Bidhan Ch. Roy REMOVED from WRITERS! Bengali Resettled Partition Victims DENIED Citizenship in Rajasthan!India, Bangladesh to sign counter-terror, power pacts! NRIs can vote soon: Manmohan Singh
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COLONEL Barve told the 26th BAMCEF Rashtriya Mulnivasi Joint Convention on 25th December that the Citizenship amendment Act as well as Unique Identity Number project are quite UNCONSTITUTIONAL as the clauses to guarantee CITIZENSHIP to all Refugees during Population Transfer in the Indian Holocaust REMAINS Intact even today. Justice PV sawant also thinks in the same line.
here on Friday.
Some 1,500 delegates from 50-plus countries are attending the conclave that the country hosts annually to connect with its 25 million diaspora in 130 countries.
Ramala Chakraborty said that medicos in the private hospital neither formed a medical board immediately to treat her husband, the West Bengal sports and transport minister, nor conduct a CT scan soon after he was admitted.
"The doctors failed to understand the gravity of my husband's condition. The board was formed only after three days, that too after we insisted. And the ICCU is also in shambles," Ramala Chakraborty said after a visit to the hospital.
The widow said she had not made the allegations soon after he husband's death as that would have led to violence. "Our partymen had become very emotional. Had I raised these issues then this hospital would have been ransacked. I did not want any such thing."
Basu still on ventilator, blood pressure fluctuating
Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) patriarch Jyoti Basu, in hospital since Jan 1 following a pneumonia attack, continued to be on ventilator support with no change in his condition since last evening, a hospital medical bulletin said Thursday.
"His condition had deteriorated Wednesday morning and he was put on ventilator support. By Wednesday evening he showed some improvement. Today there was no further improvement in his condition," a bulletin from the AMRI Hospital said.
"His blood pressure is fluctuating from time to time since last evening," the private hospital said.
A bronchoscopy done on the 96-year-old former West Bengal chief minister Wednesday did not suggest any change of treatment.
"Small amount of liquid food is being given through rice tube," said the bulletin, issued around noon.
Basu's condition was being constantly monitored by an eight-member medical board, which will again examine him at 5 p.m. The next bulletin will be issued at 6 p.m.
Earlier in the morning, AMRI medical superintendent Debasish Sharma had told IANS: "He is stable with ventilator support."
CPI-M politburo member Sitaram Yechuri, who visited Basu Thursday morning, claimed he was responding to a new course of antibiotics.
"The doctors said he is responding to the new antibiotic. He is better than what he was Wednesday morning," Yechuri said.
"He has been a fighter all his life. And now also he is fighting."
Yechuri said lot of disinformation was spread Wednesday about Basu's condition.
"All this disinformation (being spread) should stop. We have to rely on the information the doctors are providing," he added.
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has already arrived in the city to call on the ailing leader. Among other political luminaries scheduled to visit him are CPI-M general secretary Prakash Karat and CPI general secretary A.B. Bardhan.
Basu had turned "critical" following breathing problems Wednesday morning.
He was admitted to the hospital in Salt Lake close to his Indira Bhawan residence Friday evening following chest congestion and infection. Later, a CT scan report revealed that Basu was suffering from pneumonia.
Basu also has a clot in the brain from a fall in his bathroom in 2008.
However, it has now reduced following medication.
Born 1914 in Kolkata, Basu was West Bengal chief minister from June 1977 until November 2000, heading a Left Front government led by his Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M). He stepped down voluntarily on health grounds.
One of the founding leaders of the CPI-M, Basu almost became India's prime minister in 1996 at the head of a coalition government but the party vetoed the proposal.
India, Bangladesh to sign counter-terror, power pacts
India and Bangladesh are set to turn a new chapter in their ties by signing three counter-terror agreements and a pact on power swapping during the four-day visit of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina that starts Sunday.
A $500 million line of credit to promote infrastructure development in Bangladesh and a decision to facilitate a rail transit link from Bangladesh to Nepal are among important initiatives India has lined up to signal a new spring in bilateral ties.
The relations had suffered under the previous Khaleda Zia regime in Dhaka over a host of issues, including the alleged sheltering of insurgent leaders by Dhaka.
Accompanied by her senior ministers and a 30-member strong business delegation, Sheikh Hasina will arrive in India Sunday night, her first trip to New Delhi after sweeping the December 2008 elections. She will also go to Ajmer, home to the shrine of a much-revered Sufi saint.
External Affairs Minister S.M. Krishna Friday said Dhaka has assured New Delhi that its territory will not be used by anti-India elements.
'We have been assured that the Bangladesh territory will not be used by elements inimical to India while we pursue mutually beneficial relationship,' Krishna said at the annual conclave of the Indian diaspora.
Krishna also hailed the restoration of multi-party democracy in Bangladesh as 'a positive development'.
Stepping up cooperation in counter-terrorism will be among important issues on the table when Sheikh Hasina holds talks with Prime Minister Manmohan Singh Monday.
Sheikh Hasina will be conferred the prestigious Indira Gandhi Prize for Peace, Disarmament and Development Tuesday and Manmohan Singh will host a banquet dinner in her honour.
Other important items on the summit agenda include the sharing of river waters, the resolution of the maritime border dispute and the promotion of bilateral trade and connectivity.
India and Bangladesh will ink three key agreements on mutual legal assistance on criminal offences, the transfer of sentenced persons and combating international terrorism, organised crime and illegal drug trafficking.
The two neighbours will also sign a memorandum of understanding (MoU) on expanding power cooperation that will include building inter-grid connectivity, reliable sources said.
The MoU will facilitate import and export of electricity amounting to over 900 million units per annum depending on availability, need and price.
The three security-related pacts will enable New Delhi to press for the extradition of suspected insurgents from its northeastern states that have taken shelter in Bangladeshi territory. The prisoner exchange deal is expected to formalise the extradition process between the two countries.
Both India and Bangladesh have given a list of their fugitives to each other. The two sides are expecting a forward movement in this area during the visit, the sources said.
Dhaka has set a positive tone by arresting top insurgent anti-India leaders. In a major confidence-building measure, Bangladeshi authorities 'pushed back' in December one of India's most wanted fugitives, Arabinda Rajkhowa, chairman of the outlawed United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA), the outfit's deputy commander-in-chief Raju Baruah and his senior aides through the India-Bangladesh border at Dawki in the northeastern state of Meghalaya.
Talks on sharing of river waters may also see some progress. Following the talks between their top water resource officials Jan 4-5, the two sides are hoping for an advance on their negotiations on sharing of waters of the common rivers, including Teesta, that had been mired in differences.
However, no deal on Teesta river will be signed, Bangladesh Foreign Minister Dipu Moni said in Dhaka Thursday. Moni added that Sheikh Hasina will raise her concerns about the proposed construction of the controversial Tipaimukh dam, which has run foul of environmentalists and an anti-India lobby in Bangladesh.
Amitabh Bachchan's Paa tax free in West Bengal
After Gujarat, Amitabh Bachchan starrer Paa has now been declared tax-free in West Bengal.
The tax exemption will help reduce ticket prices and will further help the movie business in its long run, said a statement.
Produced by AB Corp and distributed by Reliance BIG Pictures, Paa is an emotional story of a father-son relationship that has Amitabh playing Auro, a 12-year-old suffering from progeria, a disease that accelerates ageing.
