Indian Holocaust My Father`s Life and Time - SIX HUNDRED TWENTY One
Palash Biswas
http://indianholocaustmyfatherslifeandtime.blogspot.com/
http://basantipurtimes.blogspot.com/
palashbiswaslive: SC OBC Minority VOTE Bank on TOPMOST PRIOSITY as ...
palashbiswaslive.blogspot.com/.../sc-obc-minority-vote-bank-on-topmost.html
Mamata tries her luck with Matuas - Hindustan Times
www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/...Matuas/Article1-688848.aspx
palashscape: Matuas Betrayed as Manul KrishnaThakur is TMC ...
palashscape.blogspot.com/.../matuas-betrayed-as-manul-krishna-thakur.html
A disciple of Guruchand, Mukunda Behari Mullick, fought for ...
palashscape.wordpress.com/.../a-disciple-of-guruchand-mukunda-behari-mullick-fought-for-separate-electorate-since-1921/ - Cached
ANANDA BAZAAR PATRIKA has published an article today about the AMBITION of MATUA NAMASHUDRA Community to Have share in Power! Mamata would accomplish the Task! It is proved. RIDICULOUS! Trechourous! Mamata has not Demanded to SCRAP the Anti Refugee Citizenship Amendment Act but she clims to GRANT Citizenship to every Refugee! It is quite a Betrayal as we are accustomed to. Marxists have done this for 35 years! It seems that another span of Thirty Five years needed to be DISILLUSIONED from Brahaminical system as bengali Mulnivasi Bahujan Sc, St and OBC Communities are BRAHIMINISED!
The Matua Mahasabha supremo 92-year-old Binapani Devi's son Manjulkrishna Thakur is contesting on a Trinamool Congress ticket from Gaighata (SC) constituency in North 24 Parganas district where polling would be held in third phase on 27 April.
Banerjee was appointed the chief patron of the All India Matua Mahasabha last year.
Banerjee said if the Trinamool Congress and Congress alliance was voted to power it would create 10 lakh jobs.
She urged the people not to caste their votes for the CPI(M) and BJP which she alleged had joined hands to split the votes.
NAMASUDRA, the name adopted by the great caste or tribe who inhabit the swamps of Eastern Bengal, India, whom the higher castes are wont to designate by the opprobrious term of Chandal. Their number in 1901 exceeded 2 millions; but if the cognate Pods and also the Mahommedans of the same ethnical stock were to be added, the total would probably reach 11 millions.
মতুয়া আন্দোলন: নিজেকে অতিক্রম করতে পারলে সম্ভাবনা অনেক
মতুয়া আন্দোলন: নিজেকে অতিক্রম করতে পারলে সম্ভাবনা অনেক
প্রাই আড়াই হাজার বছর ধরে চলে আসা ভারতীয় সমাজে সামাজিক পদমর্যাদার বহুবিধ ধাপ দেখতে পাই। ধাপগুলি পিরামিডের আকারে সাজানো। সর্বোচ্চ ধাপে ব্রাহ্মণ এবং সর্বনিম্ন ধাপে অস্পৃশ্য জাতিগুলো এবং জাতি-ব্যবস্থায় না-ঢোকা আদিবাসীরা। খ্রিস্টধর্মর্ে ও ইসলামে জাতিব্যবস্থার কোনও স্থান নেই, কিন্তু তারাও ভারতে জাতি-কাঠামো অনুযায়ী বিভক্ত হয়ে পড়ে।
সামাজিক শ্রম-বিভাজনে কোন ব্যক্তি কী ভাবে অংশগ্রহণ করবেন এবং ফলে, সামাজিক উৎপন্নের কতটুকু অংশ ভোগ করবেন তা মূলত তিনি কোন ধাপে জন্ম নিয়েছেন সেটা দিয়ে নির্ধারিত হয়ে যায়। বিপুলসংখ্যক উৎপাদকদের অবস্থান পিরামিডের সর্বনিম্ন ধাপে। একটি রাজনৈতিক সূত্রীকরণের মাধ্যমে নিম্নবর্ণের মানুষদের সম্পত্তির অধিকার ও শিক্ষার অধিকার থেকে বঞ্চিত রাখা হয়। তেমনই একটি ধর্মীয় মতাদর্শগত সূত্রীকরণের মাধ্যমে দ্বিজের শ্রেষ্ঠত্ব প্রতিষ্ঠিত হয়। এই ব্যবস্থায় ব্যক্তির কোনও সচলতা থাকে না।
সমবেত। সর্বভারতীয় মতুয়া মহাসঙ্ঘের সভা। কলকাতা, ডিসেম্বর ২০১০
এই পরিস্থিতিতে এটা খুবই স্বাভাবিক যে সমাজের উৎপাদক শ্রেণিগুলো সামাজিক উৎপন্নের বণ্টনে নিজেদের অংশ বৃদ্ধি করার জন্য সংগ্রাম করবে এবং এই সংগ্রাম সর্বদা সরাসরি শ্রেণি-সংঘাতের পথে না গিয়ে কখনও কখনও ধর্মীয় মতাদর্শগত সংগ্রামের রূপ নেবে। চার্বাক ও বুদ্ধ থেকে শুরু করে মধ্যযুগের কবির, নানক ও শ্রীচৈতন্য হয়ে আধুনিক কালের জ্যোতিবা ফুলে, অম্বেডকর, শ্রীনিবাস গুরু ও পেরিয়ার পর্যন্ত ভারতীয় সমাজের অভ্যন্তরীণ সংগ্রাম এই সাধারণ ধারা অনুসরণ করেছে। পুঁজিবাদী উৎপাদন ব্যবস্থা শুরু হওয়ার পর ধাপগুলির মধ্যে কিছু পরিমাণে অভ্যন্তরীণ শ্রেণি-বিভাজন ঘটেছে যা চলমান সংগ্রামকে নানা ভাবে প্রভাবিত করেছে।
অবিভক্ত বাংলার পূর্ব অংশে এই ধারারই সংগ্রাম ছিল মতুয়া আন্দোলন। ফরিদপুর জেলার ওড়াকান্দির বিখ্যাত সমাজ সংস্কারক হরিচাঁদ ঠাকুর (১৮১২-১৮৭৮)-এর নেতৃত্বে এক বিরাট সংস্কার আন্দোলন গড়ে উঠেছিল। হরিচাঁদ 'হাতে কাম, মুখে নাম' এই বাণীর মাধ্যমে বলেন যে, নমঃশূদ্ররা কারও চেয়ে হীন বা নিচু নয়। কাজ করা বড় ধর্ম, শ্রমে অংশ নাও এবং গার্হস্থ্য জীবনে থাকো। কারও কাছে দীক্ষা নিও না বা তীর্থস্থানে যেও না। ঈশ্বর সাধনার জন্য ব্রাহ্মণদের মধ্যস্থতার প্রয়োজন নেই। দলে দলে মানুষ হরিচাঁদের শিষ্যত্ব গ্রহণ করেন এবং যাঁরা তাঁর 'মত' গ্রহণ করেন তাঁরাই মতুয়া নামে পরিচিত হন।
হরিলাঁদ ঠাকুরের মৃত্যুর পর তাঁর পুত্র গুরুচাঁদ ঠাকুর (১৮৪৭-১৯৩৭) মতুয়া আন্দোলনের নেতৃত্ব গ্রহণ করেন। মূলত তাঁরই উদ্যোগে ১৯১১ সালের লোকগণনায় 'চণ্ডাল' নামের বদলে 'নমঃশূদ্র' নাম ব্যবহৃত হয়। নমঃশূদ্র ছাড়াও আরও অনেক নিম্নবর্ণের মানুষ যেমন, কাপালি, পৌণ্ড্র, গোয়ালা, মালো, ও মুচি মতুয়া আন্দোলনে যোগ দেন।
তাঁর পিতার নির্দেশের সঙ্গে গুরুচাঁদ যুক্ত করেন শিক্ষা বিস্তারের এবং জমিদার-বিরোধী আন্দোলনের কর্মসূচি। এ ছাড়াও তিনি অস্পৃশ্যতা দূরীকরণ, সাম্প্রদায়িক ঐক্য প্রতিষ্ঠা এবং গণস্বাস্থ্যের উপর খুব নজর দেন। কোনও গ্রামের মানুষ তাঁর শিষ্যত্ব গ্রহণ করার জন্য এলে তিনি তাদের কাছে এই শর্ত রাখতেন যে গ্রামে প্রথমে একটি স্কুল স্থাপন করতে হবে এবং মাঠে-ঘাটে মলত্যাগ না-করে বাড়িতে পায়খানা বানাতে হবে। অষ্ট্রেলীয় মিশনারি মিড সাহেবের সহায়তায় তিনি বহু স্কুল করতে সক্ষম হয়েছিলেন। যুগ যুগ ধরে যে মানুষেরা শিক্ষার আলো থেকে বঞ্চিত হয়েছিলেন তাঁদের মধ্যে শিক্ষা বিস্তারের গুরুত্ব ছিল অপরিসীম। তাঁর বাণী ছিল, "তাই বলি ভাই মুক্তি যদি চাই বিদ্বান হইতে হবে পেলে বিদ্যাধন দুঃখ নিবারণ চিরসুখী হবে ভবে।" তাঁর সময়ে কিছু স্কুল থাকলেও তাতে অস্পৃশ্য শিশুদের প্রবেশের অধিকার ছিল না। কলকাতার সংস্কৃত কলেজে তো ব্রাহ্মণ (পুরুষ) ছাড়া আর কারও ভর্তি হওয়ার অধিকার ছিল না। ১৮৮০ সালে ওড়াকান্দি গ্রামে স্কুল স্থাপিত হয়। এটি ছিল নিম্নবর্ণের মানুষদের জন্য নিম্নবর্ণ মানুষদের দ্বারা স্থাপিত প্রথম স্কুল।
শিক্ষা বিস্তারের সঙ্গে সঙ্গে নিম্নবর্ণের মানুষদের মধ্যে রাজনৈতিক সচেতনতাও বৃদ্ধি পায়। তা ছাড়া মতুয়ারা ছিলেন প্রধানত ভূমিহীন কৃষক। জমিদার ও মহাজনদের শোষণে জর্জরিত। তাই তাঁদের মধ্যে জমি সংক্রান্ত দাবি উঠে আসতে থাকে। ১৯২১ সালে বাংলার বিধান পরিষদে নমঃশূদ্র নেতা ভীষ্মদেব দাস এবং নীরদবিহারী মল্লিক তেভাগার দাবি উত্থাপন করেন। এঁরা দু'জনেই ছিলেন গুরুচাঁদের অনুগামী। ১৯৩৩ সালে ঘাটালে সারা ভারত কৃষক সভার সম্মেলনে গুরুচাঁদ নিজে যোগ দেন। এবং জমিদারি উচ্ছেদ ও তেভাগার দাবি রাখেন।
১৯৩৭ সালের নির্বাচনে বিধানসভার ৩০টি সংরক্ষিত আসনের মধ্যে কংগ্রেস মাত্র ৬টি আসন জেতে। বাকিগুলি নির্দলীয় প্রার্থীরা কংগ্রেসের বিরুদ্ধে প্রতিদ্বন্দ্বিতা করে জেতেন। ৩০ জনের মধ্যে ১২ জন ছিলেন নমঃশূদ্র, যাঁদের মধ্যে মাত্র ২ জন ছিলেন কংগ্রেসের, বাকি ১০ জন ছিলেন গুরুচাঁদের অনুগামী। বিধানসভায় রায়তদের অধিকার সংক্রান্ত বিল পাশ করানোয় এঁদের ভূমিকা ছিল। গুরুচাঁদের মৃত্যুর পর রাজনৈতিক আন্দোলন হিসাবে মতুয়া আন্দোলন দুর্বল হয়ে যায়। ১৯৪৬ সালে নির্বাচনে বেশির ভাগ সংরক্ষিত আসন কংগ্রেস জিতে নেয়। তা সত্ত্বেও নমঃশূদ্র নেতা যোগেন মণ্ডলের উদ্যোগে বি আর অম্বেডকর বাংলা থেকে সংবিধান সভায় নির্বাচিত হন।
দেশভাগের পর এবং বিশেষত ১৯৭১ সালের যুদ্ধের পর বহু নিম্নবর্ণের মানুষ উদ্বাস্তু হিসাবে পশ্চিমবঙ্গের বিভিন্ন জেলায় আশ্রয় নেন। তবে এখনও এঁদের বেশ বড় একটা অংশ বাংলাদেশে রয়েছেন। বাংলাদেশে রাজনৈতিক পট পরিবর্তন অনুযায়ী তাঁদের নিরাপত্তাহীনতা বাড়ে কমে। ২০০৩ সালে এন ডি এ পরিচালিত সরকার যে নাগরিকত্ব আইন তৈরি করেছে তাতে উদ্বাস্তুদের বিশেষত ১৯৭১ সাল বা তার পরে আসা উদ্বাস্তুদের নাগরিকত্ব প্রশ্নচিহ্নের মধ্যে পড়েছে। ৩০-৪০ বছর ধরে এ দেশে বসবাস করছেন এমন মানুষকেও 'বাংলাদেশি' বলে তাড়ানোর চেষ্টা চলছে। আর এক বার উদ্বাস্তু হওয়ার আশঙ্কা তাদের মধ্যে একটা নিরাপত্তাহীনতার জন্ম দিয়েছে। সেই অবস্থায় তাঁরা সর্বজনীন ভোটাধিকারকে ব্যবহার করে একটা রক্ষাকবচ আদায় করতে চাইছেন।
এ বারের বিধানসভা নির্বাচনে প্রতিদ্বন্দ্বিতা তীব্র। রাজনৈতিক দলগুলির কাছে প্রতিটি ভোটই মূল্যবান। উদ্বাস্তুদের বড় অংশ বামপন্থীদের সঙ্গেই ছিলেন। কিন্তু বামপন্থীরা তাঁদের যথাযথ মর্যাদা দেননি। হরিচাঁদ ও গুরুচাঁদ বাংলার নিম্নবর্ণের মধ্যে নবজাগরণ ঘটিয়েছিলেন, এই ভূমিকা এখনও স্বীকৃতি পায়নি। ২০০৯ সালে লোকসভা নির্বাচনে ধাক্কা খাওয়ার পর বামপন্থীরা বিলম্বিত হলেও কিছু পদক্ষেপ নিয়েছে। তৃণমূল এবং বি জে পি যারা ২০০৩-এর নাগরিকত্ব আইন পাস করিয়েছেন তারাও মতুয়াদের মঞ্চে হাজির। তাঁরা নাকি মতুয়াদের দাবি সমর্থন করেন। অথচ মতুয়াদের প্রধান দাবি ছিল নাগরিকত্ব আইন (২০০৩)-এর সংশোধন। রাজ্যের আবাসন দফতরের মন্ত্রী গৌতম দেব প্রস্তাব করলেন যে, পশ্চিমবঙ্গ থেকে নির্বাচিত ৪২ জন সাংসদ এক সঙ্গে দিল্লি গিয়ে মতুয়াদের দাবি পেশ করবেন। অতি উত্তম প্রস্তাব। কিন্তু কাজটা তো সেই ২০০৩ সালেই করা যেত, যখন ৪২ জন সদস্যের মধ্যে ৩৬ জনই বামফ্রন্টের ছিলেন।
ভারতে সমাজে আধুনিকতার শর্ত হচ্ছে গণতন্ত্রের প্রসার। যুগ যুগ ধরে চলে আসা জাতি-বর্ণ ও অন্যান্য পরিচিতি ভিত্তিক শ্রম বিভাজনের বিলোপ। শুধু আইনের বইতে নয়, বাস্তব জীবনে। এই দিক থেকে দক্ষিণ ভারতের রাজ্য্যগুলোর সাফল্য বেশি। পশ্চিমবঙ্গ এখনও অনেক পিছনে। কোনও কোনও ব্যাপারে বিহারেরও পিছনে। মতুয়া আন্দোলনের প্রভাবে পশ্চিমবঙ্গে অবদমিত পরিচিতিগুলো সম অধিকার ও মর্যাদার জন্য সংগ্রামকে রাজনৈতিক মঞ্চে তুলে আনতে পারবেন কি না, ইতিহাসই বলবে। কিন্তু সন্দেহ নেই, পশ্চিমাঞ্চলে লাল মাটির দেশ থেকে শুরু করে উত্তরবঙ্গ পর্যন্ত আত্মপ্রতিষ্ঠার আওয়াজ মানুষকে আলোড়িত করেছে।
মতুয়া আন্দোলন যদি নাগরিকত্ব প্রশ্নে সীমাবদ্ধ না থেকে গোটা সমাজের গণতন্ত্রীকরণের লক্ষ্যে অন্যান্য অবদমিত জনগোষ্ঠীগুলোর সঙ্গে হাত মেলাতে পারে, তা হলে তা এক ঐতিহাসিক ভূমিকা পালন করতে পারবে।
শ্যামনগরে মতুয়া মহাসম্মেলন অনুষ্ঠিত
APRIL 18, 2011 স্থানীয় সংবাদশ্যামনগর অফিস : বাংলাদেশ মতুয়া মহাসংঘ, শ্যামনগর উপজেলা শাখার আয়োজনে ৩দিন ব্যাপী ৬ষ্ঠ তম মতুয়া মহা সম্মেলন ২০১১ অনুষ্ঠিত হয়েছে।
১১ এপ্রিল উপজেলা নকিপুর জমিদার মন্দির প্রাঙ্গনে সম্মেলন উদ্বোধন করেন গোপালগঞ্জ শ্রীধাম ওড়াকান্দির মহাসংঘাধিপতি মতুয়াচার্য্য শ্রী শ্রী হিমাংশুপতি ঠাকুর। ১১ ও ১২ এপ্রিল ২দিন সন্ধ্যা থেকে সারারাত হরিনাম সংকীর্তন অনুষ্টিত হয়। ১৩ এপ্রিল বিকাল ৪ টায় বাংলাদেশ মতুয়া মহা সংঘের শ্যামনগরের সভাপতি শ্রী কৃষ্ণনন্দ মুর্খাজীর সভাপতিত্বে আলোচনা সভায় প্রধান অতিথি ছিলেন শ্রী শ্রী হিমাংশুপতি ঠাকুর। বিশেষ অতিথি ছিলেন উপজেলা নির্বাহী কর্মকর্তা শাববীর আহমদ, উপজেরা ভাইস চেয়ারম্যান শিল্পী রানী মৃধা। থানা ভারপ্রাপ্ত কর্মকর্তা, সাবেক সংসদ সদস্য একে, ফজলুল হক, অধ্যক্ষ জি, এম, ওসমান গণি, অধ্যক্ষ আশেক-ই-এলাহী, উপজেলা আওয়ামী লীগের সভাপতি স.ম. জগলুল হায়দার, উপজেলা বিএনপির সভাপতি মাষ্টার আব্দুল ওয়াহেদ, বাংলাদেশ মতুয়া মহাসংঘের সহ সচিব প্রভাষ চন্দ্র বিশ্বাস, প্রাক্তন মহা সচিব অধ্যাপক মাধব চন্দ্র রায়, যুগ্ম মহা সচিব রতন কুমার মিত্র, প্রাক্তন যুগ্ম মহাসচিব প্রশান্ত কুমার হালদার, নিরঞ্জন কুমার ঘোষ, আন্তর্জাতিক বক্তা অধ্যাপক সুশীল কুমার মন্ডল, প্রাক্তন ইউপি চেয়ারম্যান অসীম কুমার জোয়াদ্দার, পূজা উদ্যাপন পরিষদের সভাপতি অধ্যাপক পরিমল কৃষ্ণ মন্ডল, সম্পাদক এড. কৃষ্ণপদ মন্ডল, এন, জি, এফ, এর পরিচালক লূৎফর রহমান প্রমুখ। অথিথিদের বক্তব্য শেষে রাত ৮টা থেকে সারা রাত ব্যাপী ভারতের শ্রী অসীম কুমার সরকার ও শ্রী স্বজল কুমার সরকারের পরিবেশনায় কবিগান পরিবেশিত হয়।
palashbiswaslive: মতুয়া আন্দোলন: নিজেকে ...
