance given at the time that the Hindus will not interfere in the election of the Scheduled Castes". As a result of the Poona Pact, history of India revealed startling facts that Dr. B.R. Ambedkar was never allowed to get into parliament as an elected member after the constitution was promulgated. Consequent to the "Poona Pact", the greatest Untouchable organizer and thinker, Kanshi Ram, who founded the Bahujan Samaj Party, also miserably failed to get elected to the Lok Sabha after his initial victory from Hoshiarpur (Punjab) and Etwa (UP). All along he had to be satisfied as a Rajya Sabha member. At a Pune meeting to condemn the "Poona Pact" in 1982, Kanshi Ram called it the destroyer of hopes of the Untouchables and the starting point of the "Chamcha age". Even the communist Brahmins of India did not like the separate electorate to Untouchables. M.N. Roy (Narendra Nath Bhattacharya) condemned the British "interference" in the affairs of India. But the politically mature, numerically strong Untouchables of Bengal elected Dr. Ambedkar to the Constituent Assembly thus proving that the Bengali Dalits stood as a Himalayan road-block to the march of Brahminism. But the cunning BSO destroyed the future of Dalits and Muslims by vivisecting India into three parts. The process of partition was indeed the beginning of disenfranchisement of the Untouchables of Bengal and the Punjab. Maximum concentration of Untouchables was in these two provinces. Together with the Untouchables, the Muslims could have changed the very history of (undivided) India but the Brahminical jati interest prevailed over the well being of India. After the "Poona Pact", the struggle of the Untouchables got weakened. It was reduced to a saga of survival. And the greatest blow even for the very survival of the Untouchables in the post-Poona Pact era came out of the conspiracy to vivisect the country. On the July 23, 1947 a decision was taken to partition India into three parts —East Pakistan, India and the West Pakistan. Entire Muslim community was to be driven out to Pakistan. However, only the mainstream Muslims left India. It was the Hindus and not the Muslims who decided and voted for the vivisection of the country. In the case of Bengal even "veteran communist leaders" like Jyoti Basu and Ratan Lal Brahman (from Darjeeling) under the leadership of Uda Chand Mahatab, the Maharaja of Bardwan, voted for partition (by 58 to 21) along with Shyama Prasad Mookerjee (Hindu Mahasabha), Bidhan Chandra Roy (INC), Sarat Chandra Bose (brother of Subash Ch. Bose), Kiron Shankar Roy and others. The vivisection was also sponsored by G.D. Birla who perhaps got nervous with the existence of Ispahani industrialist. Muslim leaders under the presidentship of Md. Nurul Amin with overwhelming majority (by 106 to 35) voted against the partition of Bengal. Still partition took place as the condition of voting was to vivisect India even if only one group votes for partition. And the minority Hindus voted "yes partition". As a consequence of the withdrawal of Muslims from India and the partition of Bengal, Dr. Ambedkar lost both his political ally as well as his membership of the Constituent Assembly. Once again he was thrown into the mercy of Hindus. He had neither the capacity nor any chance to get elected to the Constituent Assembly as his supporters in Bengal were disenfranchised after the vivisection of the country into three different sovereign countries. The powerful Untouchables of Bengal, politically conscious and socially integrated, were reduced to rootless refugees for eternity. (In Bombay, the population of Untouchables was not of much significance compared to Bengal, Punjab and Madras). At this stage his all-time enemies came to the rescue of Dr. Ambedkar who was helped by the Congress to become a member of the Constituent Assembly (which was initially constituted in 1946) once again in July 1947. Not only that. Dr. Ambedkar was unanimously elected chairman of the Drafting Committee of the Constitution for the "free India" by its seven members on Aug.30, 1947. His strongest support base, J.N. Mandal, (the Untouchable leader of East Bengal), as a consequence of partition of India and Bengal had to resign as Law Minister from the Nehru Cabinet of the interim govt. and shifted to Karachi, capital of the new sovereign country, Pakistan, to join the Pakistan Government as its first Law Minister. In Pakistan, it was none but J.N. Mandal who got the historic privilege to inaugurate the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan. Both the national leaders of the Untouchables got irrevocably weakened and separated. The two never could come closer to build up a formidable battle against the enemy. These incidents obviously created tremendous international political pressure on India's Brahminical rulers who to save their face thought Dr. Ambedkar would be a weak and safe candidate to draft the constitution of India. When the enemy helps what remains to be protected? Dr. Ambedkar's movement for separate electorate (for 15%) was nothing but the Untouchables' freedom movement. The movement was developed into a national movement, a movement of the Bahujan Samaj (80% to 90% population) by Kanshi Ram. This movement was again scuttled with the enactment of the India Citizenship Amendment Act of 2003 which simultaneously took away citizenship as well as the franchise right of the millions of Untouchables and sudras who came to India from East Pakistan/Bangladesh as a result of the partition in 1947. The Act was a double-edged sword as it granted double citizenship to the Non-Resident Indians. The Untouchable Namasudra, Poundras and Rajbansis, who had any remote ancestral connection with erstwhile East Pakistan or East Bengal have been terrorized to surrender to the ruling castes or political parties as a result of this Act. In violation of the International Human Rights (clause 30) that no human being can be without citizenship right and the individual is to choose his citizenship, the millions of Untouchables of Bengal have been denied citizenship and had to go without voting right. As long as they vote for the Brahminical ruling parties it is OK but when they choose their party they are "non-violently" tortured, strictly as per Hindu laws. There is none to stand by these "orphans of the world". BRAHMINISM SWALLOWED DHAMMA KULDIP KUMAR Babasaheb revived Budhism centuries after its death but once again Brahminism has infiltrated it and sabotaged it from inside and outside using vegetarianism, meditation, non-violence and other such nonsense. What he attempted to revive and what he preached in his book, The Buddha & His dhamma, is the system that Budha actually taught. The Brahmins have a wicked strategy called saam, dan, bhed, dand for annihilating their enemies and that is how they succeeded. They say Brahmins constitute 3% of India's population but I have contacted and verified hundreds of people who claim to be Sharma and found that 2/3rds of them are in fact either SC or BC who pretend to be Brahmin. So the Brahmin population is not more than 1%. After Pushyamitra committed regicide of Emperor Vrihdarth, they committed genocide of Budhists. Millions were butchered. The murders committed by Pushyamitra were attributed to their Brahmin Parshuram. That murderer, Parshu and Pushya, is one and same person. Just to give religious sanctity to the genocide of Budhists, the Parshu tale as avtar of god was concocted. Look at the cruelty of these people. Punjab genocide is another proof. Two decades back Sant Bhindranwale tried to rescue Sikhism from Brahminic claws but Brahminic forces hit back. Large-scale murders of Sikh youths were arranged through Sikh policemen. Even Supreme Court kept silent. Whoever dares to challenge Brahminism will be smashed. But dand (killing) alone was not adequate to wipe out Budhism from India. So they adopted the method of saam. Editor V.T. Rajshekar says, "The Brahmins infiltrated and sabotaged Budhism from inside and outside". This strategy is called saam. Saam is in fact slow death but a perfect poison created by Brahminism. Any movement against Brahminism is killed through saam. Through saam they join the movement against them and inject poison into its veins. Slowly that movement is dead or becomes part of Brahminism itself. Jainism is the most glaring example. We find no Jain who does not worship Brahminic gods. Jains have permanently lost their separate identity. Brahminism has completely swallowed it. Similarly, they have injected their venom into all other movements right from the day of Budha to Ravidas and Kabir. Nagarjuna was one such Brahmin from South India. Kumaril Bhatta was another wicked fellow. They first became bhikhus. And then injected Brahminic venom (its gods and rituals into) Budha Dhamma. They declared Budha as god. They concocted Jataka tales which propagated that Budha had many rebirths. All these are against the very root of Budha Dhamma because the moment Atma and rebirth entered the Dhamma, the morality, the very base of it, vanished. Budha was declared an avtar of their god Vishnu. Beef-eating Brahmins got converted themselves into cow-worshipers, declared Budha as "apostle of ahimsa. As Budha became "nonviolent", Budhists too could not raise weapons against their enemy No.1. Meditation, vegetarianism and non-violence and nonsense rituals were injected into Budha Dhamma. Finally they turned Budhism and Brahminism as two sides of the same coin. Today we find very little difference in Budhist and Brahminic rituals. Had Emperor Asoka not sent out the message of Budha to other countries, the Budha Dhamma would have met the same fate like Jainism. So how many of us (neo-Budhists) are true Budhists? Our Editor is right that we neo-Budhists are imitating Brahminical Budhism. In the last two decades BSP has emerged as a big Dalit force. Truly speaking after a gap of 20 centuries, we have an opportunity to challenge Brahminic authority. This is all due to the emergence of BSP. So to ensure their survival, they need to finish BSP. So, it is high time that instead of fighting on petty issues, let us sit together and chalk out strategies to save our movement. Kanshi Ram is no more with us. If Mayawati succumbs to Brahmin designs our movement will go decades back. Did Budha preached non-violence? No. All martial arts were initiated by Budhist bhikhus. What was the need to learn martial art if the bhikhus were to be nonviolent? They learnt it just to save their dhamma. Thus, Budha Dhamma never taught cowardly non-violence. The bows and arrows carried by tribals (erstwhile Budhists) prove that they did not follow cowardly non-violence. It is true that Budha never taught violence. But he never advocated meekness or cowardice. He forbade slaughter but not meat-eating under justified circumstances. Even his most famous follower, Emperor Ashok, did not leave the habit of meat-eating. His stone edicts very clearly tell that the king used to eat meat of deer and peacock. Only the Brahmin intruder preached non-violence to Budhists but their own octopus gods carried weapons in all their eight hands. They sacrificed animals in yags and enjoyed their meat. Hence they were able to thrash Dalits/Budhists physically as well as mentally. Budhism our people (Dalits) embraced is nothing but Brahminism in another name. Our Budha viharas resemble Brahminic temple. You simply cannot differentiate between the two. Same chanting of unknown slokas, same ringing of gonds and bells. The only difference is that of the statue. Today Budhism is infected with casteism, god, soul, rebirth and all nonsense rituals. Babasaheb's book, The Buddha And His Dhamma, has not been accepted by all Budhist organizations infected with Brahminism. So we need to cleanse Budhism to make it Budha's Dhamma. When this is the gloomy picture before us, what is the point in talking about who influenced whom in our Editor's conversion at Patna? True, the picture is really gloomy, as our Editor says. VTR is not an ordinary person who could be influenced. He has taken years to arrive at this conversion decision. VTR's integrity, sincerity and credentials are beyond doubt. He has raised very fundamental questions. Babasaheb's first commandment is "Educate". Let us educate ourselves about the shortcomings, pros and cons etc. of our movement, our organization and all that. We could not see a second Kanshi Ram or Mayawati in BSP today. Similar is the position of DV. We need to establish an ideology-based organization to carry on the "Three Commandments" of Babasaheb. (jaikuldip@rediffmail.com) GURNAM SINGH MUKTSAR, 2 - BHAGAT SINGH NAGAR, B/H BUS STAND, MUKTSAR - 152 026 My forefathers once quit Hinduism, a religion of hatred and exploitation, joined Sikhism, a religion of human love, equality, brotherhood and liberty. Sikhism is a total revolutionary rebirth of Budhism against Brahminism. But even such a revolutionary Sikhism has been completely hijacked by Brahminism. A man like me, a devout Sikh, is finding it difficult to continue. Though I have deep love and faith in Sikh religion founded by Dalit saints and Guru Nanak, I doubt if I can come out of the darkness. There are continuous conversions throughout India. All conversions are from the hated Hinduism to Budhism, Islam, Christianity and Sikhism. Conversion is going on and it must because no free person can live in the gas chamber of Brahminism. Religion of hate: Over 90% of people in Budhism, Islam, Christianity and Sikhism are converted from Dalit-Backward-Moolvasi of India. They did a good thing in quitting this religion of hate and discrimination. But how many of them got awakened out of this flood of conversions? They simply