Directed by R. Balakrishnan, the film also stars Vidya Balan and Abhishek Bachchan who play Amitabh's parents.
Govt for strong ties with Indians abroad: Ravi
2010-01-08 17:22:53
New Delhi: The Government has taken several initiatives to build strong partnership with the Overseas Indian Community, said the department's minister Vayalar Ravi on Friday.
Efforts are being made to develop an inclusive agenda for engaging them to provide wide range roles and fulfill expectations of the NRIs, said Vayalar Ravi, Minister of Overseas Indian Affairs while addressing the inaugural session of 8th Pravasi Bharatiya Diwas here.
`Labour mobility partnerships with EU in the offing`
He said the meet has been organized to provide effective platform for interaction with NRIs and offer them opportunities for collaborations and partnerships on a wide variety of initiatives taken by the Indian Government.
Highlighting the initiatives taken in the recent years to strengthen India's engagements with its overseas community, the Minister said that over 500, 000 OCI cards (overseas citizenship of India) have been issued since 2006 and the Government is working on conferring benefits on OCI card holders to enable them to live and work in India.
An Overseas Indian Facilitation Centre to provide a single window for overseas Indian investors has also been established. He expressed the hope that some similar opportunity provided by the country would facilitate the NRIs to partner with the country in their chosen area of work.
Security of overseas workers, students top priority: PM
Appraising the delegates about the detailed agenda of the meet, the Minister said that the various sessions spread over two days would provide the opportunity to PIOs (People of Indian Origin)to articulate their region specific interests and concerns.
That would help the government to understand better the needs of NRIs and to develop appropriate policies and programmes to meet their requirements and expectations, he added.
Ravi also said that the meet would help NRIs to understand the important steps being taken by the various state governments in India for their benefit.
India will quickly return to 9-10 pc growth: PM
Over 1500 delegates from about 55 countries are participating in the two-day meet. It will have six parallel sessions dealing with economic, social and cultural dimensions of relationship with NRIs.
Union Ministers of all important infrastructure ministries and social sectors will address the meet to appraise of the government's programmes and policies.
http://sify.com/news/govt-for-strong-ties-with-indians-abroad-ravi-news-features-kbirwRhfaid.html
Big B all praise for Modi, to promote Guj tourism
8 Jan 2010, 0443 hrs IST, ET Bureau
NEW DELHI: Bollywood icon Amitabh Bachchan, who volunteered to become the brand ambassador for Gujarat as a tourist destination, has put his
Big B
Big B offers to become brand ambassador of Gujarat |
IN PICS: Big Boss culminates, Amitabh bachchan vows audience
admiration for chief minister Narendra Modi on record in his blog.
Gujarat has decided to give tax-free status to the Hindi movie Paa, which stars Mr Bachchan in the lead role. The veteran actor, writing after an exhausting day at two in the morning, says an "obligation must never be ignored".
He says: "An emotion of gratitude and consent by a dignitary that holds office can become overwhelming. I find myself in such state. Mr Narendra Modi, chief minister of the state of Gujarat, in his hospitality and generous demeanour, has through process registered that our film Paa shall be granted tax exemption, the paper work provided falling into place."
"He (Mr Modi) lives simply and with mere basic needs and most unlike the head of a state. He speaks with affection on development and progress. He is welcoming to fresh ideas and ideals. His oft-repeated phrase of him being a CM, a common man, is not misunderstood. He does and acts as he speaks. He talks of raising the level of awareness for his state through tourism and I volunteer to participate in any activity that would help promote that."
Mr Modi had watched the film sitting beside the superstar in Ahmedabad on Wednesday. "He has invited his entire cabinet to the showing along with all relevant bureaucrats and important assembly luminaries. They sit through the entire running with silence and dignity and come out in the lights of the theatre with praise and admiration. For once they admit the politician has not been shown in bad light (played by Mr Bachchan's son, Abhishek)."
Mr Bachchan's praise for Mr Modi, incidentally, comes within hours of SP leader and his good friend, Amar Singh, stepping down from all posts in the party. It signals a political churning in the Amar Singh camp, given that Mr Bachchan was promoting UP a few years back.
The blog entry, however, contains no overt references to politics. It is all about how the largest number of heritage sites in the country are in Gujarat and that the historic 'Dwarka Nagari' once ruled by the god Krishna lies submerged under the sea. It talks of the "historic temples" of Somnath and Dwarka and the "endless places of great history".
In time, it cuts back to the legend of the Big B himself. He says of the CM's reaction to film: "Over a light dinner during the interval he turned to me and said: 'The main and most important assets for an actor are his face and his voice. They are the elements that attract an audience to a performer. But you have done away with both aspects in this film and still succeed in making yourself attractive to an audience. That is remarkable!" Mr Bachchan's response: "I look if I can hide under the table! It's a job by itself, taking compliments!"
Mr Bachchan ends his musings on the special screening of Paa by paying a return compliment. "As I drive back we duck below a spanning sign on a bridge crossing that thanks us for visiting 'Clean and Green Gandhinagar'. I couldn't have agreed more!!!" The endorsement from Mr Bachchan comes shortly after Mr Ratan Tata's public display of admiration for Mr Modi in the wake of the Tata Nano production being shifted from West Bengal to Gujarat. The newest words of affirmation would be more than welcome to a leader who has been trying to shed the burden of the 2002 anti-Muslim riots in Gujarat.
http://economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/5422166.cms
India: A billion aspirations
Perspectives on South Asian politics
Ailing Jyoti Basu still poster boy of Indian communism
When Prime Minister Manmohan Singh rushed to Kolkata on Thursday just to pay a 22-minute visit to the hospital where 96-year-old Jyoti Basu is battling for life, the trip spoke volumes about the communist patriarch's relevance in Indian politics.
India's longest serving chief minister is on ventilator support but the throngs of teary-eyed followers outside the hospital, the 24×7 mediapersons camping outside and the steady stream of political dignitaries indicate the respect Basu commands across the political spectrum.
The Prime Minister offered to fly in experts from anywhere in India to treat Basu.
A day later, former Prime Minister H.D. Deve Gowda also visited the ailing leader in Kolkata.
"I remember what Jyoti Basu has sacrificed. He made me the prime minister of this country," Gowda told reporters recalling the political stalemate in 1996.
In May 1996, Basu, then firmly in the saddle as the longest serving chief minister of West Bengal, was on the verge of becoming India's first communist prime minister as a consensus choice amid political chicanery.
The United Front government, comprising the Left Front and the National Front, wanted him as its leader, but Basu's own party puritans would not allow him to accept the post.
Thus, India missed its first communist prime minister.
Basu himself had later dubbed the episode as a "historic blunder" and referred to it in a biography by Surabhi Banerjee.
"I was constantly being coaxed into accepting the key post. I was simply waiting for the party's stand now. I was inclined to accept the onerous but unanimous offer for the credibility of the Third Front and secondly for solving the stalemate."
In November 2000, Basu voluntarily stepped down as the chief minister of West Bengal, paving the way for his deputy Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee to take over.
Basu, even in reclusion forced by failing health, remains the poster boy of Indian communism. Till recently he was a crowd-puller in election campaigns.