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মতুয়া মহাসঙ্ঘে বচসা, দ্বন্দ্ব, মাথায় হাত বড়মার নিজস্ব সংবাদদাতা • ঠাকুরনগর মতুয়া মহাসঙ্ঘের প্রধান উপদেষ্টা বীণাপাণিদেবীর (বড়মা) মন্তব্য নিয়ে ক'দিন ধরেই টানাপোড়েন চলছিল। শুক্রবার তাঁর সামনেই সঙ্ঘের ভিতরে বচসা ও ধাক্কাধাক্কিতে জড়িয়ে পড়লেন সঙ্ঘের সিপিএম এবং তৃণমূল সদস্যরা। অবস্থা এমন দাঁড়ায় যে, মাথায় হাত দিয়ে বসে পড়তে দেখা যায় স্বয়ং বড়মাকে! প্রসঙ্গত, বড়মা মমতা বন্দ্যোপাধ্যায়কে রাজ্যের মুখ্যমন্ত্রী দেখতে চান কি চান না, তা নিয়ে দু'টি পরস্পর-বিরোধী বিবৃতি নিয়ে গত কয়েক দিন ধরেই রাজ্য রাজনীতিতে বিতর্ক চলছে। একটি বিবৃতিতে বড়মা বলেছিলেন, তিনি মমতাকে মুখ্যমন্ত্রী দেখতে চান। অন্যটিতে বলেছিলেন, এমন কোনও কথা তিনি বলেননি। রাজ্যের মুখ্যমন্ত্রী ঠিক করবেন রাজ্যবাসীই। দু'টি বিবৃতিতেই বড়মার স্বাক্ষর ছিল। ফলে বিভ্রান্তি তুঙ্গে ওঠে। মঙ্গলবার ধর্মতলায় মতুয়াদের জনসভায় বড়মার এক প্রেস বিবৃতি পেশ করা হয়। চিন্তিত বড়মা।—পার্থসারথি নন্দী সেখানেও বলা হয়, বড়মা মমতাকেই মুখ্যমন্ত্রী দেখতে চান। এর পর বৃহস্পতিবার ঠাকুরনগরের ঠাকুরবাড়িতে বড়মা সাফ বলেন, "মমতাকে মুখ্যমন্ত্রীর আসনে দেখতে চাই বলেছি বলে যে কথা উঠেছে, আমি তা কখনওই বলিনি। কথাটা সম্পূর্ণ মিথ্যা। দুঃখ লাগে। আমি খুকি নই। জনগণ যাঁকে করবে, তিনিই মুখ্যমন্ত্রী হবেন। আমি ও কথা বলিনি। আমাদের ধর্মীয় প্রতিষ্ঠান। এখানে সকলে আসতে পারেন।" এর পর শুক্রবার সকালে বড়মা ফের বিবৃতি দিতে বাধ্য হন। ঘটনা হল, এ দিন বড়মার বিবৃতির আগে স্থানীয় তৃণমূল নেতা ধ্যানেশ গুহের নেতৃত্বে কয়েক জন মতুয়া-ঘনিষ্ঠ লোক ঠাকুরবাড়ি যান। মতুয়া মহাসঙ্ঘের সহ-সঙ্ঘাধিপতি তথা বড়মার ছোট ছেলে মঞ্জুলকৃষ্ণ ঠাকুরকে নিয়ে তাঁরা বড়মাকে 'বোঝাতে' থাকেন। সেই সময়ে সেখানে হাজির হন চাঁতরা গ্রাম পঞ্চায়েতের প্রাক্তন সিপিএম প্রধান কৃষ্ণ কীর্তনিয়া। তিনি মন্তব্য করেন, "আপনারা কি এটাকে রাজনৈতিক মঞ্চ করে ফেলেছেন? এখানে তৃণমূলের দালালগিরি চলবে না।" এই মন্তব্যের পরেই ধ্যানেশবাবু ও কৃষ্ণবাবু এবং তাঁদের সঙ্গে থাকা কয়েক জনের মধ্যে বচসা ও ধাক্কাধাক্কি হয়। অবস্থা দেখে মাথায় হাত দিয়ে বসে পড়েন বড়মা। পরে ঠাকুরবাড়ি থেকে ফেরার পথে কৃষ্ণবাবুকে তৃণমূল কর্মীরা ব্যাপক মারধর করে বলে অভিযোগ। কৃষ্ণবাবুকে হাবরা হাসপাতালে ভর্তি করানো হয়েছে। তাঁর বাইকটিও ভেঙে দেওয়া হয় বলে অভিযোগ। তৃণমূল অবশ্য অভিযোগ অস্বীকার করেছে। জেলা তৃণমূলের এসসি, এসটি, ওবিসি সেলের সাধারণ সম্পাদক ধ্যানেশবাবু বলেন, "আমি মতুয়া মহাসঙ্ঘের এক জন পৃষ্ঠপোষক। ঠাকুরবাড়িতে আমরা কেউ রাজনীতি করি না। কৃষ্ণবাবু আমাদের কটূক্তি করেছেন।" কৃষ্ণবাবু বলেন, "আমি মতুয়া সম্প্রদায়ের লোক। মহাসঙ্ঘের মধ্যে কোনও দল নয়, আমরা সবাই মতুয়া। কিন্তু ওঁরা মমতাকে নিয়ে মাকে ভুল বোঝাচ্ছিলেন। প্রতিবাদ করলে ওঁরা আমাকে মারধর করেছেন।" বস্তুত, বড়মার বৃহস্পতিবারের বিবৃতির পরেই 'আসরে' নামেন তৃণমূল নেতৃত্ব। এ দিন সকালে ধ্যানেশবাবু এবং মঞ্জুলকৃষ্ণবাবু বড়মাকে 'বোঝানোর' পরে বড়মা মঞ্জুলবাবুকে সঙ্গে নিয়ে একটি লিখিত প্রেস-বিবৃতি সাংবাদিকদের দেন। সেখানে তিনি বলেন, 'সংবাদপত্র ও টিভিতে আমার বক্তব্য নিয়ে বিভ্রান্তি সৃষ্টির অপচেষ্টা চলছে। তা নিরসনে আমি আমার বক্তব্য চূড়ান্ত ভাবে জানিয়ে সমস্ত বিতর্কের আবসান ঘটাতে চাই।'' মমতার সঙ্গে বড়মার 'সুসম্পর্কের' কথা বর্তমানে রাজ্য-রাজনীতিতে বহু চর্চিত বিষয়। সিঙ্গুর নিয়ে আন্দোলনের সময়ে ধর্মতলায় মমতার অনশন মঞ্চে গিয়েছিলেন বড়মা। পরবর্তী সময়েও তৃণমূল নেত্রী কয়েক বার ঠাকুরবাড়িতে বড়মার সঙ্গে দেখা করেছেন। পুজোর উপহার হিসেবে শাড়ি, মিষ্টি, ফলও বড়মার জন্য পাঠিয়েছেন মমতা। বড়মা তাঁকে 'মেয়ে'র মতো দেখেন। এ দিনের বিবৃতিতে তার ইঙ্গিতও মিলেছে। বড়মা এ দিন বলেছেন, "আমার কাছে মমতা মেয়ের মতো। তার উত্তরোত্তর উন্নতি আমার কাম্য। কিন্তু সে মুখ্যমন্ত্রী হবে কি হবে না তা নির্বাচনে জিতলে তার দলই ঠিক করবে। এ ব্যাপারে আমার মন্তব্য করা অসমীচীন ও হস্তক্ষেপের সামিল। সে কথাই আমি বোঝাতে চেয়েছি।" এ দিন প্রেস বিবৃতিটি পড়ে শোনানোর পরে মঞ্জুলবাবু বলেন, "মা মমতাদেবীকে খুবই স্নেহ করেন। এ দিনের বিবৃতি থেকেই তা পরিষ্কার। মন্তব্যটি নিয়ে অযথা রাজনীতি করা হচ্ছে।" তবে এই প্রেস-বিবৃতি প্রকাশ করে 'চূড়ান্ত ভাবে সমস্ত বিতর্কের অবসান ঘটানো'র কথা বড়মা জানালেও এটাই তাঁর চূড়ান্ত বিবৃতি কি না সে ব্যাপারে সন্দেহ থেকেই গেল। http://anandabazar-unicode.appspot.com/proxy?p=archive/1110101/1raj3.htm গোঁজ-কাঁটা না জোটের ফুল, কী ফুটবে আজ মমতা বন্দ্যোপাধ্যায়কে হাসতে হাসতে প্রণব মুখোপাধ্যায় বললেন, "তোমার হল শুরু। আমার হল সারা।" সত্যি সত্যিই বলেননি। কিন্তু দু'জনের মধ্যে ইদানীং যা 'জোট-সম্পর্ক' (প্রায় রোজই ফোনে কথা হয় বিভিন্ন বিষয়ে), তাতে এই কথোপকথন বাস্তবে হয়ে থাকলেও অবাক হওয়ার কিছু ছিল না। আজ, শনিবার রাজ্যে দ্বিতীয় দফার ভোটে যাচ্ছে তিন জেলা মুর্শিদাবাদ, নদিয়া এবং বীরভূম। আসনসংখ্যা ৫০। এই পর্যায়ের ভোট দিয়েই মমতা প্রবেশ করবেন তাঁর দুর্গ গায়েঙ্গ বঙ্গের ('তোমার হল শুরু') দ্বার নদিয়ায়। আর এই পর্যায়ের ভোটেই কংগ্রেস রক্ষা করার চেষ্টা করবে তার শেষ দুর্গ ('আমার হল সারা') মুর্শিদাবাদ। গত লোকসভা ভোটে কংগ্রেস যে ছ'টি আসন জিতেছিল, তার মধ্যে অর্ধেকই মুর্শিদাবাদে (লোকসভা ভোটের ফলাফলের নিরিখে জেলার ২২টি বিধানসভা আসনের মধ্যে একমাত্র জলঙ্গিতেই পিছিয়ে ছিল বিরোধীরা)— জঙ্গিপুরে প্রণববাবু নিজে, মুর্শিদাবাদে মান্নান হোসেন এবং বহরমপুরে অধীর চৌধুরী। শেষ নামটা অবশ্য ইদানীং মমতার সামনে করা যাচ্ছে না। বুথে রওনা হওয়ার আগে। কৃষ্ণনগর গভর্নমেন্ট কলেজ চত্বরে সুদীপ ভট্টাচার্যের তোলা ছবি। কংগ্রেসের সঙ্গে জোটের পর মুর্শিদাবাদে চারটি আসন পেয়েছে তৃণমূল। কিন্তু সব ক'টিতেই নির্দল দাঁড় করিয়ে দিয়েছেন অধীর। এই দাবি-সহ যে, ওই আসনগুলিতে তাঁর প্রার্থীরাই কংগ্রেস প্রার্থী! তাঁরাই জিতবেন এবং তার পর মমতাকেই মুখ্যমন্ত্রী হিসেবে সমর্থন করবেন। যা পত্রপাঠ নাকচ করেছেন জোটের নেত্রী! সে অর্থে এই ভোট অধীরের কাছেও 'মর্যাদার লড়াই' বৈকি! সত্যিই মর্যাদার লড়াই? ভোটের ২৪ ঘণ্টা আগে অধীর বললেন, "মর্যাদার লড়াই কি না, জানি না। কিন্তু আমি আমার দায়িত্ব পালন করেছি। রাজনীতি তো তাৎক্ষণিক বিষয় নয়! এটা দীর্ঘমেয়াদি প্রক্রিয়া। আমায় তো জেলায় দলটা রাখতে হবে! জেলা কংগ্রেস সভাপতি হিসেবে আমার দায়িত্ব পালন করেছি। ফলের কথা ভাবছি না। জেলার বাম-বিরোধী মানুষ যাঁকে উপযুক্ত মনে করবেন, তাঁকেই ভোট দেবেন।" একটু থেমে, "মা ফলেষু কদাচন।" যতই দার্শনিক হয়ে গীতা আওড়ান, জেলায় তিনিই যে বিরোধী রাজনীতির শেষ কথা, তা প্রমাণের জন্য নিজের সম্মান বাজি রেখে বসেছেন অধীর। হাইকম্যাণ্ডের লাগাতার হুঁশিয়ারি সত্ত্বেও অবস্থান বদলানোর কোনও লক্ষণ তো দেখানইনি, বরং সুর আরও চড়া করেছেন! দ্বিতীয় দফার ভোটে বিরোধী শিবির কেমন ফল করবে? দক্ষিণ ২৪ পরগনার প্রত্যন্ত এলাকায় প্রচার করার ফাঁকে শুক্রবার মমতা বললেন, "নদিয়া আর বীরভূমে খুব ভাল ফল হবে।" মুর্শিদাবাদ? মমতা নিরুত্তর। কংগ্রেস-তৃণমূলের এই দ্বৈরথে এ বার জেলায় ভাল ফলের আশা করছে সিপিএম। মনে করছে, গোঁজের প্রভাব পড়বে। দলের রাজ্যসভা সাংসদ তথা জেলার নেতা মইনুল হাসানের কথায়, "সংখ্যার মধ্যে যাচ্ছি না। গতবার (২০০৬) ১৯টি আসনের মধ্যে আমরা ১৪টা পেয়েছিলাম। এ বার মোট আসন বেড়ে ২২টা হয়েছে। এ বার ১৪টা তো জিতবই। তার বেশিও হতে পারে।" লোকসভা ভোটের ফলাফলের নিরিখে বিধানসভা-ওয়াড়ি ফলাফল বিলক্ষণ জানেন মইনুল। কিন্তু বলছেন, "লোকসভা ভোটের পরিপ্রেক্ষিতে বিধানসভার ভোট হচ্ছে না। তাই আমরা আশাবাদী।" ৩ জেলায় আসন প্রার্থী ২৯৩ ভোটার ৯৩,৫১,৫২৩ বুথ ৫৪,৫০৫ বিরোধী শিবিরের একাংশ অবশ্য মুর্শিদাবাদের গোঁজ প্রার্থী নিয়ে এত 'উচ্চকিত' বিশ্লেষণের কারণ দেখছেন না। কংগ্রেসের এক শীর্ষনেতার কথায়, "গোঁজ মুর্শিদাবাদের ঐতিহ্য। ২০০১ সালে জোটের সময়ও মুর্শিদাবাদে গোঁজ প্রার্থী ছিল। ২০০৬ সালে জোট না-হলেও জেলায় কংগ্রেসের বিরুদ্ধেই গোঁজ প্রার্থী ছিল! এবং তারা জিতেওছিল। এবার জোট হয়েছে। গোঁজও আছে। ফলে এ নিয়ে নতুন করে কিছু ভাবার নেই।" কিন্তু এর 'প্রভাব' জেলার বাকি ১৮টি আসনে পড়বে না? কংগ্রেসের ওই শীর্ষনেতার দাবি, "একেবারেই না! মুর্শিদাবাদে গোঁজ খুব স্বাভাবিক ঘটনা। এটা নিয়েই একের পর এক ভোট লড়ে কংগ্রেস এবং আধিপত্য বজায় রাখে।" ২০০৬ সালে অবশ্য গোটা রাজ্যের মতোই মুর্শিদাবাদেও ভাল ফল করেনি কংগ্রেস। কালক্রমে জেলা পরিষদও হাতছাড়া হয়েছে। এবারও জোট নিয়ে তৃণমূল-অধীর টানাপোড়েন অব্যাহত। তার উপর ডোমকলে আচমকা দাঁড়িয়ে পড়েছেন জমিয়তে উলামায়ে হিন্দের নেতা সিদ্দিকুল্লা চৌধুরী। যেখানে কংগ্রেসের প্রার্থী মুর্শিদাবাদের সাংসদ মান্নান হোসেনের ছেলে সৌমিক। বামফ্রন্টের প্রার্থী রাজ্যের মন্ত্রী আনিসুর রহমান। লোকসভায় বাবার কাছে হেরেছিলেন আনিসুর। 'সিদ্দিকুল্লা-ফ্যাক্টরে' ভর করে বিধানসভায় ছেলেকে হারানোর আশায় তিনি। বস্তুত, উত্তরবঙ্গ বাদ দিলে মুর্শিদাবাদের ফলাফলের উপরেই রাজ্যে কংগ্রেসের ভবিষ্যৎ অনেকটা নির্ভর করবে। ফলে দেখার 'একা কুম্ভ' অধীর কোন বুঁদির গড় রক্ষা করছেন— আসল না নকল। কারণ এর পর রাজ্যের ভোট-রাজনীতি আবর্তিত হবে মমতা-গ্রহে। যার প্রথম ধাপ— নদিয়া। এমনিতেই নদিয়া এমন একটি জেলা, যেখানে বামশাসনেও কখনও ৪৫ শতাংশের বেশি ভোট পায়নি বামেরা। লোকসভা ভোটে জেলার দু'টি আসনই জিতেছিলেন মমতা। কার্যত তাঁর একার 'ক্যারিশমা'য়। কারণ, জেলায় 'সার্থক' জোট হয়নি। একদা মমতা-ঘনিষ্ঠ, অধুনা জেলা কংগ্রেস সভাপতি এবং তখনও প্রবল মমতা-বিরোধী শঙ্কর সিংহ আপ্রাণ চেষ্টা করেছিলেন কৃষ্ণনগর আসনটিতে মমতার প্রার্থী তাপস পালকে হারাতে। বিজেপি-র সঙ্গে সরাসরি লড়াইয়ে কিন্তু তাপসই জেতেন। তার পরে বিনা জোটে পুরভোটেও কংগ্রেসকে ধরাশায়ী করেছিলেন মমতা। 'হাত' চিহ্ন নিয়ে দাঁড়িয়েও শঙ্করের রানাঘাট পুরসভায় মুছে গিয়েছিল কংগ্রেস। তবে তার পাশের পুরসভা বীরনগরে তৃণমূল বিশেষ সুবিধে করতে পারেনি। কংগ্রেসের (শঙ্করের) আধিপত্য রয়েছে কুপার্স ক্যাম্প পুরসভা এলাকাতেও। লোকসভা ভোটের ফলাফলে নদিয়ার মোট ১৭টি আসনের মধ্যে কল্যাণী ছাড়া সবক'টি কেন্দ্রেই এগিয়ে ছিল বিরোধীরা। ওই ধারা বজায় থাকলে এই ভোটে বিরোধীদের জয়জয়কার হওয়ার কথা। কিন্তু নদিয়াতেও শঙ্কর-জনিত 'গোঁজ-সমস্যা' রয়েছে। জেলায় কংগ্রেসকে শুধুমাত্র শান্তিপুর আসনটিই ছেড়েছেন মমতা। তা-ও সেখানে তাঁর 'ঘনিষ্ঠ' কংগ্রেস বিধায়ক অজয় দে প্রার্থী বলেই। এহেন জোট না-মানতে পেরে শঙ্কর মোট পাঁচটি আসনে নির্দল গোঁজ দিয়েছিলেন। তার মধ্যে চাপড়া থেকে একজন মনোনয়ন তুলে নিলেও ময়দানে এখনও কংগ্রেসের চারটি গোঁজ রয়েছে। প্রসঙ্গত, চাপড়ায় মমতা কলকাতা থেকে লড়তে পাঠিয়েছেন রিজওয়ানুরের দাদা রুকবানুর রহমানকে। আসনটি তাঁর কাছে 'মর্যাদার লড়াই'। তেহট্টে আবার রয়েছে তৃণমূলেরই গোঁজ। ওই প্রার্থীকে দল থেকে বহিষ্কার করেছেন মমতা। কিন্তু ভোটের ময়দান থেকে তাড়াতে পারেননি। চারটি কেন্দ্রের গোঁজ সম্পর্কে প্রত্যাশিত ভাবেই 'সহানুভূতিশীল' শঙ্কর। তাঁর কথায়, "ওই প্রার্থীদের মানসিকতার সঙ্গে আমি সম্পূর্ণ একমত। লোকসভা ভোটের প্রেক্ষিতে বিধানসভার ফল মূল্যায়ন করা আমার পক্ষে কঠিন। যে ভাবে জোট হয়েছে, তাতে অনেকেই ব্যথিত। আমিও ব্যথিত। কোথাও কোথাও কংগ্রেসকর্মীরা তৃণমূলের হয়ে কাজ না-করলে সেটাও অস্বাভাবিক নয়। কিছু প্রতিবন্ধকতা দু'তরফেই রয়েছে। তবে জোটের ফল ভালই হবে।" মুর্শিদাবাদের তুলনায় নদিয়ার গোঁজ নিয়ে অবশ্য অনেক কম চিন্তায় বিরোধী শিবির। মমতা নিজে মনে করেন, বীরভূমে 'অপ্রত্যাশিত' ভাল ফল করতে চলেছে বিরোধীরা। জেলায় বীরভূম লোকসভা আসনে জিতেছিলেন অভিনেত্রী শতাব্দী রায়। লোকসভা ভোটের নিরিখে জেলায় ১১টি আসনের মধ্যে ছ'টিতে এগিয়ে বিরোধীরা। বাকি পাঁচটিতে বামেরা। নানুরের সূচপুরে গণহত্যা, সিপিএমের প্রাক্তন বিধায়ক আনন্দ দাসের হত্যাকাণ্ড মিলিয়ে গোটা জেলা বাম ও বিরোধী শিবিরে কার্যত আড়াআড়ি বিভক্ত। এই জেলার নলহাটিতে লড়ছেন প্রণব-পুত্র অভিজিৎ মুখোপাধ্যায়। যাঁর হয়ে প্রচারে এসেছিলেন কংগ্রেস সভানেত্রী সনিয়া গাঁধী স্বয়ং!
মুর্শিদাবাদ ২২
নদিয়া ১৭
বীরভূম ১১
পুরুষ ২৬৬
মহিলা ২৭
পুরুষ ৪৮,৬৬,০০০-এর কিছু বেশি
মহিলা ৪৪,৮৪,০০০-এর কিছু বেশি
সাধারণ পর্যবেক্ষক ২৮
পুলিশ পর্যবেক্ষক ১
মুর্শিদাবাদে থাকবেন
Still without an identity
RAKTIMA BOSE KOLKATA
| Many Bangladeshi refugees in West Bengal are yet to receive voting rights |
Sashadhar Hazra still has his certificate from Mana camp in Chhattisgarh as proof of identity.
Try bringing up the topic of the Assembly election with 80-year-old Ramesh Gayen, and he retorts angrily that people like him who don't have any sort of recognition even after living in a country for over 40 years are not "qualified enough" to discuss politics.
Mr. Gayen's anger is echoed by Sashadhar Hazra, Kalyani Biswas, Ujjwal Biswas and other residents of Chikunpara village who were forced to cross over from Bangladesh since the 1970s. They are yet to be identified as refugees or granted Indian citizenship.
Chikunpara, which mostly comprises refugees from the erstwhile East Pakistan, falls under the Gaighata (SC) Assembly segment in the Bongaon sub-division of North 24 Parganas district.
Despite being counted during census operations and issued ration cards, a large section of the displaced people in this region are yet to receive Indian citizenship and elector's photo identity cards. They also continue to be branded as "Bangladeshi infiltrators."
Showing a certificate issued by authorities at a refugee camp in Mana in present-day Chhattisgarh — after he arrived in India in 1975 — Mr. Hazra asks: "This is all I have to prove my claim, but the officials said it is not enough. Tell me what else they ask of people who were forced to leave their home and hearth so many years ago?"