changed their gods, worship, rituals, beliefs, bhajan, recitations, place of worship, holy books and pujaris. What changes the conversion have brought about in the mind of these converts? Nothing. If they have created anything it is more hate between themselves as Muslims, Budhists, Sikhs and Christians. To the vaidiks, all those who converted continue to be low caste neechas. Killing each other: By conversion, they have further strengthened Brahminism by playing into the hands of the enemy by hating, fighting and killing each other as it happened in Orissa recently. Each converted fellow should have become the blood enemy of Brahminism out to liquidate the enemy. This did not happen. I asked Budhists why they became Budhists? The answer was "Budha's Dhamma is free from all human discriminations". Sikhs, Muslims and Christians all boast of their religion. But their behaviour did not change after conversion. If the converted does not get transformed, without full faith in human equality, love, brotherhood or liberty what is the use of conversion? They left Hindu dharma for what? Is it not to become better humans? Did we become better humans? We have generated more hatred among religions. We have broken human relationship. What then is the use of conversion? It is better to remain as shudras and Chandalas. If in gurudwaras, churches and masjids we are all allowed to worship as equals why we cease to be equal when we go out of the house of god? Once we are out we get totally divided and hate each other. That is how we are ruled by a micro-minority of Hindus and hence we are badly beaten, raped, kicked, killed, burnt, abused all over India. In every religion that we get converted, our people are all divided into Aroras, Bhappas, Jats, Dalits and Backwards just as in Sikh religion. They are nowhere united except within the gurudwaras. Why we don't understand this serious problem? Intellectuals of every religion also boast of their dharma. But they rarely talk of the prevailing supreme truth in society. Better remain as Ambedkarite: We hate the Hindu dharma. Fine. We are not Hindu and were never Hindu. We are slaves of (Hindu) upper castes. But when we quit this hated dharma, why we continue to be slaves? Puppets in upper caste hands? By converting we only increased the number of slaves but we nowhere got rid of human slavery and hate. I think it is much better to remain as an Ambedkarite in any religion you like. Keep your religion but become an Ambedkarite for total liberation. If conversion is necessary, then get converted in crores. A conversion that does not target the Hindu terrorist socio-cultural content and transforms us totally, then such conversion is useless. We need heaven on earth: After Babasaheb's death what happened to his Dhamma? Mahayana Budhists took over. It became limited to a few castes. In Maharashtra, it became the monopoly of Mahars and in Punjab of Chamars. In what way conversion helped the Chamars of Punjab? Did it promote their social change which was the real and sole object of conversion from the religion of hate and exploitation? Islam and Sikhism are revolutionary religions. But all the converts are busy finding god. That is all. I have read Budha, Quran and Guru Granth. Even Christianity is a fight between goodness and evil. Christianity stood for goodness. But the masses have been tamed by their priests. All religionists are waiting to go to heaven —after death. But not on this earth. To get a seat in heaven, they are ready to suffer hell on this earth. For me religious conversion means social and human betterment here, right on this earth. Conversion should be aimed at total war on the tyranny of the ruling Brahminical class. JAFFAR ALI, ABU DHABI, UAE Muslim intellectuals and enlightened youths here are eager to meet you. Enlightened Muslims in all Indian Muslim organizations know you very well. You have been carrying on a struggle like Prophet Mohammed against Brahminism in India. This has inspired many Muslims and they have started to agitate. This is the first fight by Muslims after the failure of all Muslim organisations led by moulvis who have a single-point agenda of "establishing Allah's rule". But they have failed to see through the Brahminical tactics because they have failed to study the "Hindu mind" and the caste system. To them everybody is a Hindu who is not Christian, Muslim, Sikh, Parsi. They also think Hindu as the majority community and believe Dalit, Tribal, BCs are all Hindu. This biggest mistake of moulvis worked to the advantage of Brahminical rulers. It is only recently a new movement has started under KFD. I was present when KFD president, K.M. Sharief, told you that "We know you, sir, from many years and our fight against Brahminism was inspired by your writings". You inaugurated PDP (party) of Abdul Nasser Madani at Calicut and visited him many times including the Coimbatore Jail where he was confined. You visited all parts of India and abroad. Libyan leader Gaddafi invited you to Tripoli. Your recent visit to Pakistan brought you a hero's welcome but the Indian media blacked-out the whole thing. I am closely associated with you for the last 15 years. Muslim revolutionaries have great respect for you. Yet why Muslim leaders are not joining in your fight against Brahminism? This is bothering me and my friends here. It looks the Muslim elites have decided to surrender to Brahminism. But the masses will not. Muslims in India are suffocated and dying without dignity. They are dubbed anti-national, terrorist but the fact is they are innocent. They have no media to prove they are innocent. Muslim men are in deep slumber. DR. V.D. CHANDANSHIVE, COTTAGE VAISHALI, SHAHU NAGAR, NANDED - 431 602 After installing a majority govt. in UP, Mayawati visited Maharashtra on Nov.25 last to address a record breaking rally at Shivaji Park, Bombay. But not a single TV channel covering the event focussed its camera on the crowd assembled on the ground. This is the typical media mischief pretending to report and yet concealing the actual presence of the gathering. Looking at the reactions of Manuwadi political parties in Maharashtra anybody can see the scare the rally has created among them. Sharad Pawar feels that the BSP would eat into the vote bank of Congress but the Congress thinks BSP would hit the sugar lobby of Sharad Pawar. BJP and Shiv Sena said their vote bank would remain intact as BSP did not make inroads into the OBCs. All these parties have put on brave faces but in the heart of their hearts they have been frightened by the entry of Mayawati in Maharashtra. In UP elections, the BSP had caused damage to the Congress and NCP in not less than 12 Assembly segments having polled just 4% votes. If everything goes well, this time it would undoubtedly give a jolt to BJP and Shiv Sena. The BJP and Sena bosses through their party organs create a false image that the BSP's Shivaji Park rally was to woo the migrant UP voters of Bombay despite the fact that the rally was attended by people from all over Maharashtra. As usual, Maharashtra's RPI leaders expressed their beggarly reactions. They neither seem to learn nor teach anybody but appear comfortable with the number of their splintered voters pitching into get the Congress and NCP candidates elected. If one looks at the reactions of these worthies one can obviously gauge their utter childishness. They have shouted in one voice and said if Mayawati is an Ambedkarite, she should first become a Budhist and then come to Maharashtra. Being Budhists for over 50 years, what these leaders have done for the spread of Budhism to materialize the dream of Budhist India seen by Babasaheb? In fact these very people are responsible to bury deep the entire Ambedkarite movement in Maharashtra as a result of which the movement could not grow outside Maharashtra. Their subconscious fear is if Mayawati succeeds in Maharashtra these leaders would be rendered irrelevant and they will have to close down their shops. But one thing is clear they neither have intelligence nor strategy to stop the Mayawati hurricane. The RPI leaders in Maharashtra can do nothing without an eyewink from their mentors. The Congress was successful in breaking Kanshi Ram's BAMCEF in 1986-87 and quite a few big shots like Rajiv Gandhi, Arjun Singh and Shankar Rao Chavan from Maharashtra were involved in causing the split throughout India because BAMCEF was a money-generating machine for the Kanshi Ram movement. Since then the Congress big bosses have seen the consequences of BSP politics in North India in general and UP in particular. Kanshi Ram's revenge against the Congress has been completed by Mayawati in 2007 UP elections. But in Maharashtra the Congress has seen to it that Congress stooges masquerade as BSP leaders. They masquerade as BSP leaders but during elections actually work for the Congress. A saintly leader like Kanshi Ram was fooled by state's BSP leaders for over 25 years. After him Mayawati has been making changes through her UP in-charge of Maharashtra. But all is not well with BSP as far as its state leadership is concerned. The vestiges of Congress stooges are still present in BSP and unless they are thoroughly removed BSP is not going to see the light of the day in the state. So before the parliamentary and assembly elections this purification drive should be given first priority. Kanshi Ram has pointed out three enemies of Bahujan movement: money, mafia and media. Of these, mafia has been countered to a great extent but money and media still play the mischief. In 2004 Assembly elections, both money and media misuse was largely resorted to by Manuwadi parties. Particularly the media hype was very cleverly used to deceive the BSP leadership in Maharashtra. By reading the media reports you could conclude that BSP was emerging as a formidable force in Maharashtra. But nothing of this kind happened. The media — along with the stooge leadership of Maharashtra BSP — wanted the people to believe the false scenario it had created. This time also the Manuwadi political parties of Maharashtra would try their best to misuse money and media. Money they have in plenty. They can pay up to Rs. 5,000 per voter to purchase them. If mafia fails, they resort to money. If money fails, they resort to media, according to the situation that arises during election times. The best remedy to counter these hurdles is to consolidate our vote bank by convincing them or by hammering upon their minds the invaluable power of right to vote, which has over the years transformed parliamentary politics in the country. Caste-wise consolidation of vote in favour of BSP is the only solution to defeat Manuwadi political parties. Each caste must be represented in proportion to its population. Rattled by Mayawati's mammoth rally, Sharad Pawar arranged a separate Dalit rally at Parbhani on Feb.9 and his stooge RPI's Athawale has planned a Dalit rally at Shivaji Park (the same venue where Mayawati spoke) on Jan.17. DV Dec.16, 2007 p. 6: "Fed up with RPI, Dalits shift to Mayawati". MANJOOR GOPALAN, KANAKKARI P.O, KERALA - 686 632 The English book, Ayyankali: A Dalit Leader of Organic Protest, reveals that its authors, M. Nisar and Meena Kandasami, are noted Dalit writers. Even though the book is small in size its contents are rich, valuable and helpful to get a comprehensive history of the social structure that prevailed in Kerala during the period up to 19th century. The book has three chapters. The first two are the result of a comprehensive study of the caste system and the allied social order that existed in Kerala up to the 19th century. The authors say: Every nationality in India shares the caste system, Kerala is no exception. Although different in form and structure in practice, the complex caste system prevalent in Kerala in the 18th and 19th centuries resembled the other linguistic nationalities in several aspects and was characterized by graded inequality. Life in Kerala in this period was controlled and dominated by several caste practices justified by the system of Keezhmaryada. The Kerala experience of jati practiced in all walks of life was in no way different from that prevalent elsewhere. (p.11). The book is not limited to a biographical aspect of Ayyankali but it deals with the social and economic structure of that period. The book is, therefore, the result of a deep study of the history of Kerala written by noted historians like D.D. Kosambi, T.H.P. Chentharassery, Romila Thapar, Irfan Habib, Elamkulam Kunjan Pillai, M.G.S. Narayanan etc. The book portrays a slice of Kerala history, the social and economic dimensions of the feudal system also. Chapter 3 deals with the social conditions of the Dalits that forced Ayyankali to work towards emancipation of the downtrodden. The living conditions of the Dalits then have been beautifully analysed: The hegemonic powers had always squeezed and extracted the labour of the Dalits whose bonds with soil went back to several centuries. These sons of the soil were always at the bottom of the social hierarchy during both the colonial and pre-colonial times, never acquiring material resources or power. Consequently they could never gain economic or social status. (p. 67). Important social activities of Ayyankali have been discussed in the book borrowing from the works of T.H.P. Chentarassery, Sanal Mohan, Abhimanyu, N.K. Jose, Veluppila T.K. etc. Ayyankali's early struggle to assert civil rights have also been explained. The establishment of the Sadhu Jana Paripalana Sangham (SJPS), and its activities have been analysed. Under the control of SJPS a Samudya Kodathi (community court) functioned to sort out grievances of Dalits. The functioning of the court