The anxiety of his followers, the tears, the flurry of media activities outside the hospital and the air-dashing political royalty, mainly those from rival political outfits, vouch for it.
Comments RSS Ailing Jyoti Basu still poster boy of Indian communismReuters India (blog) - 8 hours ago When Prime Minister Manmohan Singh rushed to Kolkata on Thursday just to pay a 22-minute visit to the hospital where 96-year-old Jyoti Basu is battling for ... Basu back on full ventilationHindu Business Line - 11 hours ago KOLKATA: The condition of Marxist patriarch Mr Jyoti Basu, who is battling pneumonia, remained critical on Friday with doctors putting him back on full ... Yechury in Kolkata to see Jyoti BasuNDTV.com - 12 hours ago Politburo member Sitaram Yechury is in Kolkata to visit a critical Jyoti Basu.
PM visits ailing Basu, offers helpIndian Express - 18 hours ago Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on Thursday offered to fly in the country's top doctors to help in the treatment of former West Bengal chief minister Jyoti ... PM offers expert medical help for BasuEconomic Times - 18 hours ago KOLKATA: Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on Thursday assured the medical board treating CPM patriarch Jyoti Basu of all possible help including arranging ... PM calls on Basu, offers helpExpressindia.com - - 18 hours ago Kolkata Even as former chief minister Jyoti Basu's condition remained critical on Thursday, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, accompanied with Union Finance ... Ventilator support for Basu reduced partiallyThe Hindu - 22 hours ago Kolkata: There was "no significant improvement" in the condition of veteran Marxist leader Jyoti Basu here on Thursday, a day after he became critically ill ... PM promises best treatment for ailing Jyoti BasuDaily News & Analysis - Jan 7, 2010 Kolkata: If Wednesday was a day of anxiety and rumours over the health condition of nonagenarian Marxist Jyoti Basu, Thursday was the day of partial relief. ... Basu's ventilation support reduced, 'anxious' PM visitsHindustan Times - Jan 7, 2010 Marxist patriarch Jyoti Basu, hospitalised on Jan 1 following a pneumonia attack, did not exhibit any significant improvement on Thursday, ... | Timeline of articlesNumber of sources covering this story
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India falters in combating Maoist guerrillas: Some Lessons
Active Maoist Guerrilla warfare and passive expansion of the ideology of capturing power through the barrels of the gun is swinging imagination of masses living in the fringe areas of the society-the rural have-nots, forgotten forest dwellers and the exploited masses in different parts of the country. Statistically the Maoist headed movement has affected several states right from West Bengal to Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh. The units in Kerala, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu are yet to start organized armed violence. Recent visit to certain areas in Punjab-Sangrur, Faridkot and Bathinda etc areas and certain pockets in Haryana educated me about existence of strong Maoist groups in these so called prosperous states also. Delhi, Kolkata, Patna etc cities continue to be the hub of intellectual sympathizers and promoters of the movement.
The speed with which the movement is spiraling has not been analyzed in the correct perspective by the political decision makers, intellectuals, intelligence agencies and law and order implementing agencies. The reasons are many, parts of which I had shared with the readers in my article Maoist Apparatus and Bridging Old Fault Lines, published in this portal. It is proposed to outline some more details in this essay concluding the last essay.
It is better to have a peep into the efforts of the Union and State governments in the direction of meeting the menace with approximated correct prognosis.
Some readers of the Part 1 of the essay asked me to explain Mass Control and its cyclic effect. Mass Control is both physical and psychological control on the people in a given area, who look up to the STATE for means of livelihood, basic amenities, protection of lives and properties and ensuring upward movement of the people from poverty to prosperity. In vast areas of rural India, forested areas inhabited by the Advasis (aboriginal tribes) and in mining, industrial areas huge segments of people live under extreme penury. In certain areas (including prosperous Punjab) peasants commit suicide in large numbers, marginal landholders become landless, forest areas are denuded by timber tycoons, Tendu leaf (for making bidi) cultivation is hijacked by the moneylenders, forest lands are forcibly grabbed for mining purposes and most of the government schemes to help the rural people with monetary help land up in the pockets of politicians, bureaucrats and middlemen. Over period such people lose confidence on the STATE and it is gradually replaced by the revolutionary group who seek emancipation through violence.
This inevitably follows by armed conflict between the STATE and the Revolutionaries; in this case Maoists. Gradually Law & Order takes priority over other mandatory duties of the STATE. Gradually the conflict takes the shape of guerrilla warfare between the STATE and the Maoists. The STATE tries to retain Mass Control by using police forces and that alienates people to greater degrees. Sometimes the Maoists deliberately attacks police posts located in villages. This invites increased retaliation on the village from the STATE. Under STATE pressure the people surrenders to Maoist Mass Control and the chain of STATE and MAOIST violence continue to haunt the people. Once small areas are "liberated" by the Maoists they run their own government and paralyze all government establishments including schools, health centres lines of communication and even stoppage of payment of revenue to the STATE. The economy of the area is paralyzed and the STATE continues to depend on force as a multiplier ingredient to smash the Maoist movement. The diagram below may illustrate the vicious circle.
Use of the expression Fringe People is an inclusive exercise for incorporating poverty stricken, landless, jobless, uprooted mass of people. The level of poverty, as per unreliable government data is also alarming. It is estimated that 456 million Indians (42% of the total Indian population) now live under the global poverty line of $1.25 per day (PPP). This means a third of the global poor now reside in India. The Planning Commission of India uses different criteria and has estimated that 27.5% of the population lived below the poverty line in 2004–2005, down from 51.3% in 1977–1978, and 36% in 1993-1994. The source for this was the 61st round of the National Sample Survey (NSS) and the criterion used was monthly per capita consumption expenditure below Rs. 356.35 for rural areas and Rs. 538.60 for urban areas. 75% of the poor are in rural areas, most of them are daily wagers, self-employed householders and landless laborers.
Indian economy has grown steadily over the last two decades. Its growth has been uneven when comparing different social groups, economic groups, geographic regions, and rural and urban areas. Between 1999 and 2008, the annualized growth rates for Gujarat (8.8%), Haryana (8.7%), or Delhi (7.4%) were much higher than for Bihar (5.1%), Uttar Pradesh (4.4%), or Madhya Pradesh (3.5%). Poverty rates in rural Orissa (43%) and rural Bihar (41%) are among the world's most extreme.
The India State Hunger Index 2008, by the International Food Policy Research Institute, Punjab has the best nutritional situation, whereas malnutrition in Madhya Pradesh is worse than in Ethiopia or Sudan. Worse is the condition in tribal areas of Chattisgarh, Orissa, Garhchiroli area of Maharashtra, plain and hill regions of Jharkhand, rural areas of West Bengal and Bihar.
These are areas where the Maoists or Naxals have stepped up their Guerrilla warfare. On a given map the compact area looks like a liberated zone.
But what is the STATE response? I want to focus on two States, Chattisgarh and West Bengal, for sample profiling.