While several parties have claimed that they will push for the scrapping of the Illegal Migrants (Determination by Tribunals) Act if voted to power, immigrants feel that the absence of a prospective vote bank makes the parties disinterested in aggressively pursuing the issue.
Pointing out that no amount of promises and assurances could improve the condition of immigrants over the years, Ujjwal Biswas, in his mid-30s, says: "If we could vote, our sole demand would have been that of citizenship rights. But we cannot even afford to talk about politics or take sides as it will only ruffle feathers in the rival camp."
Although they are followers of the influential Matua Mahasangh, the fact that Manjulkrishna Thakur — son of the sect's godmother Boroma — is contesting on a Trinamool Congress ticket from Gaighata (SC) appears to be a non-factor to the immigrants.
Mr. Gayen's youngest son Palash, who was born in India, received his photo identity card a few days ago.
"The sect leaders are more concerned about financially well-off followers than poor immigrants like us, but I will still cast my vote hoping for a better tomorrow for my family."
Palash has returned from his workplace in Mumbai just to cast his vote.
Admitting that there are thousands of immigrants living without citizenship rights in districts that share a border with Bangladesh, Bongaon sub-divisional officer Sanjay Mukhopadhyay says that photo identity cards cannot be issued to them because of unavailability of valid documents.
Mr. Biswas' optimism shines through the uncertainty that clouds the future of these immigrants. "I may never get a chance to vote or even get deported, but my wife and daughter can look forward to a promising future as citizens of the country."
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http://www.hindu.com/2011/04/05/stories/2011040560821500.htm
FROGS MARRY to SUSTAIN TRI IBLIS SATANIC GLOBAL HEGEMONY ORDER
o3.indiatimes.com/singurkatha/archive/2009/03/27/4962672.aspx -Cached
For Upen Biswas, former additional director-general of the Central Bureau of Investigation who cracked the Rs.800 crore Bihar fodder scam, contesting the Assembly election in West Bengal is an "experiment with honesty."
Mr. Biswas — fielded by the Trinamool Congress from Bagda in the North 24 Parganas district — claims that all his election expenses are being borne by the people of the constituency.
"I don't have to contribute a paisa, let alone a month's pension, as all my election expenses are being borne by the people of Bagda," says Mr. Biswas, who unearthed the fodder scam in 1996.
Pitted against Forward Bloc candidate Nirmal Sikdar, Mr. Biswas says the people of Bagda wanted him to contest from their constituency because they wanted someone who would be honest, accountable and transparent.
With more than two lakh voters, the Bagda seat, dominated by the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, was won by Trinamool Congress candidate Dulal Bhar in the 2006 Assembly election.
Overwhelmed
Mr. Biswas says he was overwhelmed by the support from people who were pouring money into his election fund, adding that he has received personal donations of up to Rs.30,000.
"Apart from declaring my election expenses during the filing of nomination, I will put my entire election account on the web so that people can know the source of the money," he says.
'I'm a lone ranger'
Mr. Biswas adds: "I didn't take the decision to join politics — the people of Bagda and the Trinamool Congress compelled me…In my long career as a policeman, I have seen the murky world of politics and have tried in vain to fight it. What I couldn't do as a policeman, I want to do as a politician. I know I am a lone ranger, but I want to cleanse politics of filth."
Asked if he would survive in politics, the former police officer quips: "I have guerrilla training and know survival techniques better than many others."
On the donations that Mr. Biswas has received, a senior EC official says that although people can donate for election purposes, every paisa spent for the poll will be treated as the election cost of the candidate.
"Moreover, any donation above Rs.10 will have to be authorised by the candidate, and if the amount is more than Rs.20,000, it should go into the candidate's account. The donor will either have to pay by cheque or the candidate will have to give him a receipt," the official says.
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Dr Upen Biswas: From crimebuster to politician
4 posts - 3 authors - Last post: 22 MarDr Upen Biswas: From crimebuster to politician - He specialised in criminology and went on to join the IPS.
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Dr Upen Biswas: From crimebuster to politician. March 22, 2011... of many interests, former CBI additional director Upen Biswas is now Trinamool candidate. ...
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Welcome to PRSI
Dr. Asok Mitra, Mr. H. K. Dua, Dr. Nitish Kuma Sengupta Dr. Bikram Sarkar, Dr. Upen Biswas. Dr. Sujit Basu Mr. Biswadip Gupta and Dr. C. V Narasirnha Reddi ...
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www.outlookindia.com | Upen Biswas
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Convention Demands SC Status For Namashudras And Others
THE convention of persons belonging to the Namashudra and related castes from Chattisgarh , Madhya Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh and Delhi decided to conduct relentless struggle demanding granting of scheduled castes status to Namasudra, Pod (Pondra) Maji and other similar castes among Bengali regueues now rehabilitated in states other than West Bengal. The convention was organised by CPI(M) at Amabedker Bhavan in Delhi on August 21.
In his inaugural address K Varadarajan pointed out that even after 60 years of independence the dalit and the advasis rights have not even been recognised. They have not even been treated as human beings and live in sub-human conditions. They are seeding with anger against continued repression, oppression and not given their due rights. Looking at the northern states he said that the rights being given in the eastern states were been denied in the northern states.
Moving the resolution CPI(M) Polit Bureau member Brinda Karat described the plight of those who had suffered because of partition .While millions of those who came from East Pakistan settled in West Bengal and other bordering states, many of them were rehabilitated by the government of India in other states. Condition of majority of them continues to be dismal. They are deprived of education in their mother tongue and large number of them remain landless. Even those who should get schedule caste status have not been granted the same in these states. She said that it is only the CPI(M) who fights for the poor and weaker sections and it is we who are fighting for them inside and outside the parliament and will intensify the struggle. She said even though many parties are claiming that they are supporting the demands but the promises remains unfulfilled. She said the most condemnable action is of the present UP government .Recently in June 2007 the Mayawati-led BSP government in Uttar Pradesh in a letter to the central government has withdrawn the recommendations made by an earlier state government for inclusion of Namasudras, Pod and Maji castes in the schedule caste list of the state
Leader of the CPI(M) in Lok Sabha Basudev Acharia while greeting the delegates said that the issue has been raised several times by him and by other MPs of the CPI(M) in both houses of the parliament. Apart from Acharia, CPI(M) MPs Sunil Khan, Basudev Barman, Prasant Pradhan and Jyotirmayee Sikdar were also present.
Earlier, the convention began with rendering of inaugural songs by noted singer Kajal Ghosh. A presidium comprising of Kanti Biswas, Anil Sarkar, Bacchram Kanswal, Pramod Pradhan, M K Nandi and Aroop Sen presided. In all, 20 speakers from different states took part in the discussion
It was decided to have a massive campaigning in all these states in support of the demand, followed by area wise and state level dharanas, demonstrations followed by some national level programme. It was also decided that in these states units of the CPI(M) will take up the issue with the respective state governments.
RESOLUTION
This Convention of people belonging to the Namashudra and other related castes from Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Uttar Pradesh, Delhi, etc. is being held when we are celebrating 60 years of our independence. Along with independence came Partition that led to millions of people being uprooted from their homes and their crossing over to India as refugees. Of the countless families uprooted some got rehabilitation, while others were left to fend for themselves. In Eastern India, lakhs of people continued to enter the country as refugees for years after 1947.
Millions of those who came from erstwhile East Pakistan settled in West Bengal and other bordering states. The government of India initially rehabilitated many such refugees in different states. But after that they were left in lurch. The condition of the majority of them continues to be dismal. They are deprived of education in their mother tongue, they have not been given land pattas and a large proportion of them remain landless and poverty stricken.
One of the main unsettled issue is that of recognition of people belonging to Namasudra, Pod, (Pondra), Maji and other similar castes as Scheduled Castes in various states. Namasudras are designated as Scheduled Castes in Assam, Manipur, Orissa, West Bengal, Mizoram, Meghalaya and Tripura. But in Chattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Uttarakhand, and UP. they are denied SC status and are hence unable to avail the benefits of reservations in government jobs and
'The Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes Order (Amendment) Bill 1967' had a provision to include the Dalits among Bengali refugees from erstwhile East Pakistan, living in states outside West Bengal, in the SC list of those states. However, it could not be passed as the Lok Sabha was dissolved shortly afterwards. Later the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Orders (Amendment) Bill 1976 was introduced and passed in the Parliament. This however, did not have the provision of the 1967 Bill, mentioned above.
The Supreme Court in a judgment in February 2006 ruled that if a person belonging to a caste declared as a Scheduled Caste in one state goes to another state his/her caste status will not change. Despite this, Namashudras and other castes are deprived of SC status in many states.
This Convention appreciates the contribution of many individuals and organisations of these communities in various states for relentlessly taking up this genuine demand. The CPI(M) has been supporting the just demands of the Namashudras and other related castes for grant of SC status in states where they are deprived of it. It has raised the issue with various state governments and the central government. CPI(M) MPs have raised the issue in both houses of the Parliament and met various ministers, including the prime minister, home minister and social justice minister in this regard. Senior CPI(M) leaders have led
Some state governments had at one time or the other recommended grant of SC status to these castes to the central government. But generally their attitude has been unhelpful. Recently, on June 6, 2007 the Mayawati led BSP government in U.P. in a letter to the central government has withdrawn the recommendation made by an earlier state government for inclusion of Namasudras, Pod and Maji castes in the SC lists of the state.