had integrated the Dalits with the SJPS. Ayyankali's continuous agitations for the right to education have been analysed in the book. When Dalit students were denied admission in schools, Ayyankali and his associates organised the first-ever strike of farm labourers. The Dalits strike came to an end with great success. Considering the social activities of Ayyankali, he was nominated as a member of the Shrimoolam Praja Sabha where he spoke on his people's problem on education, land, job, power etc. The efforts of Ayyankali for liberation of Dalits have been explained in the book: He always exhorted his people to achieve progress through faith in god, modern dress and cleanliness, obedience and discipline. He appealed to the upper castes not to oppose attempts of reformation among the oppressed in relation to the customs, manners and mode of dressing. (p. 89). The book deals with all the important contributions of Ayyankali who devoted his entire life for the emancipation of the Dalits. He instilled self-confidence in the Dalits and Backward Classes who had been divided into several castes. The last part of the book raises certain pertinent questions regarding Ayyankali and his interventions. The readers are expected to give appropriate answers. However there is one question: "How did the communist movement influence the lives of the Dalits?" Those Dalit activists involved in the communist work had become mere stooges of upper castes. They were treated only as workers. Administrative powers had not be given to them. They were made to remain only as the servants of the upper castes. Social justice has no place under communism. In fact communist movements sabotaged the revolutionary movements of the servile classes led by Dr. Ambedkar and Periyar E.V.R. etc. The book is valuable to the Kerala Dalit movement pioneered by Ayyankali who was the first Dalit revolutionary. Yet another significance of the book is its main author being a Muslim from Kerala it will help Muslims to study Dalits and thereby promote Dalit-Muslim unity. We congratulate the Other Books, a Muslim literary organisation, for this thoughtful contribution to Dalit-Muslim unity. ******************** AYYANKALI: A DALIT LEADER M. Nisar & Meena Kandasamy 2008 Rs. 150 Other Books INDIA SHINING India gets no.1 status in children's death New Delhi: Over 2.1 million children die annually in India before reaching their fifth birthday, 50% of them not surviving even 28 days. About 55 million or one-third of the world's underweight children under age five, live in India with the worst affected states being MP, Jharkhand, Bihar, Gujarat, Orissa, Chhattisgarh, UP and Meghalaya. These are the findings of UNICEF's latest "The state of the World's Children-2008" released on Jan.22. The report places India on no.1 spot in children's deaths across the globe—one child dying every three seconds. —(Times of India, Jan.23, 2008) ***** Unsafe to foreigners New Delhi: Incredible India which saw over 5 million foreign tourists arrive in 2007, seems to have suddenly become a scary place for women travellers as there is a spate of cases of sexual attack. —(Times of India, Jan.23, 2008) ***** Muslims become paupers New Delhi: Despite all claims of the UPA Govt. in addressing the concerns of minority communities such as Muslims, the enrolment rate of children from these communities at the primary level is abysmally low. It's only 9.39%. These figures were disclosed in the "Flash Statistics: Elementary Education in India" which was aimed at reviewing progress of school education in the country. The statistics prepared by the National University of Educational Planning and Administration were released here on Jan.22 and the figures on Muslim enrolment were included for the first time in such a study, HRD Ministry officials said. Though the apparent survival rate of Muslim students at Grade-V has improved over the last couple of years — from 67.15% in 2004-05 to 72.73% in 2006-07, statewise variations are a matter of concern. While Kerala has a survival rate of 115.40, for Bihar and UP the figures are 54 and 68% respectively. For Karnataka however the apparent survival rate of Muslim children at Grade V has dipped marginally — from 98.22 to 2004-05 to 95.61%. —(Deccan Herald, Jan.23, 2008) ***** Schools without teacher New Delhi: Unversalising elementary education can be a tall order. Particularly when the schools do not have an adequate number of teachers. The latest statistics on elementary education in India again paint a sorry picture of teacher availability. In 2006-07, no less than 18 of India's 35 states and UTs had over half their primary schools with just 3 or an even smaller number of teachers... The all-India average for primary schools with 3 teachers or less was as high as 60.33% in 2006-07. —(Asian Age, Jan.25, 2008)
Hindus vivisected India to break Dalit-Muslim unity
PIONEER OF ANTI-HINDU MOVEMENT
NO TEMPLE ENTRY
INDIA'S FIRST DALIT GRADUATE
DALIT-MUSLIM UNITY
GANDHI KILLS FUTURE OF DALITS
WHOLESALE SLAUGHTER OF DALITS
BENGAL PROTESTs Dr. AMBEDKAR BLUNDER
DR. AMBEDKAR BLOCKED FROM LOK SABHA
BENGALI DALITS ELECT DR. AMBEDKAR
MUSLIMS DID NOT VOTE FOR PARTITION
BENGALI DALITS MADE REFUGEES
J.N. MONDAL AS PAKISTAN LAW MINISTER
DALITS LOSE VOTING RIGHTS
ORPHANS OF THE WORLD
If Budha was for non-violence why his Bhikhus learnt martial art?
GENOCIDE OF SIKHS
JAINISM KILLED
BUDHISTS FOLLOWING BRAHMINISM
What use conversion if it doesn't help you fight Brahminism?
Muslim elites surrender to Brahminism
Mayawati rattles all parties in Maharashtra
MANUWADI PARTIES SCARED
R.P.I. REACTION
CONGRESS STOOGES IN B.S.P. GARB
BEWARE OF MEDIA HYPE
Book on Ayyankali promotes Dalit-Muslim unity in Kerala
KERALA'S FIRST FARM LABOUR STRIKE
COMMUNISTS ENSLAVED DALITS
OF ORGANIC PROTEST
1st Floor, New Way Building, Railway Link Road Calicut - 673 002.
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Brahaminical Writers and researchers Propogate that Lord Hari Chand saved the untouchables from conversion by innovating Matua religion. Matua maintained continuities with conceptual language of Hinduism. Harichand Thakur and His son Guruchand Thakur led the Dalit Renaissance and ENSURED the Denied rights of Knowledge, Teaching and Property. Harichand Thakur led the first anti Untouchability movement, the CHANDAL Movement in early Eighteenth Century which eventually made the British Government to abn Untouchability in Bengal First. Harichand Thakur Rejected Brahaminical Religion as and with the INSTITUTION of MATUA Religion denying all VEDIC Rituals and returning in the ROOTS of FOLK and Folklore and Nature related worship of fertility, creativity and peace for EQUALITY and Justice. It is nowhere DOCUMENTED in the same manner as the Aboriginal History of Bengal is treated as DARK Age since SEVENTH to Eleventh Century.Even the History of CHUAR Revolt and Rani Rasmani do miss in bengali geopolitics. The CONVERTED Buddhists who ahd been PERSECUTED and HINUIZEDduring SEN Dynasty after the Fall of Buddhist Pala Dynasty were called CHANDAL. Harichand Thakur mobilised those CHANDAL with the Prodcutive Agrarian forces in Bengal,Muslim, Hindu as well as aboriginal tribes. He led INDIGO Revolt from front and initiated the Ideas of Widow marriage, Education Movement, Empowerment of woman and Land reforms. But NO BRAHMIN would accept it as they only recognise COLONIAL rulers backed BRAHAMINICAL Renaissance in India!
Now,Mamata Banrejee Lands in Matua MAHASANGH as Matua religion is CAPTURED in the Same Manner as BUDDHISM and JAINISM Have Been ECLIPSED by the Rotten BRAHAMINCAL System!On the other hand, Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M Karunanidhi today appealed to the leaders of all Legislative Parties to participate in the World Tamil Classical Language Conference and make it a grand success.It is Clear that our NEGROID kith and Kin as recognised with DRAVID Identity liberating themselves from the Rotten Brahaminical system, the MANUSMRITI Apartheid Rule gets its Most Stronghold in Progressive Marxist Bengal as Matua Religion wih the HERITAGE of CHANDAL Movement, Agrarian Revolts and Aboriginal Insurrections as well as First Ever Subaltern RENAISSANCE in this Geopolitics have been as POLLUTED as the KAMANA Sagar in Matua Headquartres , Thakur Nagar in North 24 Parganas. The Thakur Family just RUN another BUSINESS of HINDUTVA Rituals ensuring the EXIT from the TRADITION of Great Indian Dalit Movement. The Thakur Family hates AMBEDKAR most and isolates FIFTY Two lac Matuas from the Ambedkarite IDEOLOGY which has been helping the RULING Hegemony to sustain the PRACTICE of Scientific Untouchability! PR Thakur was the First Man to Diviate from Harichand Guruchand Thakur Tradition as he was REWARDED by the CONG Brahmins with the Memebership of parliament. He and his family had always been associated with Ruling Hegemony for last SIXTY years.They ENJOYED a REFINED Equation with Marxist Rulers and now have CROSSED the FENCE again!
STUNNING is Brahamin Kanya Mamata`s TURNAROUND! She had been a SYMPATHISER of the Gorkhaland Movement from which she disassociated very sonn. Until the Maoist Party was BANNED and MAMTA did not joined UPA government latest version, she had been supporting the JANA Sdharaner Committee, had an alliance with the Maoists, groomed CHHATRADHAR MAHATO as ADIVASI leader though he belongs to OBC, had meetings with Mahato and shared DIAS with the NAXAL leaders during Nandigram, Lalgarh and SINGUR insurrections which helped her to EMERGE as the Maoist Leader KISHANJI Projected Next Chief Minister of Bengal. But Mamat has disassociated with the maoists SIGNALING GREEN for lalgarh Operation. Now, she has no OBJECTION against Military Option, Zero tolerance and ALL Out OFFENSIVE agiant the Maoist Menace!
Mamata has won the hearts not only in bengal but Countrywide as she leads the RIGHT Wing Politics in a Combined Front to EXECUTE and continue the Economic Reforms. She has won the ADIVASI Population with her lalgarh Betrayal! Now, she plans the win the WRITERS Building with Matua support base woeing the Militant NAMOSHUDRA caste which has been quite DECISIVE to upset the Brahamincal Apple Cart not only in undivided Bengal but also in FREE India by ELECTIONG Babasaheb AMBEDKAR to the Constitution Assmebly just before being POLITICALLY Finished and SATTERED all over India with the status of REFUGEE or ILLEGAL Immigrants from Bangladesh!This Namoshudra caste is well in a position to be decisive in at least SEVENTY Four Assmbly segments in Bengal and the IMPACT may be escalated far with TRINAMUL Political Mobilisation. Mind you, the Marxists also played with this ploy as they planned to change the DEMOGRAPHY with continuous Refugee INFLUX and later invited the RESETTLED Dalit Bengali refugee REHABILITATED better out of Bengal. Then, gainng STATE Power Jyoti basu Government EXECUTED the First ETHNIC Cleansing with MARICHJHANPI masscre. Thakur family reopens the doors ajar for the GEMNOCIDE Culture.
Mamata is a BRAHMIN and has nothing to do with Dalit Movement. She has never defended Dalit interest at any Level. she has NEVER Protested Nationwide Deportation Drive and shares the Power Key with PRANAB, ADWANI and Buddhadeb in India Inc and Brahaminical Interest. Mamata has not Responded to the DEMAND of CITIZENSHIP for every refugee from east Bengal as the Matuas Push HARD for.Baiscally, dalit catses like Namoshudra and Paundra KDSTRIYAS are ENTITLED CONVERT in Matua Religion rejecting out and out the Vedic Ritual.But Mamata applied for matua status. Having failed in this attempt, she SUCCEEDED to eneter in the Matua mahasangh decalring that he would worship only GOD , no one but HARICHAND Thakur and oblige the MATUA Descipline and guidelines!
Meanwhile,it has truly turned out to be a festive year for Dalal Street with investors becoming richer by nearly Rs 30 lakh crore since last Diwali, on the back of recovery in the stock market. ZEE News reports.The Indian stock markets saw nearly Rs 66,000 crore coming in from overseas investors since Diwali last year, and the inflow was most pronounced in the first half of this financial year. The Indian stock markets saw nearly Rs 66,000 crore coming in from overseas investors since Diwali last year, and the inflow was most pronounced in the first half of this financial year.
Foreign institutional investors (FIIs) were net buyers of shares worth about Rs 66,000 crore from the Indian stock markets since Diwali 2008, as per the data available with the market regulator Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI).
However, the maximum portion of this investment (over Rs 65,000 crore) came only in the current year amid signs of revival in the global economic crisis.
It was possibly the Reliance effect that fired up stock markets last week, helping the top 10 listed companies post a net gain of Rs 55,000 Why realty is good investment
crore, with more than a third of the addition coming from banking leader SBI.
The 10 most valued companies with a market capitalisation of over Rs 17.7 lakh crore accounted for about 30 per cent of the wealth created by over 4,000 listed entities at the Bombay Stock Exchange, information available with the bourses show.
Reliance Industries' Diwali bonanza by way of bonus issue to investors that was announced on October 8, continued to occupy the numero-uno position with a market capitalisation of Rs 3.65 lakh crore, reflecting an increase of over Rs 17,000 crore during the week.
But the best performer of the week was State Bank of India, whose market capitalisation appreciated by over Rs 22,000 crore to over Rs 1.56 lakh crore, as it replaced NMDC from the fifth spot in the list where ONGC, MMTC and NTPC followed RIL.