The State response basically veered around restoration of law & order, battling the guerrillas, decimating them through live action and forcing them out of the "liberated areas." The nucleus of police response is the Police Station. For example Dantewada district in Chattisgarh has 21 police stations and 2 police outposts. Number of Police outposts has gone up during last two years. In addition to state police force a few central police force encampments have also been established. The hill district having 9046.29 Sq kms area has only 478.93 kms tarred road. Police mobility is extremely limited. Average strength of a police station is about 10-15, except on occasions Special Forces are attached to a police station for raiding Maoist hideouts. Previously most of the police stations were located in makeshift or dilapidated structures without any watch tower, perimeter defences and faster communication facilities. The phone lines are unreliable and are generally deactivated by the Maoists. Wireless communication is being improved and in recent times some police officers have been given mobile phones. The problem with mobile phones is that towers are very few and often some existing towers are blasted out by the Naxals.
A police station is supposed to dominate an area of over 450 kms. With the given available strength in a working day (normal average is 7 out of 10), poor motor transport facility, inadequacy of wireless communication and supply of antiquated rifles the presence of normal police force is considered insignificant; not fit for fighting Maoist rebels equipped with modern arms. The inventories of the Maoists include Kalashnikov rifles, Light Machine Guns, 2" mortars and assorted rapid firing weapons. In addition to these they possess several kinds of landmines and IEDs. The Maoists are well trained in guerrilla warfare, jungle warfare and tactics of ambush. Their encampments are mobile. The guerrillas have no fixed HQ. In fact, a given guerrilla group do not spend nights in the same village. The groups are mainly composed of compatible tribe members.
In Bastar area major tribes are Gond #, Abhuj #, Maria*, Bhatra #*, Halbaa#*, Dhurvaa#, Muria#*, Bison Horn Maria #*. The # marked tribes are by and large not supporting the Maoists; while * marked tribes are Maoist supporters. The #* marked tribes mean partly loyal to the government and partly to the Maoists. Loyalty to the government depends on quantum of presence of the government and governance. Most of these tribal inhabited areas are extremely poverty ridden. Cultivation, harvesting forest resources etc are main sources of livelihood. In most cases funds provided under Integrated Rural Development Programme, NREG, Sampoorna Gramin Rozgar Yojana and other social security programmes do not reach the real people. For example, if an amount of 300 is sanctioned per family under NREG the fortunate family may get rupees 100, if they are lucky. In most cases out of 100 about 7-9% people actually receive the amount; rest goes to pockets of the bureaucrats, local politicians, leaders of local self government and even petty clerks. The STATE government sanctions the amounts to the district collectors, allocated by the central government. From that point downwards the money develops wings and the real recipients remain where they were. Same is the fate with Anganwadi system introduced in some of the areas. Right from the district office to the lowest governing tool in the panchayat and certain elements in the Anganwadi institutions share the money and the real education and total child development system remain where they were.
We will discuss these aspects in later parts of the essay.
Police operations have three basic formats: group patrolling (often in platoon strength, rarely in company strength); village searches, and rare ambush parties. In group patrolling the general trend is to march in a column with 15-20 feet distance between two sepoys. These parties do not have mine sweeping vehicles and mostly they are not equipped with handheld mine detecting devices. This results in frequent mine explosions and police casualties. The information that a police party was planning patrolling in a particular direction somehow or other reaches the Maoists through their information network, interception of VHF radio talks. They plant antipersonnel mines on the likely routes to be taken by the patrol parties.
My experience in Nagaland and Manipur and the experiments conducted by army and paramilitary units indicated that instead of a single column patrol party or area domination party it was safer to send out two other parallel parties (smaller in size); one on both flanks of the main party. This tactics paid good dividends and guerrilla parties waiting in ambush were often taken by surprise.
Village searches are mostly perfidious. Police and Salwa Judum parties often enters homes, violate privacy of women and forcibly take away eatables including fowls, goats etc. Often the villagers are made to assemble in one place and some are tortured to obtain information. Police commanders do not realize that such tactics and illegal plundering and faulty operational methodology alienate the people more and they prefer the Maoists to buy protection.
Deployment of ambush parties are not done on the basis of precise human intelligence. This is the weakest area of anti- guerrilla operations. The tribesmen have basic distrust for State administration; they are alienated by malpractices of timber-tycoons, Tendu leaf contractors, loan sharks, Mahajans (who advance money against crop) and of course against police, whom they consider as ambassadors of State repression. In my discussions with three police chiefs in Maoist affected areas I noted with dismay that my serving colleagues have not been able to revamp the intelligence apparatus. The normal state intelligence outfit and its district detachments are burdened with multifarious-political errands to normal terrorist-jihad activities. They are supposed to keep track of dowry killing, starvation death by agricultural workers, village feuds and most law & order problems. They have no focused training and resource to gather human intelligence (HUMINT) about the Maoists.
It is high time the State governments create special intelligence cells for Maoist problems. In a State like Jharkhand a special intelligence cell should consist of minimum 500 officers and men, specially trained by the Intelligence Bureau and other outfits handling commando and guerrilla warfare. Several meetings of the Union Home Minister with the State police chiefs and advisories to the Chief Ministers have not been able to make them understand that without high quality HUMINT it is not possible to carry out successful armed actions against the Maoists. Every district of the affected states should have a contingent of the special intelligence unit. These units should have attached compliments of trained commandos, who can move with lightening speed to intercept the Maoist group informed upon by the human assets. The DG police and the Operations Chief in each district may order immediate planned action without waiting for bureaucratic shenanigans. Unfortunately, in States like Chhattisgarh (despite an efficient DG Police) and Jharkhand such modern anti guerrilla concepts are yet to be implemented. Neither the Union and State governments have looked into the old British model in Malaysia, US model in Vietnam, and the models practiced in Greece and Italy nor they have gone for any other innovations improving upon India's own experiences in insurgency infested areas. The politicians talk for the sake of befooling the people.
While examining the Maoist menace at Chhatisgarh I would like to conclude by observing that the State administration is not equipped with intelligence back up, sophisticated weapons, all weather communication system and speedy mobility. Even if some Central paramilitary forces are inducted they cannot operate without help of local police and intelligence. As newcomers they are more vulnerable. Central forces can only succeed if battalions are allowed to dig in the affected areas for years together, build up defences, sanitize the villages and develop their own HUMINT potential. Temporary visiting units are guests; they are not effective operative units. Delhi must understand this and persuade the States to borrow Central forces for at least ten years. Units may change, but CRPF must be replaced by CRPF for the sake of continuity and force-homogeneity. A contingent of CRPF to be replaced by a contingent CISF after three months is a useless exercise. Minimum rotation of forces can ensure better operational capability.
While on Chattisgarh the issue of Salwa Judum is required to be briefly examined. Pro-Maoist intellectuals have painted pictures of "village grouping" by the government in the name of mobilising villagers against the Maoists. "Village Grouping" was successfully tried by the army in Mizoram. The principle was to deny water to the fish and make them vulnerable to lack of oxygen. There is no doubt that the villagers, either out of "Mass Control" factor or fear of decimation provide help to the Maoists. Once the villages are "grouped" (temporarily) the Maoists would be denied the water to swim about freely. Human rights groups and even the judiciary have intervened in the matter. I would strongly advocate revival of the system of VVF (as in Manipur), Village Guards (as in Nagaland) and Special Police Officers (as in Punjab) for deployment after sustained training by a paramilitary force in guerrilla warfare and handling of medium and heavy weapons.