This Convention organised by the Communist Party of India (Marxist) demands that the central government immediately bring a legislation to grant SC status to Namasudra, Pod, (pondra) Maji and other similar castes among Bengali refugees now rehabilitated in states of Uttarakhand, Chattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Uttar Pradesh, Delhi, etc. While assuring full support and solidarity to the struggle of these castes against this injustice meted out to them, the Communist Party of India (Marxist) calls upon all the democratic forces of the country to support their just struggle.
Defamation salvo & copter barbs | ||
| ALAMGIR HOSSAIN AND MEGHDEEP BHATTACHARYYA | ||
April 17: Black money allegations and chopper rides today kept Bengal's poll pot boiling as the CPM and the Trinamul Congress hurled barbs at each other. While Mamata Banerjee asked Trinamul leader Mukul Roy to file a defamation case in response to Gautam Deb's allegation that the party was using black money to fund elections, the housing minister said he had "enough" evidence to "prove the charges". The chief minister, too, alleged Trinamul had "black money". The CPM's questioning of the source of money to fund her helicopter rides on campaign trail has nettled the Trinamul chief too. "The chopper was hired by the Congress," she said at a rally in Nadia. Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee seemed to suggest that Trinamul could afford such copter rides because it had "acquired money through sinful" means. Shakeel Ahmed, the Congress's minder in Bengal, said the AICC "may have hired" a chopper for Mamata but added he had "no idea as the decision would have been taken at the highest level". At the Nadia rally, Mamata said: "They have brought false allegations against us. I have asked Mukul to file a defamation case in court tomorrow." She did not clarify whether the defamation suit would be against Deb or the CPM. Mamata offered the CPM an advice too. "They have gone mad. Ask them to have cucumber and cold water. Why are they so hot-headed? Why are they spreading slander?" At a news conference in Calcutta yesterday, Deb had alleged that Trinamul had spent "black money" to the tune of Rs 100 crore to fund poll expenses. He had claimed that each of Trinamul's 226 candidates had been given Rs 15 lakh in cash for campaigning. "Coupons were issued in the names of non-existent persons to show that the money was raised through donations," Deb had alleged. PTI today quoted Deb as saying that he had "accepted" Mamata's challenge". "Let her (Mamata) go to court or the income-tax department. We have enough documents to prove the charges," he said. The Trinamul chief mentioned previous occasions when Ganashakti, had published "false statements" against her and later apologised. "The daily published a picture of me riding pillion on the motorbike of a party supporter in Lalgarh and wrote in the caption that he was (PCPA leader) Chhatradhar Mahato. After I filed a case against the paper, the CPM apologised to me." Mamata claimed that Left ministers in Bengal had "amassed lakhs of rupees". She made no mention of Deb's claim that one of the Trinamul candidates had not accepted the cash given to the nominees. Although the housing minister did not mention clearly who he meant, he said: "Ask Upen Biswas." Biswas is the Trinamul candidate from North 24-Parganas' Bagdah. The Telegraphtried to contact Biswas but he was unreachable on his cellphone. On the chopper issue, Mamata suggested that the CPM's "plummeting" popularity was behind the party's refraining from using a copter. "If a helicopter is used, campaigning has to be over by 4pm. Why are they not using helicopters? Because they won't find people to attend rallies in the afternoon heat." Although Mamata has campaigned beyond 4pm, she has travelled by car after sundown. A source in the directorate general of civil aviation said most choppers in India did not have night-landing equipment and so "it is advisable not to use them after sundown". Mamata may have linked the CPM's move not to use a chopper to the party's declining support base, but the chief minister said the Left had "no money to fund a helicopter". "I am not using a helicopter because I don't have the money," Bhattacharjee said at a rally in Nadia. Accusing Trinamul of using "black money", he said: "Why do we not have the money? The reason is we don't accept black money. Kalo taka, durnitir taka, asat taka nei na, nebo na (We don't accept black, corrupt and dishonest money)." "Trinamul wants to win the polls with money? The money has been acquired through sinful means." The CPM had used a chopper for the last time in 2001, when an ailing Jyoti Basu was flown to some campaign venues. http://www.telegraphindia.com/1110418/jsp/bengal/story_13867846.jsp |
People's Democracy
Addressing an election rally here, Dr. Singh said: "I appeal to the masses to give the Congress-Trinamool alliance a chance to govern the state. The people of the state have given the chance to the Left Front to rule for 34 years. But the time of change has come".
"The local bodies like the panchayats would be strengthened if the Congress-Trinamool Congress combine comes to power in West Bengal," he added.
Accusing the government of failing to properly utilise funds for various development schemes, Dr. Singh said the Centre had given sufficient funds under the MNREGA, National Rural Health Mission, Sarva Siksha Abhiyan, the Mid-day Meal Scheme and the PMGSY.
"It is unfortunate that the Bengal government has not been able to utilise the funds," he added.
He further said that Andhra Pradesh government provided jobs to 60 lakh people under MNREGA during 2010-11, while in Bengal, only 48 lakh were provided jobs for 22 days.
Promising a better future for minorities, Dr. Singh said that new technology would be involved in farming and agriculture sectors and new initiatives would be taken up in State tourism.
Identity politics to play a vital role during polls [Kolkata ]
KOLKATA: Identity politics has never been so important in Bengal as it is now with several communities from Kurmis to Matuas exerting pressure on political parties to uphold their cause.
The Yuba Chhatra Kurmi Sangram Committee on Tuesday demanded that all political parties planning to contest the 42 seats in Jangalmahal - West Midnapore, Bankura and Purulia - should nominate candidates from the Kurmi community that has a huge presence in these areas.
Committee secretary Rajesh Mahato says Kurmis are the most populous community in this area, but their representation in the political arena is poor. Parties often choose higher-caste people from outside as candidates.
Four such seats are in West Midnapore - Gopiballabhpur, Jhargram, Salboni and Garbeta. There are also a few seats in Purulia and Bankura where there are a large number of Kurmis. There are a few other seats, like Binpur and Nayagram, where the Kurmi population is huge. But these seats are reserved for scheduled tribes and it is not possible for Kurmis - who are OBCs - to contest there. During the British rule, Kurmis had been listed as tribes, but later, the community had been delisted as a scheduled tribe, says Mahato.
The Matuas - a religious sect comprising of Namasudras who migrated to Bengal from Orakandi in Bangladesh - are not demanding any such thing. Aware of their strength in some of the reserved constituencies in North 24-Parganas, Nadia, strong enough to seal the fate of political parties, the Trinamool Congress is trying to field Matua leader Manjul Krishna Thakur in the coming elections. Even the ruling Marxists have got over their initial reluctance and are going out of the way to please the matuas who could make the rival CPM and Trinamool Congress share the dais at their assembly at the metro corridor.
Political leaders are likely to make a beeline during the release of a film on March 25 based on the life and teachings of Matua guru Thakur Harichand. Director of the film, Manoj Thakur, said the Matua Mahasangha will be sending invites to railways minister Mamata Banerjee, chief minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, state housing minister Gautam Deb and Union minister of state Mukul Roy.
According to Thakur, the government has already given permission to screen the film at Nandan II. "We are trying to make it to Nandan I, at least for a week," said Thakur. Mayor Sovan Chattopadhyay was present during the release of the audio cassette of the film songs. Even as Thakur said that the release of the film on March 25 has nothing to do with politics, he is planning the release of the film in places such as Barasat, Gaighata, Bongaon, Kalyani where matuas have a solid presence.
Political leaders are already curious about the film and some of them have also inquired about the video cassettes, the film director said.
TMC plays all its cards to beat the Left
Click to play video
Manjul Thakur's mother, 92-year old Binapani Devi and head of the sect believes it's time to mix religion and politics. The Railway minister has already ushered in civic developments in Thakurnagar, the Matua headquarters and the Left followed suit by promising to set up a college on this plot. Binapani advocates change but isn't sure of its outcome.
"A change is surely required. How can a single system perpetuate? But it's difficult to assess how far that change would be effective," said Matua Mahasangha chief Binapani Devi.
It's not just the Matuas who have been lured by the political establishment of the state, the Huzurs of Furfura Sharif in Hooghly who represent a significant majority of Muslims in West Bengal are also in focus of political parties across the board.
The most prominent Huzur leader Toha Siddiqui, says he's apolitical but doesn't hide his disillusionment with the 35-year long Left rule in Bengal. But he was also critical about Banerjee for not delivering rail connectivity to Furfura Sharif despite a promise a year ago.
"If Trinamool comes to power and repeats the character of the Left parties, then I'm sure people will take no time to reject the Trinamool as well," said Toha Siddiqui.
For both the Huzurs and the Thakurs, involvement with politics means local convenience. For the political parties, the blessings of community heads mean assured votes. But both are aware that the knots that tie the two sides can snap at the slightest provocation.
http://ibnlive.in.com/news/tmc-plays-all-its-cards-to-beat-the-left/148729-37.html
Caste not a poll factor in Bengal. But Matuas could swing it for Didi BY PARTHA DASGUPTA Mother figure Binapani Debi heads the Matua sect, which has 5 crore followers PHOTO: PINTU PRADHAN THAKUR NAGAR IS a small, sleepy hamlet 75 km from Kolkata, close to the Indo-Bangladesh border town of Bongaon. Three km from the newly renovated Thakur Nagar railway station is a colony of old, thatched cottages punctuated by a number of buildings under construction, and a towering four-storey pagoda-like temple made of the finest white marble. In one of these old houses lives 93-year-old Barama (Great Mother), whose word is law for over five crore Indians who belong to the Matua (the Meditators) sect. A fourth of them live in West Bengal and act as a fulcrum in the seesaw battle of fortunes in at least 74 of the 294 Assembly seats — a good 25 percent. West Bengal is known to be a state largely free of the caste politics that plagues the rest of India. But few are aware that both the Left and the Mamata Banerjee-led Trinamool Congress are walking the extra mile to secure the 'blessings' of Barama — Binapani Debi — who heads the Matua Mahasangha, a sect founded by her husband's great grandfather Harichand Thakur, a Brahmin, at Gopalganj in Faridpur, present-day Bangladesh. The sect represents Scheduled Castes and Other Backward Classes, almost all of whom are immigrants from Bangladesh. Most political analysts say the Matuas, who have traditionally voted en bloc for the Left, shifted allegiance to the Trinamool in last year's Lok Sabha election; and that Mamata owes a large chunk of her electoral success to this shift. But Barama, who even at this age travels extensively across the country, disagrees, saying, "I do not advise or command anyone to vote for a particular party. I am no goddess, just small fry. What power do I have? I say and do as the Lord decrees." But she is being modest, says Rabindranath Halder, vice-president of the Mahasangha advisory committee. "Barama's is the last word in all matters. She won't expressly ask the members to vote for a party, but her actions say it all." On 14 March this year, Barama appointed Mamata the organisation's chief patron. Didi returned the favour promptly by announcing a slew of developmental works for the Matuas. Thakur Nagar station has been named a model one and is already getting a facelift. In keeping with her penchant for naming stations after famous personalities, Mamata has announced that three will be named after Harichand, his son Guruchand and grandson Pramatha Ranjan. She has also donated Rs. 33 lakh for sprucing up Kamonasagor, the holy pond in Thakur Nagar, and has promised Rs. 60 lakh more — besides a sports stadium and a fullfledged railway hospital. But Mamata remains tight-lipped about the sect's main grievance: that thousands of its members are being deported from the country as alleged infiltrators. Yet now, even West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya, who has repeatedly voiced his concern about Bangladeshi infiltration, has joined the bandwagon to woo the Matuas. On 21 September, he presided over a state function to award the Harichand-Guruchand prize, instituted by his government this year, to Barama's eldest son Kapil Krishna. Barama was not present at the function, but Krishna, in his speech, said he was dismayed that the state neglected him for ages. What then is Matua? Is it just another religion like Hinduism or Islam? "Yes and no," says Mahasangha vice-president Manjul Krishna Thakur, the youngest of the three sons of Pramatha and Binapani. "It is a religion as we have a prophet in Guru Harichand, my great great grandfather, whose teachings we follow," he explains. "But it's more of a movement that seeks to uplift the downtrodden and tells you what an ideal family life should be." The sect's leadership has traditionally remained with the Thakurs. Rabindranath Halder's father is the only surviving member in Thakur Nagar who saw Pramatha Ranjan Biswas, Binapani Debi's late husband, migrate from Bangladesh, build a small house in Thakur Nagar and start living there from 13 March 1948, buying forest land from the local zamindar Jagat Kumari Dasi. "My father was an exceptional man," says Thakur. "He became a member of the Bengal Assembly in 1937 and a minister of state for tribal development in 1962. In 1967, he was Congress MP from Nabadweep, but quit following differences with his party," says the man who is responsible for making the Matuas into a well-organised community. There are registered groups of 500 in each district under a group head. "We take voluntary subscriptions from the members, sometimes as little as one rupee," says Halder. JYOTIPRIYA MULLICK, the Trinamool MLA from Gaighata (under which Thakur Nagar falls), who has stuck to the Matuas steadfastly and is widely credited with getting the members to switch allegiance to the Trinamool, rubbishes the allegation that Mamata is ushering in caste politics in Bengal. "Nobody raised this question when CPM bigwigs like Brinda Karat and Biman Bose visited Barama to seek Matua votes; and though they voted for the CPM, the party treated them as a mere 'vote bank'. Now that Mamatadi is bringing in a deluge of development, these nasty questions are being raised," says Mullick. Halder, the organisation's unofficial spokesman, sounded guarded when asked who the sect would vote for in the Assembly election. "It is true that we are being treated and perceived as political pawns, but we are much too strong an organisation for that. I can only say that we have traditionally voted for the Left, and in return got nothing," he lamented. Mullick takes this as a positive sign. "The angry Matuas are part of the winds of change that are sweeping the state. I am confident they will vote for us en bloc," he says. It may well be that there's a woman behind every successful man. But if Mamata makes it to the CM's chair this time, you would know that it happened, in part at least, because a 93-year-old woman had elected to bless her.