While seven of the 10 entities remained firm, state-owned MMTC and corporate giants Infosys and Bharti Airtel saw a combined erosion of over Rs 4,200 crore in market capitalisation.
At the end of the week the country's most valued public sector undertaking ONGC witnessed a value surge of nearly Rs 7,600 crore taking valuation to Rs 2,64,941.83 crore.
Commodity trading firm MMTC, however, dropped to the fourth position losing Rs 2,621 crore. The market capitalisation of MMTC stood at Rs 1,75,711 lakh crore at the end of the week.
IT bellwether Infosys lost a hefty Rs 1,000 crore from its valuation, a week after posting a 7.5 per cent increase in September quarter net profit. At the end of trade on Friday, the market capitalisation of Infosys stood at Rs 1.25 lakh crore.
The scrip of telecom firm Bharti Airtel continued to remain under pressure ever since its aborted USD 23-billion merger deal with South African MTN and lost Rs 645 crore in market capitalisation to about Rs 1.26 lakh crore, but remained at the seventh position in the list of 10 most valued companies.
Mining firm NMDC dropped to the sixth spot from the earlier fifth despite a gain of Rs 2498 crore in its market valuation.
Besides, state-run BHEL and software exporter Tata Consultancy Services remained at the 9th and 10th position after adding 881 crore and Rs 6,967 crore respectively to their valuation.
At the end of trade on Friday, the market capitalisation of BHEL stood at Rs 1.22 lakh crore while TCS' valuation stood at about Rs 1.19 lakh crore.
During the period under review (November 1, 2008-October 16, 2009), May witnessed the highest monthly inflow (Rs 20,000 crore), while January saw the highest erosion (Rs 4,200) in a month.
Last year, Diwali was celebrated on October 28.
According to the data, while Rs 31,000 crore foreign funds found its way into the Indian bourses in April-June quarter of this fiscal another Rs 34,300 crore came in during the July-September quarter.
With this, the cumulative FII inflow in the Indian equity markets crossed Rs 65,000 crore in the six months of FY'10.
Last year, FIIs were net sellers of Indian stocks worth Rs 52,900 crore, as per the SEBI data. This trend continued till February 2009. The investors once again started returning to the Indian markets by the end of March.
Foreign institutional investors (FIIs) were net buyers of shares worth about Rs 66,000 crore from the Indian stock markets since Diwali 2008, as per the data available with the market regulator Securities and Exchange Board of India (SEBI).
However, the maximum portion of this investment (over Rs 65,000 crore) came only in the current year amid signs of revival in the global economic crisis.
During the period under review (November 1, 2008-October 16, 2009), May witnessed the highest monthly inflow (Rs 20,000 crore), while January saw the highest erosion (Rs 4,200) in a month.
Last year, Diwali was celebrated on October 28.
According to the data, while Rs 31,000 crore foreign funds found its way into the Indian bourses in April-June quarter of this fiscal another Rs 34,300 crore came in during the July-September quarter.
With this, the cumulative FII inflow in the Indian equity markets crossed Rs 65,000 crore in the six months of FY'10.
Last year, FIIs were net sellers of Indian stocks worth Rs 52,900 crore, as per the SEBI data. This trend continued till February 2009. The investors once again started returning to the Indian markets by the end of March.
The total investor wealth has more than doubled to over Rs 58 lakh crore in the Samvat year 2065, the year according to the Hindu calendar, ended Friday last week, a day before Diwali.
As curtains are down to Samvat 2065, hopes of swifter economic recovery have replaced sombre mood seen last year.
Reversing the trend after a fall of over 10,000 points during Samvat 2064, the Sensex recorded a gain of 8,813.26 points, or 103.57 percent, in the Samvat 2065.
The total investor wealth in the country's 30 blue-chip companies soared by over Rs 13 lakh crore in the Samvat Year 2065. At close on the last day of Samvat 2065, the total investor wealth of the Sensex companies stood at Rs 26,16,523.81 crore.
The total wealth of the promoters of the 30-Sensex companies stood at Rs 12.33 lakh crore, while the public shareholders owned a whopping about Rs 2 lakh crore.
The cash-rich club of promoters of the country's most valued companies include Mukesh Ambani, Azim Premji, Tatas, Anil Ambani and Sunil Mittal.
Riding high on hopes of sustainability in economic recovery, the Sensex closed at 17,322.82 points on the last day of Samvat 2065.
At close on Friday last week, the market capitalisation of country's most valued firm Reliance Industries stood at Rs 3.64 lakh crore. Besides, state-run NTPC and ONGC had a valuation of 1.77 lakh crore and 2.65 lakh crore respectively, IT bellwether Infosys Technologies ended the trade with a market capitalisation of Rs 1.25 lakh crore.
During the Samvat-to Samvat period, the market capitalisation of Reliance Industries increased the most by Rs 1.95 lakh crore, followed by ONGC (Rs 1.32 lakh crore), NTPC (Rs 73,137 crore) and Infosys (Rs 53,882 crore) in that order.
The "India story" is back as the country's stock market soars and foreign investment pours in, lured by robust economic and corporate SIP route for small investors
numbers, but some analysts see warning signs flashing.
Foreign investors have been racing to put their money into Asia's third-largest economy, drawn by a slew of upbeat economic indicators and healthy quarterly corporate earnings growth.
The positive numbers have lifted the gloom that set in after the global economy soured. But now some analysts worry investors may be getting carried away in their enthusiasm for Indian assets.
"The market is getting overbought," Amitabh Chakraborty, equities president of New Delhi-based Religare Securities told AFP. "One should be extremely cautious. Most of the good news is already priced in."
Others, though, such as brokerage Morgan Stanley, say the benchmark 30-share Sensex index could rise by another 13 percent by the end of 2009, driven by strong company earnings.
The index is already up nearly 80 percent so far this year -- ranking it among the top 10 performers globally -- as foreign investors have pumped in 13.6 billion dollars into stocks.
They have snapped up shares from banking to construction to infrastructure, erasing last year's outflows.
India's rupee is also on a winning streak, trading near 46 to the dollar after plunging to a record low of 52 in March and many analysts expect it to firm more as the central bank uses a stronger currency to check inflation.
Last year, as economic growth faltered, the situation was radically different with risk-shy overseas investors rushing for the exits.
The withdrawal of funds drove the Sensex in full-year 2008 down 52 percent -- its worst slide in three decades -- and put the brakes on the so-called "India story," a reference to India's rosy investment prospects.
But analysts now say foreign investors are increasingly looking at the country as a hedge against a weakening dollar, attracted by signs of an economic rebound.
"India is turning out to be a hot investment destination," said C.K. George, managing director of Geojit BNP Paribas Financial Services.
Last week, figures showed India's industrial output jumped by 10.4 percent in August, its biggest leap in 22 months, on the back of double-digit growth in manufacturing, mining and electricity production.
"India's industrial sector is back and back with a vengeance," said HSBC economist Robert Prior-Wandesforde.
But analysts caution the strong indicators are in large part due to government stimulus and aggressive interest rate cuts.
"We're not yet back on a high-growth path," said Dharmitikirti Joshi, principal economist at leading ratings agency Crisil.
Economists note credit demand growth is still weak, showing India's economy is a long way from firing on all cylinders
India offers $100 mn to help Sri Lanka refugees
India offered Sri Lanka on Sunday $100 mn to help war refugees return home and rebuild the country's ravaged north, as New Delhi seeks to
engage in the island nation's post-war reconstruction and retain influence.
Home Minister Palaniappan Chidambaram said India was willing to provide the aid package to Sri Lanka if it submitted a "plan of action" on rehabilitation of Tamil civilians.
"Our concern is that the displaced Tamils should be resettled in their homes as early as possible," the minister told reporters in Tamil Nadu.
A similar aid package was given by New Delhi to its southern neighbour in July after the Sri Lankan government announced victory in a 25-year war against Tamil Tiger separatists.
The Indian government faces pressure to protect Sri Lankan Tamils, closely linked to about 60 million Tamils in the Indian state of Tamil Nadu.
Some 260,000 Tamil refugees who fled fighting in the waning months of the war are now being held in military-run camps. Western countries, India and the United Nations are pressing the government to send them home.
Though the rehabilitation process was slow in the beginning, it was likely to pick up, Chidambaram said after a meeting with Tamil Nadu chief minister M. Karunanidhi.
Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa has said 70-80 percent of the refugees will be resettled by January. So far, about 15,000 have been sent home.
India, which once wielded undisputed leverage over the Sri Lankan conflict, maintained a largely hands-off approach over the last two years because of the concerns of Tamils at home.
New Delhi is now keen to ensure that it retains influence in the island and keeps rivals China and Pakistan at arm's length.
While New Delhi could not be seen openly arming the Sri Lankan military to fight the Tamil Tigers, China and Pakistan had no such difficulty and are known to have helped the Sri Lankan army build up its offensive capabilities.
China is also helping Sri Lanka build the Hambantota port, which many see as part of Beijing's "String of Pearls" strategy of building relations with countries along sea lanes from the Middle East to the South China Sea.
A dark Diwali for Karnataka's flood victims
Almost a month back, six-year-old Veena Sundar had an elaborate plan to celebrate Diwali. Today, with no proper roof over her head and surviving on gruel, the festival of lights is a day of gloom for Sundar and hundreds of children like her.
They are victims of the Sep 30-Oct 2 rains and flash floods in north Karnataka, which killed over 220 people, damaged or completely destroyed over 350,000 houses leaving more than a million homeless.
Sundar's home at Hiremagi village in Bagalkot district, around 480 km from Bangalore, was washed away.
"I always celebrate Diwali with great gusto. This time it's different. Floods have left our home destroyed. We are forced to stay under a tarpaulin sheet," sobbed Veena, as she narrated her story to reporters.
Echoing similar sentiments, Arun P., a 50-year-old farmer of Goanwar village in Gulbarga district, around 600 km from here, said with home and livelihood washed away, Diwali means nothing.
"We've been stuck by tragedy. Diwali means nothing to us. We need food and shelter. Moreover, all my crops have been washed away. I have lost my livelihood," said a distraught Arun.
Like Sundar and Arun, around 500,000 people are staying in 1,560 relief camps set up by the government.
"What is Diwali for us? We are engulfed in darkness. With no homes of our own, we are staying in relief camps. Our lives have been completely ruined," said Ravendra, 56, of Hatcholli village in Bellary district, around 300 km from here.
Ravendra's wife Parvati said: "We've lost everything in floods. Our homes have been destroyed and my husband's little grocery shop too has been washed away in floods. It's a dark Diwali for us."
Families of Bihar kidnapped spend dark Diwali
It was a dark Diwali in hundreds of homes across Bihar this year as the families of those kidnapped in the last few years spent the day in gloom and despair, praying for the safe return of their loved ones.
According to official sources in the police headquarters here, 45 people have been abducted for ransom in the state from January to July this year. It was higher than last year when 32 were abducted for ransom in the like period.
Three months ago, the Bihar government officially admitted that between 2001 and 2009, 2,167 children were kidnapped. Of them, 1,752 were found and 75 killed while the fate of 340 is still not known.
"We have stopped celebrating Diwali for the last three years. There is no question of celebrating Diwali with my son not around," said Anju Pandey, mother of 12-year-old Akash who was kidnapped on way to school here Aug 10, 2007.
Akash's father Yogendra Pandey said the family prayed for Akash's safe return on Diwali. "We only prayed to god for his well-being," he said.
For Akash's sisters Akanksha and Ankita, Diwali night Saturday was without festivity. "We cannot enjoy the festival without our brother," Ankita said tears welling up in her eyes.
Some other families, whose near and dear ones have been missing for months or years, spent a dark Diwali.
There was sadness in Sunaina Devi's home. She, along with her two children, spent Diwali in darkness to protest the police failure to find her husband, Mahesh Rai, who has been missing for over three years. Sunaina had approached top cops and even the chief minister, but to no avail.
Rai, a businessman, was abducted along with three others from a restaurant in Hajipur in Vaishali district in 2006. Rai was the sole bread earner of the family. Sunaina attempted suicide two years ago to protest the police failure to trace her husband.
Another person, Savita Devi, prayed for the safe return of her son Satish Kumar, who was kidnapped in 2007 from Sonepur in Saran district. She has met the chief minister on six occasions during the 'Janata Darbars' or public audiences he conducts to interact with the people, but to no avail. She has now threatened to commit suicide.