IN CASE THE MAOSISTS HAVE THE PROCLAIMED RIGHT TO WAGE PEOPLE'S WAR, THE PEOPLES' HAVE THE RIGHT TO ORGANISE TEMSELVES WITH STATE ASSISTANCE TO DEFEND THEMSELVES. THE STATE CANNOT ABDICATE ITS DUTIES AND THE PEOPLE CANNOT WAIT TO BE SLAUGHTERED AT THE ALTER OF MAOISM, SIMPLY BECAUSE SOME HUMAN RIGHTS GROUPS AND SOME COURTS INTERVENE.
The Constitution has bestowed rights on the people to defend themselves. No court can rule against this fundamental right.
Besides Chattisgarh I would like the readers to visit Lalgarh, Jangalmahal etc places in West Midnapore of West Bengal. Maoist activities (Naxal) are not new in this district of West Bengal bordering Bihar/Jharkhand. The Naxalite movement in Debra, Gopiballabhpur in mid-1969 had wrought the mass-killing violent movement for over 7 years, before the peak of the movement could be blunted. In fact, Debra, Gopiballabhpur, Jhargram, Shalboni, Jangal Mahal, Lalgarh etc areas are in West Midnapore district. These are most backward areas of Bengal. Except Haldia ports complex, Kharagpur and a few pockets nearer to Kolkata rest of the district is as backward as the adjacent districts of Purulia, Birbhum and Bankura are.
Some efforts were made, too late in the regime of the CPM, to start industrialization in Singur (Nano factory of TATA) and Nandigram (chemical complex of Salim group). Here is another classic case of political rivalry between the CPM and Trinamool Congress feuding over industrialization in agricultural area and politicization of land acquisition on the plea of displacement of the rural people. This feud helped TMC, Jamiat-ul-Ulama-e-Hind and several NGOs, and indirectly the Congress to create severe disturbances. The government had expressed intention of acquisition, the Haldia ports authority had issued a notice about likely acquisition, but no government action had been taken to forcibly occupy the land for the proposed SEZ at Nandigram. The TMC led agitation helped the Maoists to walk into the vortex of tornado created by political rivalry. There is no denial of fact that the issue of acquision of agricultural land for industrial use in Nandigram (Midnapore) and Singur (Hooghly) had kicked off bloody trails of political tornado, but these politicized movements might have had earned a few more votes for the TMC and the Congress, but the momentum had encouraged the Maoists to slip into Jhargram, Shalboni, Lalgarh and even Midnapore Sadar areas with arms and explosives. In Nandigram and nearby Singur area the Bhumi Uchhed Pratirodh Committee and Jami Rakkha Committee etc bodies were organised and were highly infiltrated by the Maoists.
Nandigram and Singur were the stages where TMC and Congress rehearsed political revival and the Maoists initiated a new phase of sustained movement in west Midnapore, basically a forested single crop area, mostly inhabited by the tribal people-Santhal and Oraon, Majhi, Mahato, Ho, Munda etc and sprinkling of lower caste Hindus. Here also a front organisation was floated styled as Peoples Committee against Police Atrocities. This mass organisation was headed by CPM's local committee member Chatrdhar Mahato. Besides this front organisation the Maoists also organised Solidarity Forum for Lalgarh, Shramajivi Swastha Udyog, Utsha Manush, Janaswastha Committee, and Janaswastha Swadhikar Mancha etc. These front organisations received support from Bengali intellectuals, writers and film makers.
The apex social organization of the Santhals, the Bharat Jakat Majhi Madwa Juan Gaonta took up the leadership of the struggle, although the leader of the organization, the "Disham Majhi" Nityananda Hembram openly professed that they were being guided by the people's movement and they had no control on it. The upsurge of adivasis is continuing unabated and is also spreading to newer areas. They laid siege of Jhargram and only after discussion between the Bharat Jakat Majhi Madwa Juan Gaonta and the administration, the siege of was partially lifted. The blockade on the road connecting Jhargram and Dahijuri was lifted on 14th November but the Bharat Jakat Majhi Madwa could not convince the protesters to lift the blockades of the other roads connecting Jhargram. Besides Lalgarh, the movement has now spread to Binpur, Jhargram, Jamboni, Shalboni, Belpahari, Garbeta and Gopiballavpur. People's response to joint State and Central operation was so spontaneous that the movement had spread to the last two blocks of the Jhargram sub-division, Nayagram and Sankrail. Nayagram block was disconnected by piling tree trunks on the roads in Dhankamra and Barpat. Dhankhori, Gajashimul, Mudakati and Kungarda areas of Sankrail block have also been blockaded. On the other hand, all connections to police stations and camps in the Belpahari block of Jhargram sub-division has been cut off. A group of around 500 armed tribal blockaded the Neguriya police camp near Chakadoba in Belpahari. The local shopkeepers and traders have declared that they would not supply anything to the policemen in the camps.
The West Bengal government cannot deny its responsibility for neglecting the area. While Below Poverty Line index in the state is 27% in West Midnapore areas the index is 43% to 37%. There are about 12 government aided schools in the tribal area, but hardly any teacher is available, The Health Centres are almost nonexistent. There is no regular doctor, least speaking of free medicine supply. Some sample study was made about a few central funded welfare projects in the Jhargram-Lalgarh areas. People have not even heard about Sampoorna Gramin Rojgar Yojana (SGRY), Rural Housing, Self Employment Programme, Berozgar Bhatta (unemployment allowance), and National Rural Employment Guarantee (NREG) etc schemes.
A sample study of Belpahadi indicated that the CPM leaders offered some NREG facility to their cadre. Only 7% of rest of the tribal people received some NREG support. Some sampling was made of Anganwadi (rural school) scheme in Sankrail and Nayagram areas. It was found that only 5 to 7% benefit reached the targeted people. Rest of the money was misappropriated by the village authorities, Block officials and even top notches of the Aganwadi scheme. A sample study of the Integral Rural Development Programme (IRDP) was made in Belda area. The findings were disheartening. The amount received by the district and Block authorities and the Panchayats were distributed amongst the political sharks. The real tribal people received nothing (CPM supporters excluded). It is not possible for one person to study the entire developmental activities. But the if samples are any indicator, it must be said that the governmental tools were misused and the benefits offered by Delhi were either eaten by the political-bureaucratic cartel and very little trickled down to the deserving tribal population.
The magnitude of the national problem of sharks eating up the smaller fries was horribly exemplified in a publication of the Times of India (Nov. 26, 2009) about 22,853 ghost employees drawing pay for decades from the Municipal Corporation of Delhi to the tune of Rs. 17 crores per month. Statistics about only one agency has been dug out. There are about 10 such departments under Delhi government which maintain ghost employees costing the tax payers about Rs. 50 crores per month.
What is happening in the rural areas and in the forested tracts as well as in vast mining tracts in different parts of the country, where India's shining global economy is yet to shine even for fractions of days in any given year. Nearly 30% of India's population goes to bed in empty stomach and about 40% can barely manage two square meals in any given day. In Lalgarh area the same misfortune of the people was noticed by non-partisan observers.