The Matuas act as a fulcrum in a see-saw battle of fortunes in at least 74 of the 294 Assembly seats
In Lal Durgo, fountainhead of wail betrays the change If there is a Left recovery, it is well-hidden in Birbhum | ||||
| MANINI CHATTERJEE IN BIRBHUM | ||||
Syed Iqbal, or Iqbalda as everyone calls him, is a soft-spoken man with an air of calm dignity. But as he tells us about the situation in his neck of the woods — the Ilambazar block which now falls under the post-delimitation Bolpur Assembly constituency — the calm slowly deserts him and words like "atonko" (fear), "shontras" (terror) and "bisrinkhola" (anarchy) are repeated endlessly. Elections are round the corner and Iqbalda's hopes centre on the Election Commission — if there is no rigging, if there is no booth-capturing, if there are free and fair polls, then his party will certainly win. The next day in Bolpur town we hear the same litany of ifs. Dilip Ganguly, far more excitable than Syed Iqbal, is in a state of great agitation. Reports are coming in from not just Bolpur but the adjoining constituencies of Nanoor, Labpur, Dubrajpur and further afield of "booth capture" well ahead of the polls. He reels off the numbers — 21 booths in Nanoor, 12 in Labpur, another dozen in the Ilambazar block of Bolpur. "How can we win if so many booths have become 'no entry' for us?" he asks us in a tone that is both angry and plaintive, before he regains a measure of composure and adds: "But if the polls are free and fair, we will win everywhere." So what else is new? Haven't we heard all of this before? In practically every election that has taken place in Bengal over the past three decades, the Opposition has cried itself hoarse about "rigging" and "terror" and "booth management" that prevented its supporters from casting their vote. What is so different this time around? Well, what is new and strange and bewildering is that it is not the usual suspects who are doing the complaining any more. Syed Iqbal is the veteran zonal committee secretary of the CPM in Ilambazar and Dilip Ganguly the formidable party secretary of Birbhum — a district which, alongside Burdwan and Bankura, comprised the "Lal Durgo" or the unassailable Red Citadel of the Party not too long ago. It is they, leaders of a party helming a government with a three-fourths majority, who betray the anger and frustration, the fear and helplessness of a beleaguered opposition while the local Trinamul leaders strut about with the swagger of schoolboys who have taken over the principal's office. When the tremors from the earthquake — with its epicentre in Nandigram and Singur — slowly spread across rural Bengal, Birbhum withstood the devastation better than most. In the 2008 panchayat elections, the Left managed to retain control of over 100 of the 167 gram panchayats in the district. In 2009, the Birbhum Lok Sabha seat fell to the charms of Trinamul's Shatabdi Roy but the CPM managed to win the freshly reserved Bolpur seat by a margin of more than one lakh votes. In the municipal polls last year, all six municipalities in the district — Bolpur, Suri, Rampurhat, Nalhati, Dubrajpur and Sainthia — were won by either Trinamul or the Congress. That did not perturb the CPM leaders too much for the urban vote had never been theirs to begin with — it was the rural masses who mattered. But as we criss-cross the district — from the sylvan beauty of Santiniketan through interior rural roads lined by paddy fields and bamboo groves and mud and thatch huts, and then past towns like Suri and Rampurhat — a strange irony unfolds. The CPM's warning against the "anarchy" and "chaos" that awaits Bengal if it loses is finding a resonance among sections of the urban and semi-urban middle class but the rural masses, as it were, are completely in thrall of the "poribortoner hawa" (the winds of change) that is raging through their midst. Although no one can quite articulate it, everyone seems to intuitively know that this election is not about replacing one set of rulers with another in Writers' Building; it portends something much more fundamental, almost elemental, it threatens to alter a whole way of being, to usher in entire new ways of seeing. For Left sympathisers, the CPM — despite its numerous shortcomings — represented a certain order and discipline, espoused principles based on an ideology, and offered a reassuring stability. Since 2009, that stable order has been shaken to the core and suddenly the world has turned topsy-turvy. Back in Ilambazar, Syed Iqbal had told us how after the election results of 2009, it was not just the known Trinamul and Congress workers who had become assertive. With the CPM on the back foot, all kinds of "goondas" and "ruffians" and "riffraff" who had been kept at bay all these years had donned Trinamul colours and were now "terrorising" the people in the name of "poriborton". Sushmita Das (name changed), a young professional living alone in Bolpur, tended to agree. "The CPM was far from ideal but the Trinamul goons have no discipline, they fear no authority. I never felt unsafe before but now I avoid the streets at night because they pass comments that a CPM cadre never would," she says. In Rampurhat, a retired college teacher who wishes to remain anonymous is equally scathing of the "change" that is on the anvil. Once an ardent communist, he severed his ties with the CPM many years ago. But now that the Left Front is under siege, he lists all its many "pro-people" policies over the last 34 years and says: "The trouble is, the new generation does not know what the sixties and seventies were like — the violence, the anarchy, the semi-fascist terror on the streets. If the Left Front goes, the neo-fascists will take over and it will be 1971 once more." It is this same sentiment that prompted a section of Santiniketan's prominent citizens, led by expelled CPM leader Somnath Chatterjee, to issue a leaflet earlier this week asking people to usher in the eighth Left Front government to ensure "peace and stability". This is what has given the CPM a measure of hope — that after seeing the "bisrinkhola" of the past two years, the people who had deserted the party are now returning. "Aamrarecovery korechhi (we have made a recovery)" and "lokera back korchhe (people are coming back)" are two Benglish phrases we hear repeatedly. In Birbhum's countryside, though, we see no signs of it. Everywhere we stop — at wayside tea stalls or under the banyan by a village pond — the people tell us without hesitation, "Ebar to TMC, ebar Mamata hobe mukhyomantri." And some add with glee, "CPM to ekebare side hoye gachhe." Rarely does the ordinary Indian voter reveal which way the wind is blowing, and it usually takes a reporter much patient probing and subtle subterfuge to get a sense of their leanings. But this time in Bengal, a dam seems to have burst and years of enforced silence and circumspection have been replaced by the garrulousness of teetotallers who have suddenly taken to drink. We gradually realise that both "stability" and "anarchy" have assumed different meanings for different sets of people. For sections of the middle class, stability is something they value even if they bemoan the "stagnation" of Left rule. But here in rural Birbhum, where the Party's hegemony was supreme, where the Party was Big Brother in every sense of the term — offering protection, providing succour, settling family disputes, decreeing codes of behaviour —even its benevolent embrace (leave alone its not-so-benign aspects) could be stifling. And once Nandigram struck a blow to that hegemony and the Party's grip began to loosen, everyone became heady with the newfound freedom and are still intoxicated by it. They cannot be bothered to analyse all the good things the Left Front did for them or how a new government can change their lives. All they say is that they are fed up with the CPM and that change for the sake of change is good enough for them. Left leaders still believe that logic and reason are on their side — that at the time of voting, the mass of rural peasantry will remember with gratitude what they received from successive Left Front governments and see through the empty promises of the "Right-wing" combine. But if there is indeed a pro-Left undercurrent working against the vociferous and palpable wave for change, then it is much too invisible and silent right now, and is likelier to make itself felt in 2016 rather than the coming May 13. http://www.telegraphindia.com/1110423/jsp/frontpage/story_13891843.jsp
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Addressing a rally here today, Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister and BSP chief Mayawati said her party would go it alone in West Bengal.
"We have seen that all the mainstream parties, including the Congress and CPM, have ruled the state. But after 63 years of independence, the backward people and other marginal classes remain at the same place. The ruling party and the opposition — both are responsible for the miserable condition of the state. So we have decided not to go for an alliance with any of the parties," she said. There are 160 BSP candidates in the fray in Bengal. After reviewing the performance of her party's state units, Mayawati asked party cadres to emulate the BSP's Uttar Pradesh formula of bringing all communities on board for electoral success and political power.
Khokan Biswas, general secretary of Matua Mahasangha, said, "We are BSP supporters. We have our BSP candidate in Madhyamgram. the candidate is a Matua leader. We have come from Madhyamgram to listen to Mayawatiji. We do not support Manjul Thakur, son of Baro Ma, who is the Trinamool candidate in Bongaon."
Mayawati complimented the BSP state unit for its consistent efforts over the years to make the party a force to reckon with. Referring to Maoist violence, she said socio-economic policies of the central and state governments had forced people to adopt Maoism and take up arms.Mamata tries her luck with Matuas
Rajesh Mahapatra, Hindustan Times
Thakurnagar, Gaighata, April 23, 2011
First Published: 18:33 IST(23/4/2011)
Last Updated: 18:36 IST(23/4/2011)
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Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee attends a road show in Kolkata....
They make one of the most cohesive sects in Bengal's social matrix, but rarely do they mix their religion with the political choices they make. They are the Matuas, or the namasudras -- a community of nearly 8 million low-caste Hindus, of which about 4 million live in Bengal and can make a difference
in as many as a dozen constituencies.
In this election though, the lines that separated the Matua tradition from its politics seem to have blurred.
Thanks to a masterstroke from Mamata Banerjee, the youngest son of the sect's supreme leader, Binapani Devi, is in the election fray – contesting Gaighata seat as a Trinamool candidate. Gaighata covers Thakurnagar, the headquarters of the Matua sect.
The decision of the Trinamool leader raised many eyebrows, within and outside the community, and triggered speculation if it had Devi's approval. The clouds appeared to have blown over since.
"Of course, I have decided to contest after her consent," said Manjul Krishna Thakur, who worked at a local bank and, along with other brothers, helped mother run the sect's activities.
Streets of Gaighata now flank Thakur's posters feature Devi along with Mamata and the leader of alliance partner, Sonia Gandhi. One poster read: "With blessings of Trinamool leader Mamata Banerjee, the youngest son of Boroma is seeking your votes." Devi's followers call her Boroma – which is akin to godmother.
For the Left Front, it is another of the many setbacks it has suffered in recent times.
The Left's concern extends beyond Gaighata, which in any case had gone to Trinamool in last election and will likely do so this time. The Matuas are concentrated mostly in the districts of North Parganas and Nadia, and if they take the same cue as Thakur, Trinamool could sweep in these areas. That would be in contrast to the experience of the Left's 34-year tenure, when it mostly had an unstated ally in the Matuas, who were historically forced to live as untouchables in the southern swamps of undivided Bengal. The importance of the Matua vote was evident when, in a rare gesture, leaders of the Left Front and Trinamool shared the same dais at a community meeting that Devi addressed three months ago in Kolkata. The Left Front's star campaigner for this election, state housing minister Gautam Deb, was there. Opposition leader and Mamata's close aide Partha Chatterjee represented Trinamool.
"All these years, we supported the Left because they were seen as a party of the poor. But they have done nothing for the Matuas," said Lakshman Giri, who is now a local campaign manager for Trinamool.
For most Matuas, agriculture is the main source of livelihood. Average literacy rate is about 55% compared to the state average of nearly 80%. Many Matua families live off remittances from members who have migrated out to work as factory workers.
Mamata saw the opportunity in their growing resentment with the Left, which came to fore in 2006 when Gaighata emerged one of the few (30) seats that Trinamool could win in the 294-seat assembly.
On her behalf, Gaighata MLA Jyotipriya Mullick worked hard on the Matuas' iconic family of Thakurs. Mullick used NREGA funds to build a holy pond alongside the Thakurnagar temple.
He built better roads and got Mamata to name the nearest railway station after Devi's husband, Pramath Ranjan Thakur who founded Thakurnagar after India was partitioned and a large number of Matuas migrated from East Bengal to West Bengal.
The Left failed to counter. Instead, it committed a couple more blunders. A local school that the Matuas wanted to be named after their leader was instead named after B R Ambedkar. Efforts were made later to make up, with a promise of a college and a function in the state capital to recognize the contribution of the Thakur family. But they were too little, and came too late.
(With inputs from Snignedhu Bhattacharya)
http://www.hindustantimes.com/Mamata-tries-her-luck-with-Matuas/Article1-688848.aspxWhy the Matuas matter
RAKTIMA BOSESHARE · COMMENT (1) · PRINT · T+
Parties in West Bengal scramble to seek the blessings of Boroma, 'godmother' of the politically significant Matua sect
Political parties in West Bengal will be keeping their fingers crossed when the approximately seven million-strong Matua community casts its votes.
The fate of as many as 74 constituencies hinges on this community, which could be decisive in determining which party wrests political control of the State.
Though the electorate has long ceased to vote on the lines of caste and community, the Matuas are too important to ignore for political parties.
Five years ago, the Matua Mahasangh was still a little-known Hindu sect with a large following among the socially-disadvantaged, primarily those living in districts on the Bangladesh border.
It was founded in the mid-1800s by Harichand Thakur, at Gopalganj in the Faridpur province of present-day Bangladesh. He preached love, tolerance, gender equality and non-distinction irrespective of caste, class and creed. After Partition, thousands of Matuas arrived in West Bengal, and Harichand's grandson Pramatha Ranjan Thakur established the sect's headquarters at Thakurnagar in North 24 Parganas district.
Vote bank
With a large chunk of followers being Bangladeshi refugees, the community was a safe vote bank for the Left parties that championed the Matuas' demand for Indian citizenship and better living conditions. But the Matuas shifted political loyalities by voting en bloc for the Trinamool Congress in the panchayat election of 2008 and the Lok Sabha poll of 2009. They accused the Left Front government of not delivering on its promises.
The cause of the shift, however, was Trinamool Congress chief Mamata Banerjee's gradual warming to the community's 93-year-old 'godmother' Binapani Devi — popularly known as Boroma — and her conversion to a Matua herself.
Ms. Banerjee managed to pull off a coup of sorts in 2010 when Boroma declared her the "chief patron" of the Matua Mahasangh, cementing the Trinamool Congress' support base in the community.
Leaders of the other major parties — Brinda Karat of the CPI(M), Biman Bose, chairman of the State's Left Front Committee, and Manas Bhunia, president of the West Bengal Pradesh Congress, to name a few — soon found their way to Boroma's Thakurnagar residence as well.
What ensued was a contest to shower largesse on the Matuas. Ms. Banerjee promised to upgrade the Thakurnagar railway station, build a stadium and a railway hospital, besides donating money, while the State government instituted a scholarship in Harichand Thakur's name, promised to build a college after him, and allotted land to set up a research centre.
The compulsion to keep the community in good humour was reflected in the Trinamool Congress deciding that senior party leader Mukul Ray would share the dais with CPI(M) leader Goutam Deb at a large rally organised by the Mahasangh in Kolkata on December 28 last year.
Boroma presided over the "apolitical" rally, which was attended by senior leaders of other major parties as well.
Matua support is tilted in favour of the Trinamool Congress; Boroma's younger son Manjulkrishna Thakur is contesting on a Trinamool ticket from the Gaighata (SC) Assembly segment.
Non-committal
Though his mother remains non-committal about supporting any particular party, Manjulkrishna sounds confident about securing a clear majority and bringing "a meaningful change to the lives of the downtrodden and the refugees."
Boroma says: "Who am I to bless anyone or ask others to vote for a specific party? It is God's will to decide. But I want my son to emerge victorious and I might even campaign for him."
Keywords: West Bengal Assembly polls, Matus matter
http://www.thehindu.com/news/national/article1585641.ece
Bengal polls: PM takes on Left, calls for change
Press Trust of India, Updated: April 23, 2011 22:49 IST
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Addressing a joint campaign with Trinamool Congress supremo Mamata Banerjee at Dum Dum before the third phase of Assembly elections in the state, he said, "The law and order situation in the state is a matter of grave concern. The Centre has to deploy forces in places like (Maoist dominated) Jhargram to keep the situation under control."
He said if the Congress-Trinamool Congress combine came to power after the elections, its first task would be to bring peace and all-round development, the Prime Minister said.
"You gave the Left Front 34 years to rule. Over this period, the chariot of the administration has come to a halt. The government has no concrete policy about agriculture and industry. It has no clear vision for the future. Now is the time for a change," he said.
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PrintAmid applause from the audience, the Prime Minister said Congress president Sonia Gandhi had dispatched him with a message to the people to elect the Congress-Trinamool Congress government in Bengal.
Dum Dum, regarded as a Left stronghold, would witness a fight between playwright Bartya Basu of Trinamool Congress and CPM star campaigner and Housing minister Goutam Deb.
The joint campaign, where Union Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee was also present, was aimed at boosting the prospects of the alliance.
Singh addressed another election rally at Katwa in Burdwan district earlier in the day in support of the alliance.
The Prime Minister said it was "unfortunate" that the state government had failed to utilise central funds for schemes like MNREGA, National Rural Health Scheme, Sarva Siksha Abhiyan, the Mid-Day Meal Scheme and the PMGSY.
"The Left Front accuses the Centre of discrimination against the state, but it cannot spend Central funds. It must be pondered why the state government cannot use the funds sent by the Centre," he said.
Noting that West Bengal has slipped from its pre-eminent position in industry and was now lagging behind in many states, he said that the manufacturing, tea and tourism industries were in bad shape.
"The Left Front government has lost the confidence of the people and investors. How can the youth be given employment without infusion of investment?" he said.
Referring to the Sachar Committee report which indicates that Muslims in West Bengal were among the worst off in the country, the Prime Minister said that members of the community in Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Gujarat and Assam had better representation in government jobs than those in West Bengal.
"The Left Front government is responsible for this," he said.
Lamenting the fall in the standard of education in Bengal, the Prime Minister quoted the latest census report to say that even small states like Manipur and Nagaland were ahead of Bengal in literacy.
"A change is necessary. If the Congress-Trinamool Congress alliance is voted to power, it will take steps in improving education, health and employment opportunities," Singh said.
The Prime Minister, who described Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee as a very senior leader and a great help in running the Union government, also had a word of praise for Railway Minister Mamata Banerjee, saying that she was doing very good work for the people of Bengal.
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Tags: Bengal polls, Manmohan Singh, West Bengal
Mukul did not offer me money, says Upen
Wanted caste wars to finish fake marxists : Bengali Bhadralok took communism to fight Muslims
COM. AYYANKALIJust as DV blasted Jyoti Basu, EMS, Varavara Rao and Prachanda, it is extremely important to expose the Bengali Brahmin, Kanu Sanyal, who died recently and also his fake Marxism-Leninism. Unmasking of such corrupt Brahmin marxists is absolutely essential.
In May 2007, Bengali journalist Avijit Ghosh asked founder of the CPI (ML), Kanu sanyal: "Did you meet Mao secretly in 1967?"
Source: http://blogs.timesof india.indiatimes.com/Addictions / entry/when-i-met-kanu-sanyal
Kanu Sanyal's answer was: "Yes. It was a 45-minute meeting. We went by road to Kathmandu. From there Chinese comrades took us by jeep to Peking. We stayed in Tibet too. We reached China on Sept. 30. The next day we saw them celebrate October 1 as National Day. I could see people weeping after seeing Mao. We met Mao, Chou En Lai and the commander in chief. Mao's advice was: whatever you learn in China, try to forget it. Go to your own country, try to understand the specific situation and carry the revolution forward."
But did Kanu Sanyal really study the specific situation in India as Mao directed? No. Never did Kanu Sanyal do that honestly in his lifetime. If he had done so, he would have understood the peculiar and complex dynamics of the caste system. Why did he fail in analysing the specific situation in India? Why did he fail to understand the social structure of India comprising the ascending order of reverence and descending degree of contempt? Even when he led Naxalbari struggle, why did he not notice the casteand ethnic patterns of Bahujan exploited landless and Brahminical landlords?
MECHANICAL MARXISM
Even after so much of grassroots level practical political experience, how did he fail to understand the basics like Brahminised OBC Yadavs kill Dalits? Or that in Khairlanji, it is the OBC Kunbis who killed a Dalit family? How is it that he managed to miss the caste struggle in all Marxist-Leninist parties? Is this due to sheer intellectual dishonesty or intellectual incompetence?Or does it have much to do with the Brahminical way in which Kanu Sanyal was conditioned? Did his Brahminical conditioning destroy or subvert his efforts to study Indian reality? Did he deliberately ignore and hide this reality because he was a Brahmin? These are questions which every genuine marxist revolutionary should ask. When socialist Lohia could say that "Caste is Class" openly and when CPI's own Brahmin Chaturanan Mishra also said that if communists had understood caste, they would have captured power in India, why is it that other Brahmin communists never managed to officially formulate a "caste war" theory suited to the "specific situation of India" as Mao put it? What stopped Brahmin marxists from doing this?
BENGALI WANDERING BEGGARS
Is this because Brahmins are by nature mechanical and metaphysical in their approach, and incapable of materialist thinking?The fact is it is much easier to become an atheist or communist politically — rather than give up casteism altogether in all its forms: socially and culturally. Several rich people are atheists. Naastik or atheist philosophy is followed by several Brahmins. But will they ever give up their socio-economic and cultural privileges voluntarily?
It is because these social privileges give them a distinct and unfair advantage. Similarly, upper caste status also gives both social, economic, sexual and psychological privileges. No Brahmin will give up his social and cultural privileges, even if he surrenders his entire property in typical Brahminical fake ascetic fashion — just like EMS. They renounce everything to conquer.