The scene was no different in six-year-old Ankit's home here. Ankit was kidnapped in April 2007 from outside his school and suspected to have been killed. But Ankit's parents do not accept the police theory as his body is yet to be found. "We still believe Ankit is alive," his mother Poonam said.
A similar story was at the home of Dineshwar Kaushik, a police official who has been missing since December 2004. His family allege he was kidnapped from Hajipur, district headquarters of Vaishali.
It was a gloomy Diwali at the home of businessman Satyendra Singh, who was abducted and shot dead here this year by a Janata Dal-United (JD-U) leader and former MP Vijay Krishna.
Several families with similar stories in Patna, Begusarai, Vaishali, Samastipur, Darbhanga, Chapra and other districts also did not celebrate Diwali.
Chief Minister Nitish Kumar, who came to power in November 2005, had promised to turn Bihar into a crime-free state within three months.
Hardly a day passes without local dailies reporting at least one or two cases of kidnapping. Lawyers, doctors and wealthy businessmen have been the prime targets of extortionists. Hundreds of well-to-do professionals have migrated to bigger cities or sent their children to boarding schools.
Realty: Diwali 2009 offers are meant more for end users
18 Oct 2009, 0940 hrs IST, Neha Dewan & E Jayashree Kurup, ET Bureau
It's that time of the year when you can feel the festive buzz all around you. And real estate developers are cashing in on the festive mood. They EMIs and tenure
Land as investment
Buying house? Quote price
Home loan process
Know your Home Loan
How to transform your home
have realised that the consumer is not interested in a drop in basic sale price but more in the total outflow that is incurred towards purchase of the property.
Ravi Saund, marketing head of Sare, a real estate-backed private equity fund developing residential properties, says there is a qualitative shift in Diwali offers across years. "The year 2007 was the height of the real estate boom and developers were riding the crest of the boom. Diwali 2008 saw developers struggling with cash flows and global recession and Diwali offers too were highly watered down. This year the offers are structured to be of more use to the end user." Sare took advantage of the positive buyer sentiment to launch its Chennai and Gurgaon projects. In addition, it offered a Rs 25,000 festival discount.
According to Raminder Grover, CEO, Homebay Residential, Jones Lang LaSalle Meghraj (JLLM), demand this festive season has been 25% higher than it was last year, when the sector was already in the grip of the slowdown.
Whether this demand is on the back of varied offers or an improvement in the overall sentiment, the fact is that many developers are launching special incentives to appease buyers.
Supertech is offering free LCD screens to customers in some of their projects such as 34 Pavilion in Noida, Emerald Court at Expressway Noida, Czar Suits in Greater Noida and Green Village in Meerut. R K Arora, chairman & MD, Supertech, says they have received a good response from buyers. "In the first phase during the Navratras, we had offered ACs per BHK in some of our projects. The response to the previous festival offer and the current offer (AC+ LCD) has been quite welcoming. Around 70-75 units were sold for all the projects put together."
Delhi-based real estate developer Omaxe too has announced a special offer where customers can win an LCD TV on every on-the-spot booking of flat in their newly-launched group housing project in Bahadurgarh and Rohtak projects. Both the group housing projects offer a 3BHK house for around Rs 35 lakh.
Vijay Jindal, CMD, SVP Group claims that they have seen a 35% growth in booking with the launch of their festive offers. "We are offering 10-55-35 (30+5). Booking amount is 10%, 55% will be financed by bank whose EMI will be paid by SVP. Then on possession 5% will be paid by the customer and rest 30% will be financed by the bank or financial institution. The response for our scheme has been quite encouraging."
India Inc on a fund raising spree, raises $9 bn
18 Oct 2009, 0640 hrs IST, MV Ramsurya & Kausik Datta, ET Bureau
MUMBAI: India Inc is on a fund raising spree, garnering $9 billion (Rs 32,400 crore at the current exchange rates) through sale of shares and Business honchos who live a simple life
Savvy girls in 20s new scionsconvertible bonds to institutional buyers since April as companies , locked out from capital markets for almost a year due to the liquidity crisis, rush to finance growth plans.
Also, if the enabling resolutions passed by the companies are any indication, Indian firms are gearing up to raise $15 billion (Rs 69,427 crore) in the next six months. The list includes Hindalco (Rs 2,900 crore), JSW Steel ($1 billion), India Cements ($100 million), Essar Oil ($2 billion), Tata Steel (Rs 5,000 crore), Jet Airways ($ 400 million) and Bharat Forge ($150 million), according to Bloomberg data.
Most of these companies — from industries ranging from liquor and spirits to infotech — issued equity shares to a select group of investors by way of qualified institutional placement or QIP. According to bankers involved with such offerings, QIP is the fastest way to raise money, and accounted for $7 billion of the $9 billion raised since April this year.
QIP involves selling ordinary rupee denominated equity shares to institutional investors, or the likes of mutual funds, pension funds and insurance companies. These shares are listed on Indian stock exchanges, the NSE and the BSE.
The other popular fund raising routes include foreign currency convertible bonds or FCCBs and American and global depository receipts (ADR/GDR), which represent underlying Indian shares. ADRs are listed on the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE) or the technology-focused Nasdaq, the two main US exchanges, while GDRs are listed on European exchanges.
On Friday, metal company Sterlite raised $500 million through bonds, which can be converted into ADRs after five years. Typically, FCCBs are convertible into equity shares listed on Indian exchanges. About $2 billion (Rs 9257 crore) were raised thorough the FCCB route in the past one month, indicating a revival of this market, which went into a coma following the global meltdown last year.
FCCBs are traded between institutional investors abroad in the overthe-counter (OTC) market, where retail investors can't participate.
The companies which raised money through QIP include United Spirits, L&T , 3i Infotech and Parsvnath Developers.
"All the pent up demand for capital has come to the fore and corporate India wants to raise money at the earliest," said JP Morgan executive director and head of capital markets Vinay Menon. "Other capital raising options are time consuming and also carries costs, hence QIP is quite popular."
Among the fund raising options like share issue, QIP, GDRs, ADRs and FCCBs, QIP scores on low cost, faster timeframe and flexibility. It also doesn't involve procedural requirements such as submission of pre-issue filings to the market regulator.
United Spirits, the flagship company of the Vijay Mallya-controlled UB group, has raised around Rs 1,600 crore through QIP, after protracted negotiations with private equity firms KKR and Capital International fell through. Technology company HCL Infosystems raised Rs 500-crore through QIP, becoming the second company to come out with such a placement within two weeks.
81] Details of the Harichand Mission's early development of free medical services in Calcutta are given in "Matua Dhormer Ogrogotir Protik Harichand Mishoner Prothom Barshik Shobha" (Harichand Mission's First Annual Meeting Marks Matua Religion's Progress), Harisevak (March 1978): 18-19. A decade later, it was establishing homeopathic centres in remote villages for destitute SCs: see Godai Ray, "Harichand Thakur Homeo Datobbo Chikitsalay (Harichand Thakur Homeopathic Charitable Clinic [in Jhakari village, Hoogli]), Harisevak (March 1992): 37-38.
[82] Editorial, "Matua Dhormo O Adam Shumari" (The Matua Religion and the Census), Harisevak (March 1990): 1.
[83] Debendralal Biswas Thakur has argued at length that the Matua religion and not Buddhism is the creed to which Untouchables in all provinces of India have to convert as the pathway to separation and liberation from caste-Hindus in Boddho Dhormo O Matua Dhormer Shomikha (Calcutta: Matua Literary Council, 1991).
[84] "Shampadikio: Dhormo O Rajniti" (Editorial: Religion and Politics), Harisevak (December 1977): 60. One of Gaudiya Vaishnavism's crucial post-Chaitanya leaders, Shrinivas was at the fore of its transition from a despised popular cult to a learned creed officially promoted by local Hindu rulers in Bengal and Orissa: he converted Birhambir, the powerful Malla king of Vana Vishnupur (reigned 1596-1622). Steven Rosen, The Lives of the Vaishnava Saints: Shrinivas Acharya, Narottam Das Thakur, Shyamananda Pandit (USA Bhaktivedanta Book Trust: Folk Books, 1992) pp. 15, 48-49, 66.
[85] "Dhormo O Rajniti", Harisevak (December 1977): 60-61.
[86] Debendralal Biswas Thakur, "Matua Dhorme Dikkha O Gurubader Bhumika" (Initiation and the Institution of the Guru in the Matua Religion) Harisevak March-December 1988 pp. 18-19. For the development of the cult of Jagannath in Orissa from the thirteenth century, see John Guy, "New Evidence for the Jagannatha Cult in Seventeenth Century Nepal", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (July 1992): 214-219. White American devotees of the Hare Krishna movement with whom I spoke in late 1992 stated without any prompting that the Orthodox Hindu clergy continued to bar them from Puri's Jagannath Temple: "they are very caste-conscious". The cult of Jagannath is a treasured part of ISKCON's Anglophone neo-Hindu culture as we see from the well-written play Jagannath-Priya Natakam: the Drama of Lord Jagannatha by Tamal Krishna Goswami (Los Angeles: Bhaktivedanta Book Trust, 1985).
[87] Texts of letters, Harisevak (March-September 1985): 22-23. Matua devotees who went to Chaitanya's birthplace Mayapur in 1977 managed to perform their sect's Hari kirtan in front of French, American, Australian and other white ISKCON converts in temples. Harisevak exulted that those white Western visitors photographed and tape-recorded the Matua kirtan. See Harisevak (March 1977): 12.
[88] Debendralal Biswas Thakur, "Matua Dhorme Dikha..." p. 19: he is in part citing Mahanand Haldar here.
[89] Poem of Halder cited by Debendralal Biswas Thakur, "Matua Dhorme Dikha..." p. 19. In a 1992 number, Dr Motindronath Ray approved the vedas as "the creation of the Aryan people" before the supremacism of Brahmans developed. Indeed, the original four-tier caste-system originated by Krishna 5,000 years ago categorized individuals as brahmana, kshatriya, vaishya and shudra according to their activities and virtues. These categories of functions became hereditary castes only from the Treta yuga: avatars and mahapurush (great men) who took birth on India's soil tried to correct the Brahmanical priest-caste's exploitation but could not. Motindronath Ray, "Dhormo O Dalit Shomaj" (Religion and the Dalits' Society), (Harisevak March 1992 ): 13.
[90] "Chuni Kotaler Attohota" (The Suicide of Chuni Kotal), Anandabazar Patrika (20 August 1992). Debashish Bhottacharjo, "Amader Progotir Mukhosh Khule Dilen Chuni Kotal, Tanr Jibon Diye" (By Losing Her Life, Chuni Kotal Has Taken Away Our Progressive Mask), Anandabazar Patrika (20 August 1992). More details of the slow-moving inquiries by government ministries against Professor Falguni Chakravarthi following her suicide, and bitter denunciation of Jyoti Basu for "building brahmanvad in the name of 'Marxism'" are given by Dalit S.R. Biswas, letter in Dalit Voice (16-31 January 1993): 13.
[91] Jatendra Mitra, "Proga" (Knowledge), Harisevak (March 1984): 2.
[92] Debendralal Biswas Thakur has given (1991) high marks to the early Vaishnavas headed by Chaitanya for "propagating a religion devoid of caste-discrimination". Chaitanya's association with the Chandala Untouchables in Nadia district drew retaliation from Brahmans that forced him to leave. However, the rise of Brahmanism and of sexual license among subsequent Vaishnava adherents after his death destroyed the religion's once-promising egalitarianism and populism. Debendralal Biswas Thakur, Boddho Dhormo, pp. 81-82. See footnote 2 on page 37.
[93] Law made up an important component in Dr. Ambedkar's political philosophy: where constitutional means were available, people have no right to resort to violence and unconstitutional methods such as satyagraha, band and dharna --- "the Grammar of Anarchy". A.M. Rajshekharia and Hemlata Jayaraj, "Political Philosophy of Dr. B.R Ambedkar", The Indian Journal of Political Science 52:3 (July-September 1991): 368.