Militarily the government of West Bengal failed miserably to control the Maoist movement. Local formations of the CPM (notoriously known for motor cycle groups) dominated the area and maimed all political opposition and even reasonable ventilation of genuine grievances. They were, at many places, supported by the local police. The ordinary people lost touch with the administration and the administration was blissfully ignorant about the Maoists building up local committees, arming the people, bringing in improvised explosive devices and building up comprehensive people's fronts. Obviously, these fronts received support from Trinamool Congress and Congress, who thought of Nandigram like exploitation of the Maoists for retrieving political ground. This was a miscalculation. The Maoists are very active in adjacent Jharkhand, Orissa and Bihar. The borders are open. When chased the Orissa and Jharkhand Maoists slip in Midnapore and Purulia districts of West Bengal. Similarly, the Maoists also recruit their cadres from West Bengal tribal population. The intellectual brains of Bengal, Andhra Pradesh and Orissa guide the movement. Local leaders are also emerging in Jharkhand, Chattisgarh and other parts of the country.
Let us look into the military formation in Lalgarh and Jangal Mahal area of West Midnapore. The Maoists have organised village level squads for cutting of road connection, planting IED or anti-personnel and anti-tank mines (to hit mine proof vehicles). These village committees are also assigned the task of attacking isolated police posts. Major police stations are at West Midnapore Kotwali, Sankrail, Jhargram, Lalgarh, Shalboni (also EFR headquarter) Manikpara (near Kalaikunda airbase) etc. Besides the District HQ the average strength of police stations were (before joint operations) 10-15. The police were armed with .303 obsolete rifles. One jeep per police station was the only means of communication. Phone lines were unreliable and cell phones were not in profuse use because of lack of towers. Wireless communication was also generally absent. The police depended on muscle support from the CPM cadre.
Once the organised Maoist activities started in Lalgarh, Jhargram, Shalboni, and Jangal Mahal etc areas police resistance evaporated. The State did not deploy sufficient numbers of the crack Eastern Frontier Rifles (EFR) and other State Armed Police Battalions. Kolkata depended on ramshackle police forces and party cadre. Once these efforts were blunted by the front organisations the trained Maoists' reserve arms caches in the hill areas were brought in. This is proved by the daring attack on Sankrail police station by 100 Maoists and kidnapping of the officer in charge. The Maoists have attacked government establishments in West Midnapore Sadar (planting of mine), Jhargram sub-divisional HQ, Shalboni, Nayagram and other places.
The joint Central and State police operations (seen on TV) were mainly conducted in plains areas of Lalgarh, amidst populated segments and in some cases under pan of TV cameras. My enquiry with local people, not connected with the Maoist movement, mostly apolitical, some owing allegiance to CPM, revealed that the State government first tried to augment ridiculously low strength in the police stations. They also depended on the trained party cadre to build up local resistance. However, backed by other tribal organisation, Trinamool Congress and Congress the Peoples Committee against Police Atrocities (PCPA) organised sustained opposition to police incursion. The main Maoist guerrillas provided support by planting mines and opening fire on the Central and State forces under cover of deep forested areas. The joint operation was limited to regaining government control on the Lalgarh tract and no sustained and planned operations were conducted in the hills adjoining Jharkhand and Orissa. The hardcore Maoist cadres infiltrated from Jharkhand and Orissa and revived the Naxal movement in West Midnapore areas along with pockets in Birbhum and Bankura. If a bird's eye view is taken of the compact Maoist affected areas in this region it would seem that the belt between Birbhum (home district of Union Finance Minister), Bankura, West Midnapore, Jharkhand and Orissa is painted either red or pink. This is what the Maoists call "liberated zone."
What are the preparations of the West Bengal government? It is a sad and shady story. Without going into the political skullduggery it can be safely concluded that the CPM and other Left partners had built up groups of Banditos, often armed with lethal weapons and homemade bombs. After about 25 years other political groups, such as the Trinamool Congress and its passive partner the Congress have also started organizing groups of Banditos, who gradually gathered the courage of physically clashing with the Left opponents. Both the sides made West Bengal into a political killing field. The Maoists are known for taking advantage of such mass chaos and side with one or the other to progress in their planned advance in selected pockets. Working in conjunction with the violent political forces they establish their own bases.
Historically the CPI (ML), the hardcore Charu-Kanu-Jangal faction was against the CPM line. My personal experiences in Naxalbari operations gave me impressions that Charu Majumdar was vehemently opposed to any negotiation with the Left leaders like Hare Krishna Konar. However, later in 1972 elections elements of the Naxals supported the Congress in districts like Midnapore, Bankura and Birbhum, Jalpaiguri, Burdwan and Hooghly etc. Besides the Bangladesh war effect support from the Naxals also resulted in resounding victory for the Congress. That CPI (M) should crash from 113 in 1971 to 14 in the 1972 was totally unexpected so was the Congress party's tally of 216 seats. The point made is that the Maoists are not averse to side with political parties of their choice to augment their own agenda. They enter a new area as tails of political parties and later establish bases of their own. If it were Congress in 1972 to seemingly exploit the Maoists, it is Trinamool Congress and its appendage, Congress in 2011. Political parties forget the universal lesson that the tiger they often ride devours the rider sooner than later.
The State government's dependence on local police and party cadre misfired. The Maoists initially took advantage of anti-SEZ proposals of the government and often violent agitation started by TMC and its allies. Nandigram to Singur to West Midnapore was not reached in one lap. It took the Maoists and their political allies (tactical allies only) to build up movement in West Midnapore around the Union and State government's proposal to allot 4,500 acres of land near Shalboni to Jindal Steel Works SEZ factory. The chain of events started after the 2nd November, 2009 land mine explosion targeting the convoy of West Bengal chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee and union steel and mines minister Ram Vilas Paswan as they were returning from the inauguration of the Jindal Steel Works SEZ. It was alleged by the Maoists and their political allies that the land in question belonged to the government and was earmarked for distribution among the tribals. The chain of events resulted in violence between CPM cadres on the one hand and Trinamool cadres supported by Maoist front organisations on the other. Unable to resist the "occupation" of Lalgarh, Jangal Mahal etc areas the State government requested for central forces and they seemingly "reoccupied" the tract from the Maoists.
The fact is that the government of West Bengal still does not have any plan to build up forces to fight the Maoist guerrillas. They, in collaboration with guerrillas from Jharkhand and Orissa have started hitting at targets even in the heart of the district head quarter. Some semblance of law and order is being maintained by the State police and the Central forces deputed to help the local authorities. There are plans to start another combing operation. But the holes in the government nets are so big that small Maoists Pisces swim in the area unhindered. The State governments in West Bengal, Jharkhand and Orissa are yet to prepare a joint blueprint for fighting the guerrilla forces. The Central governments often announce certain offensive joint actions. However, except deputation of certain elements of central forces in the affected States no Joint Command has been conceived as yet.
There is no intelligence coordination between the State governments and the central intelligence agencies. Police stations are the best bases from where local intelligence is collected for tactical operational purposes. The intelligence networks in the rural and urban police stations have dried up. The area chowkidars, dafadars, lower revenue officials, gram sevaks, and other rural government employees have ceased to feed the police stations. Human intelligence is appallingly poor. Even the central intelligence agencies have not been able to build up HUMINT resources in the affected areas. Anti-Guerrilla warfare cannot be fought by wild goose's chase. Forces have to act on precise intelligence.