Bengali Brahmins are literally supposed to be wandering beggars — but in reality they are absentee landlords who always pretend to be "poor Brahmin" ascetics. In reality, these wandering Bengali KulinBrahmins used to beg for land, and whenever they "beg", people have to part with their land to these de facto absentee Brahmin landlords. This is how Brahmins became Bengal's biggest landlords. So why did they keep on wandering? To "beg" for more land. Not only that, it was considered a "privilege" to give away young daughters to such wandering Kulin Brahmins, especially when they "beg" for it. Why? Because, in this birth itself, jati ascent will be made possible.
So these Brahmins used to literally wander throughout Bengal to acquire land and screw young girls, who would then be abandoned. These young girls used to perpetually await their aged Brahmin lords and masters who used to rarely visit them — only to screw them and impregnate them — and then abandon them again. Once these roving Brahmin stud bulls died, the girls were forced to commit sati.
SOMNATH CHATTERJI AS STUD BULL
It is from one such roving Brahmin stud bull family that our sacked CPM leader Somnath Chatterjee comes from. His father, N.C. Chatterjee, was a lawyer and a roving stud bull who was also a Hindu Mahasabha leader. In fact, Sushma Swaraj of the BJP even reminded him of this fact on the floor of the Lok Sabha telling: "Somnath, despite your father being in Hindu Mahasabha, how come you are in CPM and not with us in the BJP?" Sushma has still not understood that these Brahmins have merely changed their tactics.They have dumped poor and ineffective traditional Brahminical Hindutva strategies to adopt the much more effective and sophisticated Marxist strategies. They keep on changing their strategies and tactics, without forgetting their caste interests and caste objectives. Ends justify the means.
M.N. ROY STUNTS
Brahmins like Somnath Chatterjee and that pioneer of communism in India — Manabendra Nath Roy (M. N. Roy) who was in the Comintern during Lenin's time and then became a so-called "radical humanist" revisionist, merely changed tactics to keep Brahminism alive. M.N. Roy was a Bhattacharya. Manabendra Roy was merely his assumed name and party name.Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Manabendra_Nath_Roy
Manabendra Nath Roy (Bengali), March 21,1887 – January 25, 1954), born Narendra Nath Bhattacharya, popularly known as M. N. Roy, was a Bengali Indian revolutionary, internationally known political theorist and activist, founder of the communist parties in Mexico and India. He later denounced communism, as exponent of the philosophy of Radical Humanism. Oxford University Press, UK, has already published his works in four volumes and the fifth is in the press. After pursuing his search of arms through Asia, Naren reached Palo Alto, and changed his name to Manabendra Nath Roy to evade British intelligence.
COMMUNIST GARB HIDES RACISM
Brahmins may temporarily give up their economic status, but never, ever will they give up their socio-cultural privileges. Because, they know that wealth will come and go — but social and cultural, as well as racial superiority is everlasting.Why a Brahminical scum like Somnath Chatterjee, Narendra Nath Bhattacharya as well as EMS and Nayanar take to communism?
Well, they found it a better tactic to mislead the majority Bahujan masses under an ambiguous "class struggle". Under "class struggle", they could also claim to be "poor Brahmins".
Caste nepotism could also go on — hidden under the "class" banner and marxist phraseology. But under "caste struggle" theory, their caste men will be targeted.
CONVERSION TO ISLAM
But there was that most important reason — due to their earlier exploitation, both in Kerala and Bengal, the majority Moolnivasi masses had resorted to conversion to Islam and Christianity to escape the Brahminical enslavement. To an extent, the masses succeeded breaking the socio-cultural Brahminical stranglehold.ISLAM DEFEATED BRAHMINS
As a result, three-fourths of United Bengal including today's Bangladesh became Islamic. All these were Bahujans. The "Hindu" Brahmins became a minority in Bengal. Brahminical trick No.1 was to carve out a "Hindu majority" West Bengal by allying with the British for partition. Here they failed.Trick No.2 was giving up typical Bengali Brahmin terrorism by the likes of Bagha Jatin Mukherjee as well as Aurobindo Ghosh and slowly adopting "marxism" — which was a much better way to fool theMoolnivasis who are still a majority even in "Hindu majority" West Bengal.
If communism had not existed the Bengali Brahmins would have actually invented it, because the old and discredited traditional Brahmin methods of exploitation would have never worked and the Bahujans would have seen through them easily.
BENGALI BRAHMIN LOVE FOR MARXISM
Further exploitation was possible only by adopting egalitarian marxism as a mask and then becoming the leaders of the Moolnivasis — to exploit them.If earlier methods were adopted, even in a "Hindu majority" West Bengal, all the Bahujans might become Muslims — destroying their social and cultural hegemony.
This is the reason why Bengali Brahmins took to "Marxism" in a big way. Wearing this mask, they gradually destroyed Marxism and made it revisionist deliberately.
WHO IS KANU SANYAL
Kanu Sanyal was a Bengali Brahmin bank employee's son from Calcutta. In other words, a Bengali Brahmin urban petty bourgeoisie- turned revisionist.What is his "revolutionary" pedigree and credentials:
Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kanu_Sanyal#cite_note-autogenerated1-0
Kanu Sanyal, (1932), is an Indian communist politician. He was one of the founding leaders of Communist Party of India (Marxist-Leninist) formed in 1969. He was one of the key leaders behind the abortive Naxalite insurrection attempt by radical communist to initiate an "Indian revolution" by violent means.
BRAHMINS BECOME REVOLUTIONARIES
Nonetheless, political analysts write that his political paradigm was based on the concept of Jugantarin opposition to the Anushilan paradigm implemented by the Communist Party of India and the Communist Party of India (Marxist). Sanyal proposed that the Jugantar revolutionaries be a highly secretive and cabalistic group who would periodically surface to commit acts of terrorism such as political assassinations and armory raids.Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jugantar
Jugantar or Yugantar (Bengali: Jugantor) (English meaning New Era or more literally Transition of an Epoch) was one of the two main secret revolutionary trends operating in Bengal for Indian independence. This association, like Anushilan Samiti started in the guise of a suburban fitness club. Several Jugantar members were arrested, hanged, or deported for life to the Cellular Jail in Andaman. Thanks to the amnesty after World War I, most of them were released and could give a new turn to their political career, mainly: (a) by joining Gandhi's Non-cooperation movement; (b) Deshbandhu's Swarajya alternative; (c) the Communist Party of India; (d) M.N. Roy's Radical Democratic Party; (e) Subhas Chandra Bose's Forward Bloc.
This extremist outfit was established by leaders like Aurobindo, his brother Barin Ghosh, Bhupendra- nath Datta, Raja Subodh Mallik in April 1906. Barin Ghosh was the main extremist leader. Along with 21 revolutionaries including Bagha Jatin, he started to collect arms and explosives and manufactured bombs. The headquarters of Jugantar was at 27-Kanai Dhar Lane, then 41-Champatola 1st Lane, Calcutta.
BANKIM CHANDRA, THE TOP TERRORIST
Jugantar had Hindu fundamentalist elements like Aurobindo Ghosh right from the very beginning, while Dr. K.B. Hedgewar was part of Anushilan Samiti.Both Anushilan Samiti as well as Jugantar were Bengali Brahmin terrorist movements right from the beginning.
Even Veer Sawarkar learnt his weapons skills from Italy's Mazzini and other genuine progressive movements. Please remember that even CPI implemented the Anushilan Samiti paradigm.
Thus it was typical Kali-Durga worshipping Bengali Brahmin terrorist movement itself which simply changed colours and changed tactics to became the Brahminical Indian communist movement.
(http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anushilan_Samiti)
ARMED STRUGGLE AGAINST MUSLIMS
Anushilan Samiti ("Self-Culture Association", meaning to follow the teachings of Bankim Chandra Chatterjee) was the principal secret revolutionary organisation operating in Bengal in the opening years of the 20th century.This association, like its offshoot, the Jugantar, operated under the guise of suburban fitness club. The members were committed towards the path of armed revolution for independence of India from British rule. Calcutta and, later, Dhaka were the two major strongholds of the association.
This Anushilan Samiti was of ultra reactionary Bengali Brahmin orientation and was formed to follow arch racist Bankim Chandra Chatterjee teachings of armed struggle against Muslims, chanting Bande Mataram. Anushilan Samiti was formed by casteist Bengali Brahmins who hated British for banning their favourite sati and child marriage. The moderate Bengali Brahmin organisation was called Brahmo Samaj led by Raja Ram Mohan Roy — which collaborated with the British.
HEDGEWAR LAUNCHES R.S.S.
M.N. Roy was also part of Anushilan Samiti and Jugantar.http://banglapedia.search. com.bd/HT/R_0243.htm
Guess who else was part of the Anushilan Samiti — none other than our very own friendly Brahmin RSS founder. Dr. K.B. Hedgewar.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/K._ B._Hedgewar
Keshava Baliram Hedgewar (Marathi: April 1, 1889 – June 21, 1940) was the founder of the RSS. He founded the RSS in Nagpur in 1925, with the intention of promoting the concept of the Hindu nation. He drew upon influences from social and spiritual Hindu reformers such as Vivekananda, V.D. Savarkar and Aurobindo to develop the core philosophy of the RSS.
He went to Calcutta to do MBBS. After completion, he was drawn into Anushilan Samiti and Jugantar in Bengal. He was also a member of the Hindu Mahasabha till 1929. Hedgewar was imprisoned for sedition by the British in 1921 for a year and again in 1930 for nine months. After his spell in prison he instructed the RSS to remain aloof from political activities including the "Salt Satyagraha" (1930) and continue mainly as a social organisation.
COMMUNIST BRAHMINS MORE DANGEROUS
Casteist Brahmins simply differ on tactics and not on the real goal. Anushilan Samiti itself decided to change colours and tactics and simply became what came to be known as the "Revolutionary Socialist Party". However, the Bengali Bahujans had already adopted Islam.http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Revoluti onary_Socialist_Party _(India)
RSP is now a Marxist-Leninist political party. Founded on March 19, 1940, it has its roots in the BengaliAnushilan Samiti and the Hindustan Socialist Republican Army. The party got around 0.4% of the votes and three seats in the Lok Sabha elections 1999 and 2004. It is part of the state governments in West Bengal, Kerala, Tripura.
A major section of the Anushilan movement was attracted to marxism in the 30s. A minority section broke away and joined the CPI.
More "educated" and more sophisticated Brahmins realised that marxism had superior methodologies, strategies and tactics to fight the Bahujans.
This marxist mask would also make them the very leaders of the Moolnivasis to effectively mislead them and enslave them.
Kanu Sanyal was from the same old CPI generation which went on to form CPM and later CPI-ML also.
It is no wonder Kanu is supporting Nepal's Brahmin Prachanda.
HINDUS A MINORITY IN KERALA
Whether a Brahminical shudra Nair heads ISRO, or a Brahmin heads a so-called revolutionary party, he can never give up his Brahminical caste privileges and caste character.In Kerala also, it was not Dalits who formed CPI or even ML parties. It was EMS, KNR and other Brahminical elites who continue to be humbugs.
Bahujans revolted against Brahminism and took to Christianity or Islam. That is how Hindus became a minority in Kerala. Today only the most foolish, politically illiterate Brahmins and upper castes support BJP-RSS. Brahminical elements were forced to wear "marxist" masks, because they lost their numerical superiority.
Caste consciousness is also based on family-based and social conditioning right from childhood. It is a culturally conditioned reflex. It bestows unjustifiable social, economic, cultural and even sexual privileges right from childhood. Severe psychological damage and brainwashing is done right in childhood itself and Brahminical classes are socialised in that reactionary pattern.
ONLY STUPID BRAHMINS JOIN R.S.S.
Such reactionary patterns become psychological crutches which they can never get rid off even when they are adults. And in any case, who wants to get rid of a superiority complex and a privilege? Voluntarily, it will never happen. Thus, Brahminical elements have to necessarily betray any revolution.Who is the bigger threat? I think we must be terrified of the modernised, "communist" Brahmin who eats beef, and hates the RSS-BJP. These are the most politically sophisticated and cunning rascals who have realised the backwardness and crudeness of their earlier traditional right-wing methods. Only stupid Brahmins in RSS and BJP will stick to their Hindu fundamentalism.
BEWARE OF "SOCIALIST BRAHMINS"
The moment a Brahmin becomes politically sophisticated and realises the folly of his old ways, he will immediately hate those backward tactics and become "secular" — whether he is from ISRO or "Maoist" Party — or from the American NASA. They are using Marxist tactics and methodology to not only screw up marxism, but also to preserve their caste privileges based on racial superiority.So, we need not fear the BJP-RSS morons. They are stupid museum pieces. But beware of the Vara Vara Raos and Prachandas and Kanu Sanyals. Dalit Voice calls them "Socialist Brahmins". These guys are the biggest danger to everything revolutionary.
We need not fear honest but stupid RSS-ABVP fellows who tell that they are against Bahujans and reservation quotas and even organise anti-Mandal agitations. But Kanu Sanyal, Vara Vara Rao and Prachanda will give genuine revolutionaries sleeping pills and shoot them dead at point blank range, by betraying them by raising revolutionary slogans.
Maoists actually are split on caste lines. Even then, they have not given up casteism and castiest discrimination. KNR, Kanu and Prachanda refuse to even discuss caste questions when they know the ground reality very well.
THROW OUT BRAHMINS IN COMMUNIST PARTY
They are certainly not fools. But they are deliberately doing this drama. It is simply in their caste interest to be red hot marxists.Several Brahmins are not religious and several are atheists. Several eat beef also. But on caste, they will never compromise.
Upper castes and Dalit Bahujans can never function in any communist party. Therefore, throwing out the Brahmins from the communist movement is the only way.
Fortunately, the existing Brahminical MLM parties are failing. So a strictly Bahujan-led party can be gradually set up. Such a party's written constitution itself will openly state all these dangers and also reserve the right of membership strictly for Moolnivasi Bahujans only. No Brahminical element will be allowed to join the party or even be part of its front organisations or mass organisations.
It will state that Brahminical character itself is historically compradorial, revisionist, labour aristocratic and ultra-reactionary. There is no such thing as a Brahmin proletariat — but only a treacherous Brahmin labour aristocracy.
D.V. THEORY OF CASTE STRUGGLE
DV's "caste struggle" will be officially acknowledged as a distinct Indian phenomenon.The fundamental questions will be caste and land.
There will be a thorough caste-based surveys on how land holding and caste status are congruent. Everything will be caste-based.
Marxism has to be rescued from vulgarisation by Brahminical ML parties which have simply reduced marxism to a crude" economic reductionism". Studies on the Indian superstructure with relation to caste will be taken up.
There will be no "casteless" or "caste blind" trade union under the name of "workers unity". If it is found that upper caste worker is exploiting lower caste worker, he will be thrashed and butchered mercilessly.
"Class struggle" in India will take the shape of "caste struggle" and caste consciousness will be duly acknowledged.
Concrete preparations to begin armed, bloody and most violent struggle in keeping up with present conditions will be made. (Read DSA books, How Marx Failed in Hindu India, Class-Caste Struggle,Dilemma of Class &Caste).
WANTED A NEW MARXIST PARTY
Will Brahmins be able to escape using Gujjars to fight Meenas, or will a future genuine Maoist party get both Meenas and Gujjars to butcher Brahminists?To ensure that the real propertyless proletariat is victorious, a new type of party to coordinate all these caste struggles is necessary.
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Brahmin worry over caste wars
COM. AYYANKALIWe must completely strip Brahminical Marxism naked. Forget Gaddar. We must do our duty even if the media is against us. We must not forget that even if an ant bites any elephant's eye or tiger's eye or snake's eye, that animal will surely stumble and fall down. Always aim to sting the enemy's eye even with whatever little strength we have. Because when the enemy stumbles, our Moolnivasis will surely notice at least this. The best example is your (the Editor's) own arrest. When you were arrested and taken to Chandigarh Jail (Aug.1986), the powerful enemy stumbled. So let the enemy attack.
Mao said if the enemy is attacking, then this is the proof that we are on the correct path. So we must continue to poke the enemy's eye non-stop. This is good for our people and bad for our enemies. You must never ever forget that Brahminical enemies are merely pretending ignoring us. Deep inside they are extremely worried — they are shitting in their pants and shivering. I am very confident that this country will definitely see a gigantic caste war. It is inevitable as sunrise and sunset.
Caste war has already started: caste war over water and daughter is already on. So where is the need to be pessimistic? Simply keep on poking the enemy's eye non-stop. Victory is ours. Iran will be attacked and World War-III will begin shortly. This will also certainly weaken Brahminism. Nuclear weapons will be available when the great depression begins. You may think I am bluffing or that I am mad. But I am telling you that victory will be ours.
http://www.dalitvoice.org/Templates/may2010/editorial.htm
Bengali Muslims must form party to save themselves from Manuwadimarxists & join hands with Dalits
Manuwadi marxists are more dangerous enemies of the oppressed Bahujans than the Hindu terrorist parties of RSS-BJP. They are like the green snakes in green grass. If the latter are open enemies, the former are our concealed enemies and hence more deadly.This has been the consistent opinion of DV (V.T. Rajshekar, How Marx Failed in Hindu India? DSA-1988). The latest explosion of Nov.21, 2007 when Calcutta burst into an unprecedented Muslim anger on the Taslima issue further reinforces our argument. The Muslim mob attack on the Beniapukar Office of the CPM in Calcutta clearly proves that at least the Muslims of Bengal, forming a formidable 28% (official figure but unofficially it is as high as 35%) of the state population, have turned against the marxists. Good. The arrogant Brahmin Chief Minister has become the most hated communist.