[94] Horendronath Bhokto, "Shrishri Harichand Thakur: Ekti Shamajik Mulayon", Harisevak (March-December 1988): 15. Ramakrishna (b. 18 February 1836 at Hoogli: d. 16 August 1886 Calcutta) although a Brahman was born in poverty and had little formal education: he never learnt Sanskrit or English. A worshipper of Kali, Ramakrishna "saw Muhammad" in 1866 and later "saw Jesus" when he studied those scriptures. His disciple Vivekananda (1863-1902) was dedicated to eliminate child marriage and to spread literacy and education among women and the low castes. Vivekananda became the activating force in the Vedanta (interpretation of the Upanishads) movement in the United States and Britain. Debendronath Thakur, another Brahmo Samaj activist, spoke out against suttee self-immolation by widows in Bengal and likewise strove to bring education within the reach of all. He kept more links with Sanskritic Hinduism than Keshab Chander Sen (1838-1884) who supported intercaste marriages and mass education: Sen formed a breakaway Brahmo Samaj much more influenced by Anglo-Saxon Christianity. The most militant Bengali contributors to Dalit Voice have argued that Ramakrishna and disciple Vivekananda were subtle caste-supremacists: G.D. Biswas, Dalit Voice (16-31 August 1991): 14.
[95] During the 1987 function to mark the Harichand Mission's first decade, Mondol quoted from Tagore's Gitanjali in stressing the Matua commitment to "making the country developed". "Harichand Mishoner 10m Borsho Purti..." (The First Decade of the Harichand Mission), p. 13. Debedralal Biswas Thakur printed academic tributes to Rabindranath stressing his contacts with popular Sufism-influenced Baul singers and his progression from worship of idols to humanist worship of Man and of God manifested in the World. Dr. Girindronath Das, "Rabindranather Manobotabade Uttaron" (Rabindranath's Transition to Humanism), Harisevak (September 1978): 66-68.
[96] When they met in 1977, Harisevak editor Debendralal Biswas Thakur and lawyer and MP Promothronjon Thakur --- son of the great Guruchand --- engaged in cherishing chitchat about such UC early-modern Bengali Hindu writers as "the World-Poet" Rabindranath Thakur and the [anti-Muslim] novelist Bankimchandra Chothopadhai (Chatterji). Bankimchandra's reluctance to meet people was not really "arrogance" but his only way to find the time to write "immortal jewels of literature" while also working as a deputy magistrate. Debendralal Biswas Thakur cited Bankimchandra to clear Promothronjon Thakur of his reputation of being withdrawn and remote. "Shri Promothronjon Thakur Mohashayer Shonge Ekta Shakhatkar" (A Meeting With the Great Promothronjon Thakur), Harisevak (September 1978): 62-65.
[97] Western academics who long credited Basu with radical agrarian and other socio-economic reforms. A recent revisionist study, though, saw Basu's agrarian and other reforms as having failed to deliver benefits to the masses because of UC elite dominance over the bureaucracy. Ross Mallick, "Agrarian Reform in West Bengal: The End of an Illusion", World Development 20:5 pp. 735-750. See also Mallick, Development Policy of A Communist Government: West Bengal Since 1977 (Cambridge University Press: South Asian Studies Series, 1993).
[98] Editorial "Bam Front Shorkarer Shikhaniti Notun Shudrajati Srishti Korchhe" (The Left Front Government's Education Policy Creates a New Shudra Caste), Harisevak (March 1984): 1-3. For militant Dalitist denunciation of the Basu regime as a facade for upper-caste (Brahman-Vaidya-Kayastha) supremacy, and denial that the associated "leftist intellectuals" of Calcutta --- "the sacred thread Marxists" --- really have any genuine conflict with their expanding Hindu revivalist caste-cousins, see "Why Rulers Worship Communist Cow?", Dalit Voice 1-15 (December 1991): 15,.45.
[99] See proposal by Bengali Dalit engineer Bikas Kusum Roy that Dalit Voice allot one or two pages for matrimonial advertisements to foster "inter-state matrimonial relationship among Dalits throughout India to help them come closer": as a handsome assistant engineer of 30 years serving under the West Bengal government, Roy "wants a bride below 25 years, preferably a doctor of any state but Dalit": Dalit Voice (September 15-30 1992 ): 11.
[100] Harisevak (March-September 1985): 2-4.
[101] Debendralal Biswas Thakur at the last moment angled an invitation to address the Vishva Hindu Parishad (World Hindu Council) about Matua religion and prepared an elaborate English speech but was unable to deliver it. "Amar Chokhe Proyat Promoth Thakur" (My Impressions of the Late Promoth[ronjon] Thakur), Harisevak (March 1991): 13.
[102] Dibbendu Bhushan Mitra, "Harijan", Harisevak (March-June 1985): 18-19. Ordinarily, even usually mild or conservative Bengali Dalit writers are hostile to the official cult of Gandhi: cf. Nani Gopal Das, Was Gandhi a Mahatma? (Calcutta: Dipali Book House, 1988).
[103] Editorial, "Dhormo O Rajniti" (Religion and Politics) Harisevak (March-June 1985): 8-12. The Harijan writer here was echoing the fears of Bengali caste-Hindus for whom insurgency in Muslim-majority Kashmir was to be just another thrust by a "pan-Islamic lobby which is busy turning India into a Muslim-majority state. The lobby wants to erase the saffron patch of Hindu India which does not match with the green of the Darul-Islam which extends from the arid lands of North Africa and West Asia to the lush green of Islamic Bangladesh, Malaysia, Indonesia up to the Philippines. The zealots of pan-Islam are spending billions of petro-dollars to speed up [the] conversions. Fifty million Bangladeshi Muslims are poised to enter India to effect a bloodless coup". Jagat Bandhu Mukherjee, "Pan-Islam", letter in The Statesman Weekly (2 May 1992): 10.
[104] A dispassionate and empathic discussion of the social contempt that led Tamil Pallar Untouchables to convert to Islam was Ayappa Prasad, "Why Harijans are Converting to Islam in Ramanathapuram", Sunday Observer (Bombay) (27 December 1983): 2. This observer found no sign of Arab petro-dollars or fresh prosperity after the mass conversions, which had to brave considerable harrassment by the Tamil Nadu police. S.H. Venkatramani (1984) tended to agree with local police that the greater likelihood of getting contracted for work in the Gulf countries was one "allurement" for young Harijans considering conversion to Islam in rural Tamil Nadu: they remitted considerable sums back to their converted families. Yet, this account, too, documented prior exclusion and violence by (often themselves only humble) caste-Hindus, and harrassment by the Tamil Nadu police that only took new forms after the conversions: Islam was a rallying-point. "Conversions: the Gulf Stream", India Today 31 January 1984, 32-33.
[105] Editorial, "Dhormo O Rajniti", Harisevak (March-June 1985): 9.
[106] Editorial, "Dhormo O Rajniti", Harisevak (December 1977 ): 59.
[107] Ibid., pp. 59-60.
[108] Dalit Voice in 1991 reproduced an objection by Charles Amjad-Ali, Director of the Christian Study Center in Pakistan, that the 3.5 million Christians there, descended from "lower-caste Hindus", continue to find themselves marginalized and segregated "even though Islam rejects these [allegedly Hinduism-patterned] prejudices". Dalit Voice retorted that "Pakistan has no such thing as Untouchability (racism) which is so rampant in India": the church leadership there was itself making the problems for its Dalit-descended adherents by calling them "lower-caste converts when Pakistan's Muslims had "suffered so much at the hands of Hindus". "Untouchables are not 'lower caste' Hindus but the casteless original inhabitants of India". "Warning to Pakistani Church on Dalit Converts", Dalit Voice (1-15 December 1991): 15.
[109] A clenched-fistedly left overview of the plight of the minorities in Bangladesh, including Untouchables and Tribals, is Francis Rolt, "Racism in Bangladesh: Below the Lowest", Inside Asia (July-August 1986): 28-30.
[110] Mondol, "Harichand Mishoner 10m Borsho..." pp. 12-13. Although it had been inconvenient to have to sometimes work through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in New Delhi, the procedure of conducting the pilgrimage into Bangladesh had still been quite workable in 1984. Debendralal, "Mishoner Tritiyo Dibarshik Protibedan" (The [Harichand] Mission's Third Biannual Report), Harisevak (March 1984): 5.
[111] (Debendralal Biswas Thakur) editorial "Poshaker Ontorale" (Behind the Costume), Harisevak (March 1992): 2.
[112] "Dhormo O Rajniti" Harisevak (March-June 1985): 107.
[113] Consistent with its much more Islamophile stances and readership, the Bangalore Dalit Voice has drawn letters and articles that stress not only the educational progress of Namasudras in Bangladesh, noted by Harisevak, but also that they are more accepted in Bangladeshi universities than West Bengal's Dalits are by Caste Hindus. "Regarding food, all students are welcomed with honor to all halls: there is no racial discrimination [in Dhaka] as we find in the West Bengal of firebrand `Marxist' Jyoti Basu". B.K. Ghatak, "Namasudras: Hindu Persecution of Bengali Dalits Leads to Conversion", Dalit Voice 1-15 (August 1992): 5.
[114] See, for example, Dr. Bhubaneshwar Nath, "Kornel Gaddafir `Greenbook' O Dr Ambedkarer Chintadhara" (Colonel al-Qadhdhafi's 'Green Book' and Dr Ambedkar's Thought), Bahujan Nayak (Calcutta) 26 (October 1986): 3-4. Embittered by Dalit-Caste Hindu bloodletting in rural Andhra Pradesh, this article seized al-Qadhdhafi's images that every multi-national state had to break up in the end through insurrections of the suppressed linguistic nationalities [---- very hard to stretch to fit a pan-Indian Dalit experience or enterprise!]. Nath applied al-Qadhdhafi's ridicule of parties and parliamentarism to an Indian political system so slow to impose equality. The editor of Bahujan Nayak, Mahendra Nath Talukdar, is a Matua leader. V.T. Rajshekar, editor of the Bangalore Dalit Voice, and D.M Thimmarayappa and Narayan Swami of the Karnataka Dalit Action Committee, attended the 1986 Mathabah Conference of persecuted nationalities at Tripoli, Libya, in March 1986: there, Rajshekar linked up with the US Black Muslim leader Louis Farrakhan. See Dennis Walker, "U.S. Black Muslims: From Millenarian Protest to Transcontinental Relationships" in Garry Trompf (ed.) Cargo Cults and Millenarian Movements (Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter 1990) pp. 343-391.
[115] Haripad Palkiwala (pseud), "Shochokhe O Shokorne" (With My Own Eyes and My Own Ears), Harisevak (September 1977): 38.
[116] Ibid., pp. 38-39.
[117] The radical Dalitist enclave-nationalists who proliferated from the early 1980s derided the futility of Jagjivan Ram's pursuit of the Prime Ministership in apex national politics. When he died in mid-1986, Dalit Voice noted that Ambedkar kept his vow not to die a Hindu whereas Ram in 1976 told the readers of The Illustrated Weekly of India "I feel proud of being a Hindu". Given his success in every portfolio he assumed, "when the Janata Party won, [Ram] should have been the Prime Minister but two upper-caste Hindus --- Jayaprakash Narayan and Kripalani --- manipulated things to make Morarji Desai, a Brahman, as Prime Minister. Again, after the Janata Party split in 1979, President Sanjiv Reddy refused to accept his claim for [the] Prime Ministership and preferred Charan Singh. Upper Caste Hindus, who were till then with the Janata, swung to Mrs Gandhi's Congress fearing that another Janata victory would surely make an Untouchable as Prime Minister of India... He swallowed all these insults after insults, hoping against hope that one day the Hindus would make him the PM of India". "Jagjivan Ram Dies A Hindu", Dalit Voice 1-16 (August 1986): 11.
[118] "Shochokhe O Shokorne" p. 41.
[119] Ibid., p. 39.
[120] "Shochokhe O Shokorne" pp. 39-40.
[121] "Our oppressed people in [West] Bengal are now under the banner of the CPI M-L and the Bharatiya Janata Party. Kanshi Ram is the only man in India who has challenged the Brahmanical Social Order, without aligning with any political party". If half of the 85% of the population suffering oppression and exploitation rallied to Kanshi Ram, then "our problems are solved". Letter by Dalit physicist Prof. Jagatbandhu Biswas, Dalit Voice 16-31 (December 1992).
[122] Letter from Nadia Dalit activist 29 September 1993.