As the Maoists often use cell phones it is not impossible to locate the GPS coordinate of the phone under use. Once located helicopter borne forces can raid the area and neutralize the target. This aspect of coordination between signal intelligence (SIGINT) and airborne attack has not been conceived as yet.
On the other hand the Maoists have excellent HUMINT assets from amongst the villagers and even educated sympathizers. Villagers not cooperating with the Maoists and suspected to be informers of the police are mercilessly punished. Recent incidents of cruel killing of police officers and innocent villagers prove that Mass Control mechanisms of the Maoists are near complete.
It is understood that the Maoists in Chattisgarh, Jharkhand. Orissa and West Bengal have obtained VHF communication sets from former LTTE members. These are used for communication between the Command with the Squads. VHF communications are able to transmit to shorter distances. If transmitted from a higher location the signals can be received even at a distance of 40 kilometers. Often the desired height is achieved by hanging an antenna on high rise trees. The State police are yet to install array of VHF monitoring instruments to pick up signals from the sophisticated VHF transreceivers used by the guerrilla forces. The police forces often use VHF sets in analog mode and not in automatic digital encryption mode. These can be easily intercepted either by identifying the frequency or by scanning the frequency logs. Police forces have not taken security precaution while using VHF sets during operations. These limitations are required to be attended forthwith.
The government agencies have just started thinking in terms of using Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (UAV) to survey the affected areas, locate hideouts and send the live broadcasts to the nearby forces to mount counter attack. Use of UAV in forested terrains may not yield expected results, unless the government acquires infrared equipped cameras for the UAVs to enable these flying machines to look down at precise targets through thick foliage and often mist covers.
Sample studies in Chattisgarh and West Bengal (broader study in all affected areas is necessary) it is found that the State police in Chattisgarh is better prepared and their mechanism of operations are more scientific. There has been marginal increase in HUMINT assets, but paucity of force prevents the State from comprehensive area domination. In West Bengal the police forces are yet to wake up to the reality that the Maoists of today are not ragtag Naxals of seventies and eighties. These guerrillas are well trained, well armed and indoctrinated. They follow the Maoist principles of guerrilla warfare scrupulously. Bengal police forces, paralyzed by political pressure, have not been exposed to anti-guerrilla warfare.
The thin police forces are so inadequate that they are not enough in numbers to take on sustained anti-guerrilla warfare, they lack in weaponry and training in anti-guerrilla warfare. Even the Central forces are not trained to fight the guerrillas by organizing them into effective counter-guerrilla forces. Some States have designated certain numbers of policemen as Special Forces with fancy names like Cobra Force etc. The Centre and the States may like to consider assisting each affected State to raise minimum 7 battalions of anti-guerrilla Special Forces trained in the army's anti-insurgency warfare school. The present model of training some policemen in the model of National Security Guard (NSG) training manual may sharpen the efficiency edges. But the NSG is basically a static operations force for tackling static incidents like Mumbai incident of 26/11. It is not meant for deployment in anti-guerrilla warfare. The specially trained anti-guerrilla warfare police forces, like the VVF mentioned earlier live on and in the ground divided into strike squads coordinated by the battalion and higher commands. To fight guerrillas the forces have to adopt guerrilla ways of life.
The Central government often announces coordinated joint operations. This constructive idea can better be enforced if the entire mobilized forces (from different colours) are fused into a single operational force put under command of a Special Divisional Command (like the army) and operationalised in allocated territories for specializing in that territory till they are successful to retrieve the given territory from the Mass Control and military control of the Maoists.
However, it must be added that police action cannot alone eradicate the Maoist problems. An integrated and balanced approach and inclusive action plan is necessary to implement developmental works, providing employment, remodeling rural economy, education, health care and agricultural activities. Mushrooming of enrooted corruption in different welfare schemes, as discussed in this essay are required to be probed. The government must ensure that minimum 70% of the welfare funds and yojanas benefit the people. At present only 10-15% benefits reach the real affected people.
Combating Maoist guerrillas require total attention of the political decision makers and bureaucrats at macro and micro levels. Otherwise, present efforts would prove to be a war exercise between the State and certain segments of the people, who may ultimately be 25-35% of the population in the affected areas. The Guerrillas accrue new territories trough continued mass action. The present red and pink map may get enlarged sooner than later if corrective measures are not adopted NOW and NOW.
[Credit: maloykrishnadhar.com]
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| The Moving Finger Writes ULFA militants over the years have killed 11, 232 innocent men, women and children. They even had the cheek to trigger an explosion at an Independence Day Parade in 2004 that killed fourteen people, most of them school children. ULFA's Commander-in-Chief Paresh Barua, still in hiding, has recently apologised for the I-Day bombing in an e-mail statement but the fact remains that ULFA remains unrepentant about its silent 'war'—mostly a self-inflicted wound—against Mother India. Did Arabinda Rajkhowa, chairman of the outlawed United Liberation Front of Asom and ULFA's deputy Commander-in-Chief Raju Baruah, who had been living in style in Bangladesh, surrender to Indian Forces or were they compelled to leave by the new government in Dhaka led by Sheikh Hasina? Unlike her predecessor government which actively supported ULFA, Sheikh Hasina's Awami League, as Foreign Minister Dipu Momi made it clear recently is "pledged not to allow our land to be used by any terrorist". "We are determined about it", she emphasised. |
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Bidhan Chandra Roy
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Bidhan Chandra Roy, MRCP, FRCS (Bengali: বিধান চন্দ্র রায়) (July 1, 1882 Bankipore in Patna, Bihar – July 1, 1962) [1] was the second Chief Minister of West Bengal, India. He remained in his post for 14 years as a Congress Party candidate, from January 14, 1948 until his death in 1962. He was a respected physician and a renowned freedom fighter. He was an alumnus of the Medical College Calcutta of the University of Calcutta. In India, the National Doctor's Day is celebrated on the date of his birth (and death) July 1 every year. Dr. Bidhan Chandra Roy constituted a trust for his properties at Patna for social service and made eminent nationalist Ganga Sharan Singh (Sinha) the trustee.[1]
Contents[hide] |
[edit] Early life
Bidhan Chandra Roy was born on July 1, 1882, at Bankipore in Patna, Bihar. His father Prakash Chandra was an Excise Inspector. Bidhan was the youngest of five children and was greatly influenced by the simplicity, discipline and piety of his parents. His parents inculcated in him the idea of service by taking care of people other than relatives with affection and understanding. Bidhan's mother died when he was 14. His father played the role of both father and mother to his five children. He promised never to compel them to do anything but to just guide them on their path. All five children were required to do the household chores themselves. This was very helpful for Bidhan in his college days. Bidhan did his I.A. from Presidency College, Calcutta and B.A. from Patna College with Honors in Mathematics. He applied for admission to the Bengal Engineering College, and the Calcutta Medical College. He was accepted to both institutions but opted to go to medical school. Bidhan left for Calcutta in June 1901. While at medical school Bidhan came upon an inscription which read, "Whatever thy hands findeth to do, do it with thy might." Bidhan was deeply impressed by these words and they became a source of inspiration for him throughout his life.
Bidhan's term in medical school was fraught with hardships. His father retired as a Deputy Collector after the first year and could no longer send Bidhan any money. Bidhan fended for himself by getting a scholarship and living frugally, saving on books by borrowing notes and relying on books in the library.