The Asian Age (Nov.23, 2007) Calcutta correspondent Parwez Hafeez reported that for full 15-days the Muslim anger was simply boiling culminating in the bloody Wednesday of Nov.21 when finally the Army itself had to be called to control the violence.
Denigrating prophet: The cause is the anti-Muslim writings in a pro-CPM Bengali journal, Patho-Sanket, in which the writers praising the hated Bangladesh sex writer, Taslima Nasreen, also denigrated Islam and the prophet, says the AA reporter. He also cites the series of Muslim protests against this journal culminating in the bloody Wednesday. That means nobody can say it was a terrorist attack. The Muslim anger on Nadigram attack on Muslims was already burning and the Taslima episode poured petrol on the burning fire.
The Bengali Muslims are already sucked dry and reduced to walking skeletons by the Brahminical people controlling the CPM. On one side they drink the blood of Muslims and on the other they also squeeze the Bengali Dalits, totally pauperised. The two genuine proletariats of Bengal are the worst sufferers and yet kept intoxicated by the marxist opium
Muslims have controlled their anger far too long and it burst out on Nov.21. It was a fitting slap on the Bengali Brahmin Buddha's fascist face. From now onwards the Muslims must make a right-about-turn and kick the marxists out.
Bhadralok as lords: The Bengali Bhadralok, comprising a micro-minority 8% of its population (a combination of three jatis: Brahmin, Baidhya and Kayasth) have been lording over the Muslims and Dalits far too long. And the Muslims forming 35% of the state's population — highest in the country — have been tolerating the manuwadi marxists for too long. The time has now come to say enough is enough.
The Left Front came to power in 1977 headed by Jyoti Basu, a Kayasth. The only boast of the corrupt and also casteist communists is that they have prevented anti-Muslim riots breaking out in Bengal. What they mean by this is they have prevented their blood thirsty jatwalas from openly slaughtering the Muslims just as Modi did in Gujarat.
Instant slaughter sends shock waves but killing through slow poisoning goes unnoticed. The Bengali Bhadralok slow poisoning killed many times more Muslims in Bengal than what Modi did in Gujarat
Kerala Muslims: Kerala has an equally big Muslim population (25%) but Kerala's Manuwadi govts. (whether the Congress-led front or CPM-led front) looked after the Muslim interests much better. Partly because the Kerala Muslims are concentrated in Northern districts and have their own powerful Muslim League party. But a much bigger Bengali Muslims are reduced to sweat labour because they are in CPM.
That is why the anger in Bengal is much greater. The bloody Wednesday of Nov.21 has given the proof of this anger.
The Kerala Muslim League (ML) should have sent its leaders to look after the plight of their Bengali counterpart and organise the Muslim League there but the ML confined itself to Kerala while the Hindu terrorist party of RSS looks after the interest of "Hindus" all over India — and even outside India.
Buddha suffered such a shock that he immediately kicked the hated Taslima out.
The Bengal CPM giving asylum to a notorious anti-Muslim woman proves that marxists are more anti-Muslim than the Hindu terrorists.
The Muslims have effectively shown their anger and scored one big victory in kicking the unwanted Bangladeshi woman out. This may bring an emotional satisfaction. But the Muslims must not stop merely with this one token victory.
Kerala with a 25% Muslim population has many more credits. They are better educated, better employed and more than that they have a party of their own (Muslim League) though lately oppressed Muslims have started deserting it.
Bengal home of Hindu terrorism: Brahminical terrorism began from Bengal. Calcutta was the home of rabid anti-Muslim Bengali Brahmin hate-mongers like Bankim Chandra and others. Bengal was twice partitioned by the Bhadralok to get rid of the Muslims. Bangladesh Muslims continue to be punished even after having a country of their own.
All this must now force the Muslims of Bengal to think of bidding good-bye to Manuwadi marxists and form a party of their own.
The Urdu-speaking Muslims of Calcutta, a small minority, must cooperate. The Urdu-speaking cowbelt Muslims must assist the formation of such a party. Dalit Voice will be too glad to be part of this experiment to save the Bengali Muslims and also Dalits from the jaws of the Bhadralok.
The Dalits, particularly the Namasudras (Chandals), must note that most of the Bengali Muslims are converts from their community. The Bhadralok hate Dalits as much as they hate the Muslim.
Dalit-Muslim unity: The Muslims with their revolutionary background can think and plan better than Dalits who being too much hinduised have lost their thinking capacity itself. But Muslims cannot afford to forget their blood brothers in spite of all their shortcoming.
Along with Kanshi Ram we had tried our best to organise the Namasudras but failed. But once the Muslims organise themselves into a party, the Namasudras and other Dalits will certainly cooperate because the enemy of both Muslims and Dalits is the very same Bhadralok.
Some members of the DV family at Calcutta are planning to celebrate the DV silver jubilee and our above proposal can be discussed there. All the important leaders who led the anti-Taslima protest and the Nandigram agitation may be invited to the meeting.
D.V. ENTERS 27TH YEAR OF PUBLICATION
DV enters 27th year of publication on Jan.1, 2008 even as the silver jubilee celebrations in different parts of India are continuing. The last was at Chandigarh on Nov.11, 2007We are not satisfied with the response we received from our family members. It is this dejection, if not sheer frustration, that made us talk about "Closing down DV". But since then lot of our awakened family members did write encouraging letters and some did introduce many more DV members. We are grateful to all such kind souls.
DV is the organ of the DV family members and they asked us not to "close down" and we bowed to their wishes. But mere "kind words" will not be enough to bring out the journal. Financially we are weak. We have to survive without any advt.
For that (from the new year) we have revised our selling rates.
Whole of South India has become our weakest point. This is because Dalit movement is virtually dead in all the four states. That is why no southern state came forward to host the DV silver jubilee except AP. Bihar and Bengal are blank.
"Educated" Dalits are virtually lifeless. Full of confusion.
Brahminical enemies killed the Dalit movement itself and our reservationwalas, wiling tools of the enemy, alienated themselves from the community. Youth and women are not joining Dalit movement. So much so Dalit Voice readers are mostly ageing Ambedakrites. Same is the situation of Dalit movement in India.
Except lip sympathy for Dr. Ambedkar, there is no serious study and implementation of his Three Commandments. Where are we going? What will be our future? Are we to remain as eternal slaves of Brahmins? — EDITOR.
http://www.dalitvoice.org/Templates/dec_a2007/editorial.htm
WHY WE BELIEVE ONLY FALSEHOOD?
Brahminical mediacracy deceives us through Big Lies
Do you know the one single greatest achievement of the Brahminical mediacracy, the mind manipulating machine, the "national" toilet papers and their TV Twins, in the past 63 years since "independence"? Making the people believe the Big Lies. And also see that mass deception succeeds against the Stark Truth.This is not an ordinary achievement. The mere 3% Brahminical rulers, and their bum-lickers and shit-eaters have invested billions and billions of rupees to achieve their goal.
Why propaganda triumphs truth? Why Big Lies win —but little lies fail?
Myth of the Mahatma: The biggest and the most dangerous lie is Gandhi is Mahatma. But the Father of India, Dr. Ambedkar, told us the Truth that Gandhi is our Enemy No.1. Gandhi is the one man who deceived Dalits, Tribals, OBCs, Muslims, Christians, Sikhs (85%). The whole country. But we did not believe our own Father but fell for the falsehood. We believed the Big Lie. See how powerful is the Big Lie.
Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar spoke the Truth. But we believed Gandhi's Big Lie.
Butcher of Bengal: Our enemy oppressor said yet (latest) another Big Lie that Jyoti Basu, who died recently, was the "liberator of Bengal" but the Truth is that he was the "Butcher of Bengal". The entire oppressed underdogs of Bengal, SC/ST/BCs and Muslims, know that they have been totally impoverished, reduced to skin and bones in the past 30 years. During this period the 3 tiny castes: Brahmin, Baidya and Kayasths (Bhadralok) became fatter and stronger — thanks to Jyoti Basu and the Communist Party he led as the Chief Minister. This is the Big Lie.
Double life of Jyoti Basu: Jyoti Basu was anything but a communist. This Kayasth autocrat lived like a prince and preached like a priest with not a trace of marxism in him — promoting his son into a multi-millionaire while mouthing marxist mantra. His double life is very well exposed by a noted Bengali woman writer (TOI Jan.24, 2010) saying he was essentially a "suave lady's man". He handed over Calcutta to Marwadis and ultimately made Calcutta a "dead city". (p.27)
But who flocked to the funeral of the "Butcher of Bengal"? The very people, SC/ST/BCs and Muslims, whom he made into walking skeletons.
But by the time the facts becomes clear, the innocent masses, emotionally wedded to the beliefs planted by the big propaganda machine, find it extremely difficult to free themselves. See the power of the Big Lies.
This is called the belief system which the Brahmins promoted to keep the masses in ever lasting thrall.
It is true the ruling Brahminical class (15%) has a big mouth: TV and its toilet papers. But we have none. What can the feeble Dalit Voice do against the bombarding Brahminical big mouth?
That is how truth-tellers like Dr. Ambedkar and Dalit Voice go unheeded. It is more comfortable to praise and pamper the liars whom the truth-tellers expose.
Rahul's "love" for Dalits: Look at the other Big Lie that Rahul Gandhi has fallen in love with Dalits and he is weeping and dying for Dalits. How systematically the Brahminical Big Lie is being built up. Look at the Big Lie that Indian economy is soaring, jumping, smiling and reaching sky-high. Look at the other Big Lie that a visit to Kashi Viswanath Temple and dip in the "Holy Ganga" will straight away take you to heavens. Look at the other Big Lie that Hinduism is the world's only religion that believes in total non-violence. All bullshit. And we eat it.
The psychology of belief retention, even when those beliefs are downright false and totally wrong, is a pillar of social cohesion and stability. Belief retention prevents recognition of facts.
We never believed Dr. Ambedkar: How did the A.B. Vajpayee Govt. fall despite all its multi-million dollar "India smiling" publicity blitz?
Gandhi went about fooling those willing to be fooled. The only one person in the whole of India who exposed this "naked fakir" was Dr. Ambedkar. We have written four books on the Gujarati Bania fraudster. Even when the very Brahminists who carried him on their heads, reaped the richest harvest and finally they only shot him dead, we never believed the country's greatest son but got fooled by the Big Lies of the Brahminists. Babasaheb had given us all the evidences of the frauds of the Gujarati Bania. But his truth-telling did not reach the people. The Brahminical toilet papers, radio and TV succeeded in mass hypnotism and our people fell flat.
Falsehood on Bombay terrorist attack: Even when clear evidences were available that the CST (Victoria Terminus)-Cama Hospital sector part of the Bombay terrorist act of 2008 was the handiwork of the Brahminists in the IB, people are not believing it. May be the Brahminical media blacked out the truth. But even highly educated people among us still do not know that this part of the attack was not done by the Pak terrorists but Brahminical terrorists to eliminate the police officer Karkare who had hauled up the Brahmin terrorists.
The crux of the problem is we the educated among the oppressed sections refuse to think, analyse and get at the Truth. We have lost the capacity to judge the relative merits of the arguments.
Role of Hindu religion: The principal cause of our people losing the power to think, judge and decide is the opium "Hindu religion" that has converted us into monkeys. Though Hinduism is not a religion but a hypnotic humbug, it destroys our very thinking capacity. Every person is born rational but Hinduism kills our brain power and makes us monkeys.
Today's youth, even the non-Hindu Muslim, Christian, Sikh, have already become victims of this belief system — so effectively constructed by the cinema, media, TV and such other mass manipulating devices.
The Govt. of India has enormous money. It recently invited the Bangladesh PM and gave her millions of dollars cash gift. Enormous money is spent on the ruling class entertainment. But it has no money to remove poverty, illiteracy, disease, prostitution, child beggars and more than anything devastation in the agriculture sector.
What is happening in Australia: Honest intellectuals are laughed at. Frauds are paraded. Big Lies are believed but Sacred Truths are brushed aside. To that extent India is corrupted and corroded to the core.
This is because the Truth is never believed. That is how we are made to believe that Muslims are terrorists, Pakistan is a terrorist state, Kashmiris are separatists, Dalits have no merit, the Christian job is conversion. We are made to believe only in falsehood. That is how over 85% of the country is ruled by a mere 15% of the upper castes.
We have discussed with university professors, scientists at premier scientific institutions. We are sorry to confess that they don't believe in facts. They believe only in fiction.
This country has lost its thinking capacity. That is how India became the laughing stock wherever Indians go. See what is happening in Australia.
62 years of achievement: The ability to follow the Truth and Justice wherever it may lead is almost non-existent.
This is our achievement at the end of 62 years of "independence". Out of the 182 countries in the world we occupy the 134th place. Jai Ho..
This is the cause of India's fall and fall — our country's prestige and world leadership are forever damaged — doomed. Nay. India has become the laughing stock of the world. From the Third World, we have sunk to the Fourth World — thanks to 62 years of Brahminical misrule.
Otherwise how can a fellow who can't win the lowliest of the low panchayat election can remain as the country's PM for two terms? Is there any parallel to this in the whole world?
Commonwealth Games: You can test the truth of our statement in the coming Commonwealth Games in Delhi which will be a big flop. Take it from us. Already the country's madcaps have started an agitation that beef, the most nutritious food, should not be served to sports persons at the Games. While beef is the costliest, the most delicious and the healthiest meat the world over, India's micro-minority Brahminical rulers have banned it depriving the principal food of SC/ST/Muslim/Christians who form over 50% of the country's population.
Look at our so-called Indian democracy where the people are not allowed to eat their own food. The rulers have "convinced" the victims that cow is our mother (gomata). We could have simply defied this ban but it does not occur to the victims. The slaves are enjoying their slavery— because of the Big Lie.
Hoax of Indian elections: Upper caste rulers boast about "India's great democratic values". The basis for their boast is the govt. regularly holds elections — parliament, state assemblies etc. But did it ever occur to us that elections alone do not constitute a democracy? What is the use of this democracy which does not assure the right to life – forget the right to food, clothing, shelter? Yes. The Indian bogus democracy has assured the millions of people the right to beg.
China has no regular elections like India but it has better democracy. That is how China has become the world's No.2 power while India is sinking year after year.
But we the deprived destitutes believe the falsehood even as we are suffering. This is the power of the Big Lie.
India's selfish Brahminical elite are able to bluff us through and through with their monopoly on the media which is mentally killing us before physically finishing us. Amen.
http://www.dalitvoice.org/Templates/feb_a2010/editorial.htm
Election offers us best chance to finish upper castes through "caste identity"
OUR CORRESPONDENTBangalore: The election time offers the best opportunity for an oppressed caste to assert itself and take its pound of flesh. This is what we called "caste identity" (DV April 1, 2009 p.5: "DV theory on caste killing casteists gets support").
Every political party may talk of its extraordinary ideology but when the election comes all the ideology vanishes and the only ideology that saves it is "casteology".
BSP CASTE THEORY IN UP
Every caste that has come up has taken the same route of "caste identity".In UP, BSP has embraced the good old casteology of Indira Gandhi who won several elections by banking on mere three communities, Brahmins, Dalits and Muslims, who are the largest. Mayawati has selected 29 upper caste candidates of which Brahmins form 20. Dalits got ticket only in reserved constituencies (17). She has selected four each from Yadavas and Kurmi, two Gujjars and one Lodh. Then 14 Muslims. The selection is not on the basis of political ideology but only "casteology".
DALIT-MUSLIM UNITY IN BENGAL
BSP is not the only party in India to take to "casteology". Every party resorts to the same philosophy because India's only ideology is "casteology". There is no other ideology.What it means is each caste seeks political power to assure social justice to its members. A caste will be able to get strength only if it mobilises its members by promoting and strengthening the ethnicidentity of its members.
Even numerically smaller jatis will be able to come up if they educate their members on "caste identity".
In a parliamentary democracy there is no other way to promote social justice except through caste identity.
In W. Bengal, the Dalits and Muslims are the two single largest social groups. In fact the Muslims are mostly converts from the Dalits (Namasudras or Chandalas). The Brahminical Marxist Party (CPM) killed the caste identity of both the groups in the name of marxism and enslaved both of them. This forced both the Muslims and Dalits to unite.
The Editor of DV recently inaugurated a Dalit-Muslim party near Calcutta. (DV March 16, 2009 p.4: "Editor launches new party of Dalits & Muslims in Bengal").
The Nandigram land struggle united both Muslims and Dalits. Another Bengali Brahmin, Mamata Bannerji, might have exploited the situation to her advantage but Nandigram ended the CPM hold on the two communities who are the state's single largest. In North 24-Parganas, Muslims form 48.2% and Dalits are almost the same.
The Bengali Marxists are more dangerous compared to the Brahminical terrorist party of RSS-BJP.
BREAK THE LINGAYATS
Take the case of Karnataka, where the Lingayats constitute the single largest jati (22%). Chief Minister Yediyurappa of the BJP is a Lingayat. Seven of the nine CMs of Karnataka were Lingayats. They are the majority MLAs and MPs.INDIA IS NOT A NATION
But this Lingayat domination can be easily broken up if only our "caste identity" theory is applied. Lingayat (or Veerashaivas) are not one homogenous single jati. It is a group of different castes. Over 90% of the Lingayats belong to the OBC and even Dalit castes who continue to be ignored.In the name of Lingayats, it is the upper caste Banajiga caste that rules. Mandal Commission and all the state Backward Caste Commissions have pointed out the deep divisions within the Lingayats but no political leader bothered about cutting the Lingayats to size through social engineering.