[123] Debendralal Biswas Thakur, Dhormodondo Mormokotha (The Meaning of Sectarian Conflict) (Calcutta: Matua Shahitya Porishod 1994).
[124] Ibid., pp. 130-131. Thakur was clearly concerned that some Bengali Dalit youth were now considering embracing Islam to defy the Brahmans. He was, though, also specifically targeting the article by (ex-East Pakistan) S.K. Biswas, "'Operation Ambedkar': Babasaheb never criticized Islam but hailed it for liberating Dalits", Dalit Voice 16-31 (December 1994): 16-23. That article had in turn been sparked to refute an "Open Letter to V.T. Rajshekar" published by Bengali Dalit Debajyoti Roy and others, which had imaged that Ambedkar wanted a reformed Hinduism and condemned Islam for social prejudice:see advertisement for Bengali edition in Bahujan Nayak 6 (June 1993): 2.
David Fado is a doctoral student in history at the University of Texas at Austin.
[125] Atul Kohli, Democracy and Discontent: India's Growing Crisis of Governability (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990).
[126] Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. (London: Verso Press, 1983), p. 14.
[127] Sudipta Kaviraj, "On the Discourse of Secularism," in Secularism and Indian Polity, ed. Bidyut Chakrabarty (New Delhi: Segment Book Distributors, 1990), p. 186.
[128] Radhey Mohan, ed., Secularism in India--A Challenge (New Delhi: Caxton Press, 1990), p. xviii.
[129] P.K. Nijhawan, "Secularism: A New Paradigm", in Secularism in India: Dilemmas and Challenges, ed. M.M. Sankhder (New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, 1992), p. 159.
[130] Foreign Broadcast Information Service and Joint Publications Research Service, Near East and South Asia, India: Secularism Reconsidered, JPRS-NEA-93-022 (Washington D.C.: U.S. Government, 1993).
[131] For a journalistic account of the reservation system in education see Manoji Mitta, "Reservations: Racketeering in Quotas," India Today 19, 21 (November 15, 1994): 36-38.
[132] K. Raghavendra Rao, "Secularism, Communalism and Democracy in India: Some Theoretical Issues," in Secularism and Indian Polity, ed. Bidyut Chakrabarty (New Delhi: Segment Book Distributors, 1990), p. 46.
[133] P.K.B. Nayar, "A Sociological Analysis of Communalism with Reference to Kerala," in Secularism and Indian Polity, ed. Bidyut Chakrabarty (New Delhi: Segment Book Distributors, 1990), p. 215.
[134] D.D. Joshi, "The Relevance of Secularism to Indian Polity," in Secularism and Indian Polity, ed. Bidyut Chakrabarty (New Delhi: Segment Book Distributors, 1990), p. 229.
[135] Rao, "Secularism ... Some Theoretical Issues, p. 45.
[136] Ibid., p. 44.
[137] Rabindra Ray, "The Secular Ideal," in Secularism and Indian Polity, ed. Bidyut Chakrabarty (New Delhi: Segment Book Distributors, 1990), p. 166.
[138] R.L. Chaudhari, The Concept of Secularism in Indian Constitution (New Delhi: Uppal Publishing House, 1987), p. 4.
[139] Ibid., p. 12.
[140] Nasim Ansari, "Some Current Issues of Secularism and Democracy in the Indian Polity: Lesson of Allahabad of July 1988," in Secularism and Indian Polity, ed. Bidyut Chakrabarty (New Delhi: Segment Book Distributors, 1990), p. 276.
[141] Ashis Nandy, "The Politics of Secularism and the Recovery of Religious Tolerance," in Mirrors of Violence: Communities, Riots and Survivors in South Asia, ed. Veena Das (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1990), p. 81.
[142] T.N. Madan, "Secularism in its Place," The Journal of Asian Studies 46 (November 1987): 748.
[143] Upendra Baxi, "Secularism: Real and Pseudo," in Secularism in India: Dilemmas and Challenges, ed. M.M. Sankhder (New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, 1992), pp. 88-109.
[144] Madan, "Secularism in its Place," p. 754.
[145] Nandy, "Politics of Secularism," p. 71-75.
[146] Tapan Raychaudhuri, "Nehru and Western Donminance," in The Legacy of Nehru: A Centennial Assessment, ed. D.R. SarDesai and Anand Mohan (New Delhi: Promilla & Co., Publishers, 1992), p. 286.
[147] Anthony D. Smith, The Ethnic Origins of Nations (Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1986) pp. 146-147. Smith does not show great familiarity with the Indian case--he accepts sanskrit as a unifying force for India without mentioning the Dravidian south--but the activities of many in India conform to his model.
[148] On this debate see H.A. Gani, Centre-State Relations and Sarkaria Commission: Issues, Institutions and Challenges (New Delhi, Deep and Deep Publications, 1990) and Babulal Fadia, Sarkaria Commission Report and Centre-State Relations (Agra: Sahitya Bhawan, 1990). On some of the broader tensions in Indian federalism, see Paul Brass, Ethnicity and Nationalism, Theory and Comparison (New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1991) and Robert L Hardgrave, Jr. and Stanley A. Kochanek, India: Government and Politics in a Developing Nation 5th ed. (Fort Worth: Harcourt Brace Javanovich College Publishers, 1993).
[149] Chaudhari, The Concept of Secularism, p. 207.
[150] H.V. Seshadri, The Way (New Delhi: Suruchi Prakashan, Yugabda 5093 [Vikram era 2048]--1991), p. 23.
[151] Ibid.
[152] Jalalul Haq, Nation and Nation-Worship in India (New Delhi: Genuine Publications Pvt. Ltd., 1992), p. 13.
[153] The best general work on the RSS remains Walter K. Andersen and Shrindhar D. Damle, The Brotherhood in Saffron: The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and Hindu Revivalism (Boulder: Westview Press, 1987). Another important book on this subject illustrates the value of the RSS emphasis on disciplined cadres in achieving their limited inroads in Kerala, see K. Jayaprasad RSS and Hindu Nationalism: Inroads in a Leftist Stronghold (New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, 1991). A more official history of the RSS is H.V. Seshadri, ed., RSS: A Vision in Action (Bangalore: Jagarana Prokashana, 1988).
[154] See especially Gyanendra Pandey, The Construction of Communalism in Colonial North India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1990) and Tapan Raychaudhuri, Europe Reconsidered: Perceptions of the West in Nineteenth Century Bengal (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1988). See also Sugam Anand, Modern Indian Historiography: From Pillai to Azad (Agra: MG Publishers, 1991); H.V. Seshadri, The Tragic Story of Partition (Bangalore: Jagarana Prakashana, 1982); Suneera Kapoor Sri Aurobindo Ghosh and Bal Gangodhar Tilak: The Spirit of Freedom (New Delhi: Deep and Deep Publications, 1991); and Jalalul Haq, Nation and Nation-Worship.
[155] H.V. Seshadri, The Way, p. 9.
[156] Ibid., p. 22.
[157] Ibid., p. 55.
[158] Ibid., p. 52.
[159] H.V. Seshadri, "Secularism: An Insight," in Secularism in India, ed. M.M. Sankhder (New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, 1992), p. 151.
[160] The best sustained example of this argument is found in H.V. Seshadri, The Tragic Story of Partition.
[161] Balraj Madhok, Rationale of Hindu State (Ballimaran Delhi: Indian Book Gallery, 1982), p. 73-74.
[162] Ibid., p. 95.
[163] T.R.S. Sharma, "Secularism and Hindu Identity," in Secularism in India, ed. M.M. Sankhder (New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, 1992), p. 253.
[164] C.P. Bhishikar, Concept of the Rashtra, Volume V of Pandit Deendayal Upadhyaya: Ideology and Perception, Trans. by Yashwantrao Kelkar (New Delhi: Suruchi Prakashan, 1988), p. 31.
[165] Amartya Sen, "The Threats to Secular India," The New York Review of Books, 8 April 1993, 26. Sen in part confronts the activities of regional groups such as the Shiv Sena which are largely outside the scope of this paper.
[166] Asghar Ali Engineer, "Secularism and the Emerging Challenge of Communalism: Practical Aspects," in Secularism and Indian Polity, ed. Bidyut Chakrabarty (New Delhi: Segment Book Distributors, 1990), p. 243.
[167] Chaudhari, The Concept of Secularism, p. 207.
[168] Mahip Singh, "Secularism: The Answer," in Secularism in India, ed. M.M. Sankhder (New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, 1992), p. 302.
[169] Emil D'Cruz, Indian Secularism: A Fragile Myth (New Delhi: Indian Social Institute, 1988), p. 8.
[170] Ibid.
[171] Girilal Jain, "Secularism and Nehruism," p. 132.
[172] L.M. Singhvi, Freedom on Trial (New Delhi: Vikas Publishing House, 1991), p. 92.
[173] Quotations from Sudipta Kaviraj, "On the Discourse of Secularism," p. 194.
[174] Asghar Ali Engineer, "Secularism and the Emerging Challenge," p. 250.
[175] Sudhir Chandra, "The Lengthening Shadow, Secular and Communal Consciousness," in Secularism and Indian Polity, ed. Bidyut Chakrabarty (New Delhi: Segment Book Distributors, 1990), p. 65.
[176] Sudhir Chandra, "The Lengthening Shadow," p.65.
[177] Sudipta Kaviraj, "Discourse of Secularism," p. 206.
[178] P.K. Nijhawan, "Secularism: A New Paradigm," p. 185.
[179] Balraj Madhok, Rationale of Hindu State, 29.
[180] Ibid., p. 14.
[181] V.T. Rajshekar, Hinduism, Fascism and Gandhism: A Guide to Every Intelligent Indian (Bangalore: Dalit Sahitya Akademy, 1985). Rajshekar has the bizare formulation that in the progression of Hinduism, fascism, and Gandhism, each term is worse than the term which preceded it.
[182] Madhok, Rationale, p. 22.
[183] Ibid., p. 31.
[184] H.V. Seshadri, The Way, p. 100.
[185] Joshi, Secularism in Action, p. 141.
[186] For more on issues of communalism and violence, see Pramod Kumar, Towards Understanding Communalism (New Delhi: Manohar, 1991) and Veena Das, ed., Mirrors of Violence: Communities, Riots and Survivors in South Asia (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1990).
[187] Mahendra Pratap Singh, "Secularism and Communal Dialectics," in Secularism in India, ed. M.M. Sankhder (New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, 1992), p. 233.
[188] Kohli, Democracy and Discontent; Paul Brass Caste, Faction and Party in Indian Politics (Delhi: Chanakya Publications, 1983); and B.R. Tomlinson Indian National Congress and the Raj, 1929-1942: The Penultimate Phase (London: MacMillan Press, 1975).
[189] Alexander Hamilton, James Madison and John Jay, The Federalist Papers (New York: New American Library, 1961).
[190] Stephen L. Carter, The Culture of Disbelief: How American Law and Politics Trivialize Religious Devotion (New York: Basic Books, 1993).
Rosane Rocher is Professor of South Asian Studies in the Department of South Asia Regional Studies at the University of Pennsylvania.
[191] Bruce La Brack, The Sikhs of Northern California 1940-1975 (New York: AMS Press, 1988); Karen Isaksen Leondard, Making Ethnic Choices: California's Punjabi Mexican Americans (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992).
[192] Gauri Bhat, "Tending the Flame: Thoughts on Being Indian-American," Committee on South Asian Women Bulletin 7:3-4 (1993): 4.
[193] Chapter 13 "Emigration from India and Immigration to America" in Arthur W. Helweg and Usha M. Helweg, An Immigrant Success Story: East Indians in America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1990), pp. 210-25.
[194] Ibid., p. 61.
[195] Arthur W. and Usha M. Helweg, An Immigrant Success Story, p. 144.
[196] See, for example, Family in India and North America, a special issue of the Journal of Comparative Family Studies 19:2 (1988), edited by Dan A. Chekki.
[197] Amitav Ghosh, "The Diaspora in Indian Culture," Public Culture 2:1 (1989): 75.
[198] Ibid., 77-78.
[199] Gauri Bhat, "Tending the Flame," 3-4.
[200] Chandra Talpade Mohanty, "On Race and Voice: Challenges for Liberal Education in the 1990s," Cultural Critique 14 (1989-90): 194.[ ]
[201] R. Radhakrishnan, "Postcoloniality and the Boundaries of Identity," Callaloo 16 (1993): 750-1.