The partition of Bengal was announced while Bidhan was in college. Opposition to the partition was being organized by nationalist leaders like Lala Lajpat Rai, Arvinda Ghosh, Tilak and Bipin Chandra Pal. Bidhan resisted the immense pull of the movement. He controlled his emotions and concentrated on his studies realizing that he could better serve his nation by qualifying in his profession first.
[edit] Career
Immediately after graduation, B.C. Roy joined the Provincial Health Service. He exhibited immense dedication and hard work. He was prepared to prescribe medicine to patients and even serve as a nurse when necessary. In his free time he practiced privately, charging a nominal fee of Rs. 2 only.
Bidhan sailed for England with only Rs. 1,200 in February 1909 intending to enroll himself at St Bartholomew's Hospital to further his education. The Dean, reluctant to accept a student from Asia, rejected Bidhan's application. Dr. Roy did not lose heart. Again and again he submitted his application until finally the Dean, after 30 admission requests, accepted Bidhan to the college. Within two years and three months, Bidhan completed his M.R.C.P. and F.R.C.S. and returned home from England in 1911. On his return he taught at the Calcutta Medical College, then the Campbell Medical School and finally at the Carmichael Medical College.
Dr. Roy believed that swaraj would remain a dream unless the people were healthy and strong in mind and body. He made contributions to the organization of medical education. He established the Jadavpur T.B. Hospital, Chittaranjan Seva Sadan, R.G. Kar Medical College, Kamala Nehru Hospital, Victoria Institution, and Chittaranjan Cancer Hospital. The Chittaranjan Seva Sadan for women and children was opened in 1926. The women were unwilling to come to the hospital initially but thanks to Dr. Roy and his teams hard work, the Seva Sadan was embraced by women of all classes and communities. He opened a center for training women in nursing and social work.
In 1942, Rangoon fell to Japanese bombing and caused an exodus from Calcutta fearing Japanese insurgency. Dr. Roy was serving as the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Calcutta. He acquired air-raid shelters for schools and college students to have their classes in, and provided relief for students, teachers and employees alike. In recognition for his efforts, the Doctorate of Science was conferred upon him in 1944.
Dr. Roy believed that the youth of India would determine the future of the nation. He felt that the youth must not take part in strikes and fasts but should study and commit themselves to social work. At his Convocation Address on December 15, 1956 at the University of Lucknow, Dr. Roy said, "My young friends, you are soldiers in the battle of freedom-freedom from want, fear, ignorance, frustration and helplessness. By a dint of hard work for the country, rendered in a spirit of selfless service, may you march ahead with hope and courage... ."
Dr. Roy was both Gandhiji's friend and doctor. When Gandhiji was undergoing a fast in Parnakutivin, Poona in 1933 during the Quit India Movement, Dr. Roy attended to him. Gandhiji refused to take medicine on the grounds that it was not made in India. Gandhiji asked Dr. Roy, "Why should I take your treatment? Do you treat four hundred million of my countrymen free?" Dr. Roy replied, "No Gandhiji, I could not treat all patients free. But I came... not to treat Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, but to treat "him" who to me represents the four hundred million people of my country." Gandhiji relented and took the medicine.
Dr. Roy entered politics in 1925. He ran for elections from the Barrackpore Constituency as an Independent candidate for the Bengal Legislative Council and defeated the "Grand Old Man of Bengal," Surendranath Banerjea. Even though an independent he voted with the Swaraj Party (the Parliamentary wing of the Congress). As early as 1925, Dr. Roy tabled a resolution recommending a study of the causes of pollution in Hoogly and suggested measures to prevent pollution in the future.
Dr. Roy was elected to the All India Congress Committee in 1928. He kept himself away from rivalry and conflicts and made a deep impression on the leaders. Dr. Roy efficiently conducted the Civil Disobedience in Bengal in 1929 and prompted Pandit Motilal Nehru to nominate him Member of the Working Committee (CWC) in 1930. The CWC was declared an unlawful assembly and Dr. Roy along with other members of the committee were arrested on August 26, 1930 and detained at Central Alipore Jail.
During the Dandi March in 1931, many members of the Calcutta Corporation were imprisoned. Congress requested Dr. Roy to remain out of prison and discharge the duties of the Corporation. He served as the Alderman of the Corporation from 1930-31 and Mayor in 1933. Under him, the Corporation made leaps in the expansion of free education, free medical aid, better roads, improved lighting, and water supply. He was responsible for setting up a framework for dispensing grant-in-aid to hospitals and charitable dispensaries.
[edit] Post independence
The Congress Party proposed Dr. Roy's name for Chief Minister of Bengal. Dr. Roy wanted to devote himself to his profession. On Gandhiji's advice, however, Dr. Roy accepted the position and took office on January 23, 1948. Bengal at the time that had been torn by communal violence, shortage of food, unemployment and a large flow of refugees in the wake of the creation of East Pakistan. Dr. Roy brought unity and discipline amongst the party ranks. He then systematically and calmly began to work on the immense task in front of him. Within three years law and order was returned to Bengal without compromising the dignity and status of his administration. He told the people,
| " | We have the ability and if, with faith in our future, we exert ourselves with determination, nothing, I am sure, no obstacles, however formidable or insurmountable they may appear at present, can stop our progress... (if) all work unitedly, keeping our vision clear and with a firm grasp of our problems. | " |
The nation honored Dr. Roy with the Bharat Ratna on February 4, 1961. On July 1, 1962, after treating his morning patients and discharging affairs of the State, he took a copy of the "Brahmo Geet" and sang a piece from it. 11 hours later Dr. Roy died. He gifted his house for running a nursing home named after his mother, Aghorkamani Devi. The B.C. Roy National Award was instituted in 1976 for work in the area of medicine, politics, science, philosophy, literature and arts. The Dr. B.C. Roy Memorial Library and Reading Room for Children in the Children's Book Trust, New Delhi, was opened in 1967
| Political offices | ||
|---|---|---|
| Preceded by Prafulla Chandra Ghosh | Chief Minister of West Bengal 1948—1962 | Succeeded by Prafulla Chandra Sen |
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[edit] References
- ^ Choudhary, Valmiki (1984). Dr. Rajendra Prasad, Correspondence and Select Documents: 1934-1937. Allied Publishers. pp. 368 (at page 133). ISBN 9788170230021.
Posts
everything is okk….but the man has pushed back the state of West Bengal at least 30 years back….we are suffering it and our next generation will suffer too….he might be a very good politician but not as a chief minister….he is a failure in himself as an institution as his party claims and as a mentor of the state too….we trusted him he bereaved us….we pray for his life but not as a leader like him….
Jyoti basu used communist party to gain power.He never served people belong to his own constitutency from where he was elected several times. He always used his charisma for his personal use and set aside common agenda. Perhaps he is the biggest "hypocrite" of the indina politics observed.
Regardless of whether or not you support Jyoti Basu's politics, in today's India where politicians are so power-hungry and corrupt, we don't see someone who would sacrifice the all-important position of prime minister on political ideology and collective decisions. I wish the so-called Gandhi'ite Congress leaders were like that. (Please don't compare him with Sonia Gandhi.)