[202] See in particular chapter 4 "Dashing Means Danger" in Kirin Narayanan, Love, Stars, and All That (New York: Pocket Books, 1994), pp. 124-59.
[203] R. Radhakrishnan, "Postcoloniality and the Boundaries of Identity," Callaloo 16 (1987): 764, 765.
[204] Bharati Mukherjee, "Immigrant Writing: Give Us Your Maximalists," New York Times Book Review, August 28, 1988.
[205] R. Radhkrishnan, "Is Ethnic 'Authentic' in the Diaspora?," in The State of Asian America: Activism and Resistance in the 1990s, ed. Karin Aguilar-San Juan (Boston: South End Press, 1994), p. 230.
[206] Arjun Appadurai, "Patriotism and Its Futures," Public Culture 5 (1993): 411-29, and "The Heart of Whiteness," Callaloo 16 (1993): 795-807.
[207] Mark Jurgensmeyer, " Sikhism and Religious Studies," in Studying the Sikhs: Issues for North America, ed. John Stratton Hawley and Gurinder Singh Mann (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1993), pp. 9-23.
[208] Sucheta Mazumdar, "Asian American Studies and Asian Studies: Rethinking Roots," in Asian Americans: Comparative and Global Perspectives, ed. Shirley Hune et al. (Pullman, WA: Washington State University Press, 1991), p. 30.
[209] Rosane Rocher, "Building Community Spirit: A Writing Course on the American Experience," in [title to be added in proofs], ed. Lane R. Hirabayashi et al. (Pullman, WA: Washington State University Press, forthcoming).
[210] Satinder Bindra, "Autumn of Discontent: Elder Abuse Is On the Rise in the Indian Community," India Today, September 15, 1994, North American Special, 56b-c.
http://asnic.utexas.edu/asnic/sagar/fall.1994/dec.94.fn.html
LIST OF NON GOVERNMENTAL ORGANISAIONS THAT RECEIVED ASSISTANCE UNDER THE SCHEME OF GRANT IN AID TO VOLUNTARY ORGANISATIONS WORKING FOR SCHEDULED CASTES DURING THE YEAR 2004-05 (Rs. in lakh) S.No. Name and address of the Organizations Amount 321 Abhoy Charan Destitute Home/ Village &Post: Dakshin Chandranagar, P.S. Namkhana/Distt: South 24 Parganas-743357. 10.94 322 Bharat Sevashram Sangha, 211 Rash Behari Avenue, Kolkata-700019. 9.22 323 Bhatar Dr. B.R. Ambedkar Abasik Shiksha Niketan, At&Po: Karjana Chatti/ Distt. Burdwan. 17.29 324 Central Scheduled Caste & Tribal Welfare Association/ No 4/ Sankharipukur (Nichu Colony)/ Burdwan. 24.63 325 Chandranath Basu Seva Sangha/1 Bt Road Kamamati, (Mukti Cinema Bungalow)/ Calcutta. 4.62 326 Dr. B.R. Ambedkar Academy/ Badrajote/ P.O.; Batasi Distt. Daqeeling. 5.52 327 Dr. B.R. Ambedkar Shishu Mangal, Gurung Basti/ Pradhan Nagar/ Siliguri-734403. 10.61 328 Gandhi Sarak Gram Seva Kendra/ 90a/1b/ Suren Sarkar Road/ Calcutta-700010. 9.33 329 Harijan Sevak Sangh/ Kingsway Camp, Delhi-110009 9.33 330 Nutanhat Development Society/ P.O. & Vili. Jhilu/ Distt. Burdwan. 2.82 331 Ramakrishna Mission Ashrama, P.O. Sargachi Ashrama/ Distt. Murshidabad. 2.85 332 Ramakrishna Mission Ashrama, P.O. Sargachi Ashrama/ Distt. Murshidabad. 32.81 333 Ramakrishna Mission Vidyapith/ PO:- Vivekanandanagar/ Distt.:- Purulia-723147. 4.58 334 Ramakrishna Mission Vidyapith, West Bengal, P.O. Vivekanandanagar, Distt. Purulia. 3.24 335 Sidhu Kanu Education Society, B-37, Aurobinda Nagar, PO & Distt. Midnapore.-721 W1. 14.64 336 Society For Rural And Urban Development/ At/Po: Kakdwip-743347, Dt'stt; 24 Paraganas. 19.25 337 Sri Sri Harichand Matua Sevashram Trust/ Santidham, Harichand Thakur Road, Purvanchal Thakurpur, Kolkata-700063 4.73 338 Tarun Sangha, Vill. Phakirckak, P.O. Barabari(south), Distt. Midnapore 1.91 339 Vivekananda Child Welfare Home, Po Kakdwip, Distt. 24 Parganas(South) 13.84 340 West Bengal Scheduled Castes, Tribes & Minority Welfare Association, Rabindra Nagar, Po&Distt. Midnapore-721101 54
WEST BENGAL 
Brahminization of Bahujanist Religions and Paths to Enslave Indigenous Masses
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Fate of Indigenous Parties After
Communal-Casteist Congress Captured Crown
(Copyright-free Document)
Synthesized by
Sheetal Markam (Commander -in -Chief, Gondwana Mukti Sena, India)
Suhail Ansari, Advocate Harshvardhan Jogendra Meshram (B.A., B.Lib, Inf.Sc.; L.L.B.), Nagpur; Urmila Marco (C.G.), Niranjan Masram, Yavtamal
Communication Address :
Sheetal Markam Gondwana Vikas Mandal, 233 Sant Tukdoji Nagar, Manewara Road, Nagpur -440 024 (India)
Table of Contents
This document is a synthesis of material that we had downloaded from internet, Election commission of India and information collected from various periodicals and books. The document aims to present a complete meaningful picture that reveal real enemies hiding behind curtain in the garb of friends and their deceiving techniques so that the exploited and oppressed indigenous masses of India and the world can decide an appropriate measure to defeat these satanic perpetrators.
We request every capable person / organization to translate and print this document in their native language either in full or in parts and sell it at the price of their own choice as this document like our every published literature either in print or in electronic media is Copyright-free and is declared as the property of indigenous masses of the world.
We also request websites dedicated against exploitation and oppression to post this document and the literature posted at our blog at http://sheetalmarkam.wordpress.com as one of their web page / web pages. Aware persons and their organizations are requested to copy the Document and E-books on CDs and circulate them widely. They are also requested to post this document and E-Books as a blog and send it to their friends through E-Mail. — Sheetal Markam
Important :- While citing the information taken from various sources, to make the same information truly meaningful we have used words such as Brahminists, Manuists, Arya-Brahminists, exploiters, Arya-Brahminists riding the government, Manu-media, Brahmincracy, Arya-Brahminist Demoncracy, communal-casteist and so on and some information in bold letters. We have also put our own comments within { } to make the information more meaningful.
1) Adivasi : indigenous people that use to live in forests and also many settled in cities.
2) Arya-Brahmins : Persons who call themselves supreme race and above the law and even god. According to them the remaining masses are brought into existence to be ruled by Arya-Brahmins in the manner Arya-Brahmin like. Arya-Brahmins also represent any person, group or community that consider itself higher than the rest of mankind in above mentioned manner.
3) Arya-Brahminist : Any person belonging to any religion, caste or community who believes that the Arya-Brahmins are supreme race meant to rule the rest of the mankind and strives for imposition of Arya-Brahmin rule or strive for strengthening it by heart is an Arya-Brahminist.
4) Agent of Arya-Brahminist : Any person who work for establishing the supremacy of Arya-Brahmins to get some kind of favor is an agent of Arya-Brahmins.
5) Slave of Arya-Brahmins : Any person who is compelled to work for establishing the supremacy of Arya-Brahmins or to serve Arya-Brahmins against his wish is a slave of Arya-Brahmins.
6) Bahujans : The exploited and oppressed masses of the world who almost form 85% of total population are considered as Bahujans. In India OBC, Dalits, Muslims and Adivasi together constitute the population of Bahujans.
7) Bahujanism : Is ideology that ultimately aims to end exploitation and oppression of Arya-Brahmins (no matter what they are called) and aims to establish exploitation free society in which the various sections of Bahujans get their representation in every field according to their population proportion and Bahujan masses directly control the representatives they choose to run the government.
Bahujanist : Is a person who fights against the exploitation and oppression of Arya-Brahmins and their exploitation system; believes in equality, fraternity and brotherhood is Bahujanist.
Bahujanists include various Bahujan saints Such as Chakradhar, Namdev, Ravidas, Kabir, Tukaram, Harichand Thakur etc.; Social revolutionaries such as Pitamah Jyotirav Fule, Shahu Maharaj, Periyar E.V. Ramasami, Dr. Ambedkar, Guruchand Thakur etc; and communists such as Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Mao. All of them fought against exploitation and oppression of their time in the ways available to them under prevailing conditions.
9) Brahminism : The ideology that preaches supremacy of Arya-Brahmins over rest of the mankind and give Arya-Brahmins absolute power is Brahminism.
10) Manuism : Is Brahminism explained by Mr. Manu.
11) Dalits : Are castes compelled to do menial work and were declared as untouchables.
12) Manumedia : Media of exploiter Arya-Brahminists and the Illuminati and its exploiter class of the world.
13) Manusmriti : Book of the code of Mr. Manu.
14) OBC : Other backward classes.
15) Tri-Iblis : Iblis means Satan. Tri-Iblis is alliance of three satanic forces ( 1. Zionism, 2. Brahmanism and 3. American Imperialism) out to enslave indigenous masses of the world under the leadership of Satan worshipper Illuminati.
Total Gain of Brahminist Parties
Everybody including the communal-casteist Congress which was fear-ridden of getting ousted from power and of extinction, was extremely surprised to see their unimagined gain in 2009 elections that enabled Communal-Casteist Congress to capture the crown of India. With this win Communal-Casteist Congress and Arya-Brahminist Manumedia started intensive nationwide propaganda that it is the mandate for 1) stability {read stability of exploitation and oppression}, 2) negating regional parties {read Local Aspirations}, and 3) faith in national parties.
Our objective analyses and their synthesis made from the "Bahujan perspective" given below may give surprises to the reader of this copyright-free document.
Following table gives gain of Arya-Brahminist parties. In the table we have categorized these Arya-Brahminist parties into 1) Hardcore Brahminist parties (because of their anti-Bahujan activities) and 2) Deceptive Brahminist parties because they deceive masses wearing Bahujanwadi mask but in reality serve Brahminism and Arya-Brahmin interests.
| Table 1 : Brahminist Parties that Gained in Election | ||||||||
| Hardcore Brahminists | Deceptive Brahminists | Total | ||||||
| Year | INC | TC | Admk | BJD | RLD | NC+ | NCP | |
| 2009 | 206 | 19 | 09 | 14 | 5 | 4 | 9 | 266 |
| 2004 | 145 | 02 | 0 | 11 | 3 | 3 | 9 | 173 |
| Diff | 61 | 17 | 09 | 3 | 2 | 1 | 0 | 93 |
| Totals | 87 | 06 | ||||||
From table 1 we find that hardcore Brahminist parties such as Communal-Casteist Congress, Trinmul Congress and All India Anna Dravid Munnetra Kazgam (ADMK) together have won 87 extra seats, out of which Communal-Casteist Congress gained 61 seats.
Although Communal-Casteist Congress has a gain of 61 seats but its percent gain is lower (61/145) 100 = 42.07%. than AIADMK which is [(9/0)100] = infinite and of TC which is [(17/2)100] = 850%.
Deceptive Brahminist parties such as Biju Janata Dal (BJD), Nationalist Congress party of Sharad Pawar (NCP), Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD), National Conference and other Muslim parties of Upper caste Muslims (NC+) who have a little regional and non-Brahmin touch have gained 6 additional seats. Their percent gain collectively is of [(6/26)] = 23.07% which is marginal.
All these hardcore and deceptive Brahminist parties together have gained 93 seats in total. Now we objectively analyze why they gained these 93 seats and really where-form these seats have came.
Communal-Casteist Congress Captured Crown ?
Following are the main reasons why fascist communal-casteist Congress could capture the crown.
Arya-Brahmin Parties Ensured victory of Communal-Casteist Congress
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