CASTE KILLS ALL PARTIES
The point is India is not a "nation" but a country of hundreds of castes — though the Brahminical toilet papers suppress this vital fact and the unthinking urbanites go on selling the theory that caste is dead — though every seller of this theory remains a casteist.These casteists are selling us their Hinduism which is the other name for the caste system. Brahminists have nothing against Hinduism. They want us to destroy our castes (identity) so that we become rootless and help the Brahmin to hold our neck.
See the power of the caste. Did it not kill all the "national" parties like the Congress, BJP, CPI-CPM. Both the Cong-led UPA and the BJP-led NDA are gasping for breath. The CPM-led Third Front is yet another fraud. Future belongs to caste-based parties.
KURMIS REJECT FERNANDES
People belonging to SC/ST/BC/OBC communities and even the Backwards among Muslim/Christian/Sikhs must note that they will be able to mobilise their deprived jatis only through "caste identity" — which alone will be able to kill casteism — the other name for Brahminism, parading as Hinduism.George Fernandes is not wanted in Bihar because he does not belong to the state. And the Muzzafarpur constituency majority caste group, Kurmis, do not want him.
TAMIL NADU SCENE
Tamil Nadu is a peculiar state where no caste has a majority. Dr. Ramadoss of the PMK belongs to the Vanniyar (OBC) jati of small farmers with a mere 5% vote share concentrated in the Northern districts of TN.All those castes which hate DMK like the Dalits and Thevars go with the Bangalore Papatti, (Jayalalita), a Brahmin whose corruption is unlimited. But in politics corruption is never an issue.
MDMK has a 4% vote share. The party is headed by Vaiko, an upper caste Naidu. It gets Naidu and Naicker votes.
DMK of Karunanidhi of the Isai Vellalar (temple piper cum barber) jati has no strength of numbers. Most of the followers of the legendary Periyar EVR vote for DMK.
DV's "caste identity" theory has become so popular in UP that several caste-based parties are formed. Of this the Rajbhars are prominent, dominating in several areas of Eastern UP.
UP MODEL
Bharat Samaj Party of the Rajbhars has weaned away votes of Rajbhars from the BSP. Many more smaller castes like Rajbhars, Nishad, Gadaria, Prajapati, Kushwaha, Chauhan, Patel and Pasi are coming up by strengthening their jatis. In some places in Eastern UP, their numbers make up about 50% of the total votes.They may not be able to win this time but by contesting the election they can unite their caste and strengthen "caste identity". All the numerically weaker castes should unite by distributing seats in proportion to their jati strength.
But the first thing they should do is to strengthen the identity of each jati. Once this is done political power will automatically follow.
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To better understand what is caste, casteism, Hinduism, caste identity, read our book
CASTE — A NATION WITHIN THE NATION
V.T. Rajshekar
2007-third print pp.130 Rs. 140
Books for Change
For copies write to DV office
What happened to those embracing Brahminism
OUR CORRESPONDENTBangalore: Anybody embracing Brahminism — the curse of India — is sure to suffer a living death. George Fernandes (79), once hailed as the "Giant Killer", is enjoying this status which he deserves.
The Mangalorean Roman Catholic, a firebrand socialist-turned Brahminical bum-licker, is today avoided by everybody as if he is plague. Living death. His own party JD (U) has denied him ticket to contest from Muzzafarpur (Bihar) where he won five times.
The nine-time Lok Sabha member is wanted by nobody, not even his favourite Brahmana Jati Party. His own Christians kicked him out long back, Lohiaites discarded him. He has plenty of unearned money but he can't eat it. Soon he is going to face CBI inquiry on charges of corruption as Defence Minister.
Those trying to destroy India must pay the price
OUR CORRESPONDENTBangalore: The Congress, the original Brahminical party, dominated India for quite sometime until its humbug of secularism drove away the upper castes to form their own Brahmana Jati Party.
The more dangerous manuwadi marxists have been ruling Bengal for decades and also strong in Kerala.
ONE-PARTY RULE IS DEAD
Despite the best efforts of the upper caste rulers (15%) to keep the rest as slaves. Caste and religious assertions started breaking the "national" parties paving the way for coalitions.The NDA rule under Vajpayee for one term and the Congress-controlled UPA for another term were not one-party rule but a coalition of several regional and caste-based parties.
One-party rule whether in any state or centre has become a thing of the past.
In the current parliament election democratic decentralisation has gained more speed. That is how the country's three principal upper caste "national" parties — Congress, BJP, CPM-CPI — are losing the race. Dying. Good.
The upper caste enemies of the Bahujan Samaj may interpret this as a dangerous development. Yes. It is dangerous to them. Because as the illegal owners of the country's property and power they alone stand to lose.
They have been ruling the country in the name of "national" parties but the deprived castes and communities asserted through the strength of their numbers — which is the meaning of democratic election — and declared they constitute the legitimate and genuine "nation".
CONGRESS THE WORST VILLAIN
As this is written all the three "national" parties are in a state of shock. The Congress as the original Brahminical party of India, appears to be the worst loser. It is the Congress which conspired to partition the country (1947) and killed their own mahatma so that the 2% Brahminical jatis could retain the leadership. It deceived Dalits by denying the separate electorate. Every section of the population was reduced to slavery.Compared to the Congress, BJP has been a more honest and pure Brahminical party but even this party is losing favour.
The country is in for a chaotic political circus in which no party may be able to form the govt.
Is this not a sign of the country's Bahujan havenot castes asserting their political power?
That is why DV welcomes the coming political chaos.
UPPER CASTES ARE WORRIED
The deprived (85%) have nothing to lose if chaos and confusion sets in. The losers will be the upper caste (15%) property-holders who have been ruling the country for the past 62 years by criminally neglecting and silently killing every section of the Bahujan Samaj.They say they are worried about the law and order situation, peace which may be the casualty if political uncertainty sets in.
Yes. They are right. Our answer is we are not responsible for all this. We had given them a long rope — 62 years is too long a period which they spent quarreling between themselves. During this period, a country which became independent two years after us, China, soared so high to become the world's richest country. Who kept India as a beggar nation? Not we.
Those responsible for destroying India must pay the price.
The coming election will bring confusion and chaos. (March 28, 2009)
http://www.dalitvoice.org/Templates/april_a2009/reports.htm
BENGALI DALITS WARNED AGAINST DESTROYING ETHNIC IDENTITY
Futile surname change from Chandala to Namasudra
S. BISWAS, CALCUTTA (address withheld)
Any muddle-headed debate on social reforms like surname-shedding or not using any caste and clan-connoting names has been an age-old disease of the social clerics. Leave apart epic authors, even M.K. Gandhi renamed the Scheduled Castes as Harijan so that the odium of caste stigma became further radicalised. Gandhi never uttered a word about the need of abolition of caste system — which till date remains the basic causation of social depredation and national vivisection.
Even the British Census Commissioner had to entertain scores of petitions from the indigenous for changing their present occupational names and traditional names, which gathered derogatory moss by usage in caste-contaminated parlance.
CHANDI WORSHIPPERS CALLED CHANDALAS
The worshippers of Chandi, the Chandalas, also by this process shed traditional racial name and were voluntarily advised to have the name of Namasudra in the caste menu. Little did they know then that the name Namasudra contained caste appellation of social slavery. No other oppressed caste surrendered so abjectly to Aryan social slavery as did the Namasudras in the process. This was the result of an intellectual fraud which had advised Guruchand Thakur in this behalf.
This self-slandering process must stop. Enlightenment is absolutely necessary to be focused on the preconditions of caste slavery like lack of equitable and universal education, health care, removal of social exploitations. That itself can bring about a new age of qualitative social living. Such an emerging society need not bloch over name and surnames. Who does not know that by whichever name you call rose — rose is a rose. Every man is a self-evident corporate self. Even toads have a Latin name, but no religion to distort their mood.
SURNAME CHANGE WON'T CHANGE STATUS
Caste pogrom continues unabated despite ineffectual reform efforts. Valuable time has been wasted to only dogmatise the hate syndrome of caste. Slum-dwelling and BPL have become a way of life. With caste-soaked and subsoiled ground conditions, all such reform remedies are bound to prove futile. In fact, even after prohibition of the slang Harijan, the upper castes call them by this very name —not once but three times over. No opportunity of slandering is spared. Even crows and vultures are called Harijan birds with a motive.
After observing the incidence of caste fall-outs in all conceivable spheres during the last 58 years of democratic social experiment, any measure short of abolition of caste would be a monstrous social deception. If developing countries all over the world could do much better without caste, why the Hindu religious leaders shy away from drawing any lesson from them?
The exercise of surname-dropping is imminently and essentially an expression of frustration in addressing the real problem of caste. For everyone knows if caste is removed, Hinduism would be dead which the beneficiaries of Hindu cannot afford.
Surname, in as much as name, is not a patented belonging of any caste excepting that it may reflect the family genealogy, occupational legacy or clan name of some caste-based data is also maintained for the safeguard of Dalit interest. Like proper names, shuffling of surname over diverse caste groups is often noticed. There is indeed no law to stop name and surname-shuffling which is not strictly poaching. Keeping up with this trend would be much better than totally dropping surnames. Such trends would have mopped up artificial social differences. In modern society surname is not only cultural offshoot. In several cases, wife continues to retain maiden surnames along with husband's. They may belong to different caste though. It is thus tending to be an optional suffixing already which transcends caste. These things happen only when there is better education and economic well-being to neutralize the effect of caste radicalism.
ABOLISH CASTE SYSTEM NOT SURNAME
Naming has always been a symptomatic culture of preaching hero-worship. For that reason, there is no bar to use any high-sounding name or surname. The local rulers also appropriated the designation of Rajput. Some pujaris call themselves Sharma and so on.
Many have dropped their surnames voluntarily. What big purpose would it then serve to impose a caustic ban on use of surnames? Whereas, in all fitness of things a ban should have been imposed on caste itself long back. Surname-banning at the most may serve fanning fresh caste animosities.
Surname or not, so long caste is retained one has 100 ways open to advertise and communicate about one's caste or social status in terms of caste and wealth even. The matrimonial ads without surnames serve the same very purpose even today. The neo-Muslim and neo-Christian have their own problem. They have elaborate names and surnames, reflecting their class group, not caste. But in the caste subsoil, practice antedates caste stigma. But how could one address their problem even if surname is to be dropped from their Islamic name/surname.
http://www.dalitvoice.org/Templates/feb2006/articles.htm
Purna Brahmo Shree Shree Harichand Thakur
Shoma A. ChatterjiTags : Purna Brahmo Shree Shree Harichand Thakur, Moner Manush, FirdausPosted: Fri Apr 15 2011, 20:36 hrsMumbai:A still from Purna Brahmo Shree Shree Harichand Thakur.
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Mythology and fictionalised biographies of spiritual leaders and social reformers are hardly seen in Indian cinema. Credit for the revival of interest in films inspired by the lives of spiritual leaders goes to Gautam Ghose vis-à-vis Lalon Phokir in Moner Manush. Purna Brahmo Shree Shree Harichand Thakur shows how the lives of most of these great men carry all the ingredients that a commercial film demands like music, songs, an exciting storyline complete with adventure, conflict and some melodrama, the picturesque backdrop of nature and some significant philosophies stated in an indirect way or woven into the story.
The first courageous thing done by the filmmakers is by casting Bangladeshi actor Firdaus in the title role of Purna Brahmo Shree Shree Harichand Thakur who was reportedly born into a Brahmin family but later took on cudgels for the Dalits in society known as nomosudras in Bengal. Despite his artificial long-haired wig, Firdaus looks the part with his good looks and the saintly expression he brings across. It is also graceful of him to have readily stepped into the celluloid mould of a great Hindu saint who created a separate Hindu sect, which many actors in Bangladesh would perhaps have shied away from.
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The film is a straightforward, descriptive unfolding of the life and teachings of Sri Sri Harichand Thakur. Firdaus is quite convincing as Thakur and the supporting cast drawn from among the best in cinema has complemented him well. Through the story of his life from childhood to sainthood, the movie details him being ridiculed by other children as a boy, looked at with suspect as an adolescent and bashed up for supporting the Dalits by trying to uplift them socially through the sect that he formed, the Matua sect. The word 'matua' means to be absorbed or remain absorbed in meditation, specifically in the meditation of the divine.His belief that there is no disparity between men and women, his stand against early marriage and his backing the practice of widow remarriage are woven into the detailed script. The Matuas refer to their religious teachers as gonsai which is a position women can hold too. Wednesday is the day of communal worship for the Matuas.
The Matua sect is monotheist and is not committed to Vedic rituals. They worship by singing hymns, praying and meditating. They believe that salvation lies in faith and devotion and that everyone is a child of God. Their principal temple is at Orakandi in Gopalganj, where a fair is held every year on the 13th day of the lunar month in Falgun, the birth anniversary of Harichand Thakur. Thousands of devotees from all over the country gather on the occasion, bringing rice, lentils, and vegetables as token of their devotion and love. People from all sections, irrespective of caste and creed or religion joined Harichand Thakur to make his movement a success.
The pace of the film is so grindingly slow that you are often tempted to fall asleep. But you are woken up with a jolt thanks to the songs and the people who have sung them. The film is extensively shot on location which is good because whenever it steps indoors, the sets look too modern in the period setting.
Ratings:**
The film merits two stars — one for the storyline and the idea and one for the music and the songs.
http://www.indianexpress.com/news/purna-brahmo-shree-shree-harichand-thakur/776241/0MAINSTREAM, VOL XLVIII, NO 20, MAY 8, 2010
Two Events in Tagore's Life
A K BiswasAttending a Namasudra Conference, Banned from Entering Puri's Jagannath Temple
It may not be news to many that the entry of the Tagores of Calcutta was banned in the Jagannath temple of Puri. At least many might have heard in whispers but disbelieved and dismissed it as slanderous gossip. Or not much importance was attached to it by them. However, hardly anybody would have heard in wild gossips that Rabindranath Tagore attended a caste conference which, ipso facto, would cause revulsion in every Indian. But this is a fact. Lack of widespread public knowledge in respect to such an important chapter of the poet's life only succinctly underscores how Tagore has been cornered by a class of worldly-wise people for good business and commerce. They have discussed him only in part convenient and favourable to the perception of the elite and aristocratic class of Bengal.
I propose to divide this article into two parts: the first part deals with the poet's participation in a caste conference; and part two discusses the law banning entry of Tagore in the Jagannath temple in Puri, Orissa.
Part-I
Poet in Namasudra Caste Conference
A precolonial official publication discloses that Rabindranath Tagore had gone to participate in a caste conference organised by the Namasudras. The conference was held in East Bengal, though the venue was not specified by the compilation. He attended the conference twelve years after he was awarded the Nobel Prize in 1913.
The poet breathed his last on August 7, 1941 at the age of 80 years. Twentyseven days after his demise, the Calcutta Municipal Corporation published its Calcutta Municipal Gazette Tagore Memorial Special Supplement under the editorship of Amal Home. The editor was one of poet's close associates. The Tagore Memorial Special Supplement documented various facets of his life by phases and periods. It focuses on his long life of activities, achievements etc. The itinerary of Rabindranath's visits to many places, home and abroad, have been carefully documented in the volume. The special supplement turned out to be immensely popular.
In East Bengal
In the phase 1925-1930, Rabindranath Tagore visited East Bengal [now Bangladesh]. The Special Memorial Supplement yields, inter alia, the following information of interest to us:
Goes to Dacca on 7th February at the invitation of the University; receives addresses from the Dacca Municipality, the Peoples Association and other bodies; speaks at several meetings and functions; also at Mymensingh; at Comilla presides over the anniversary of Abhay Ashram of Dr Suresh-chandra Banerjee; attends the Namasudra (Depressed Classes) conference; is warmly received at Agartala by Maharaj Kumar Brajendra Kishore of Tippera; on return to Santiniketan, his 65th birth- day (May 7, 1926) is celebrated by a gathering representative of many nations…..
[The Calcutta Municipal Gazette Tagore Memorial Special Supplement, Saturday, September 3, 1941, editor Amal Home, p. 90]
Though the Calcutta Municipal Corporation's official mouthpiece discloses that the poet went to East Bengal in 1925 and participated in a conference organised by the Namasudras, it did not say anything about the venue of the conference even if this marks a striking turning point in the poet's career. In the opinion or estimation of the compiler, it seems, the event did not occupy high a place to warrant detailed entry. Today discussion of caste in public or the media evokes sharp derision or scorn from people of erudition, culture and catholicity. In northern India, many superior castes are even now known to hold caste conferences annually. In Bengal too, such conferences were not rare or unknown as such. The Kayasthas, one of the Bengali tricastes, euphemistically called influential bhadralok, held a conference at Chittagong in 1916. An ICS officer, Kiran Chandra Sen Verma, a Kayastha, was the then Commissioner, Chittagong Division. He had inaugurated their conference. Among others, many responsible government servants, judicial officers, zamindars, legal practitioners and school teachers from Bengal, Bihar and Orissa had attended the conference. A Bengali monthly, Kayastha Patrika,1 reported that it was largely attended by the Kayasthas.
The Namasudras, on the other hand, were untouchables till untouchability was formally abolished by the Indian Constitution. Till 1911, however, the caste was officially called Chandal. In Bengal they occupied (or even today do occupy) the lowest rung in the ladder of social hierarchy. No ancient scriptures, of which the Hindus are proud, ever uttered a word or ordinance free from abuse, hatred, contempt or invective against the caste. Tagore, nevertheless, was in their midst to attend a conference. Why? What prompted him to do so? There is golden silence in academic circles. No light appears to have ever been thrown on it though Tagore attended that conference of socially degraded people over eight decades ago. The event might have been even erased from the community memories of the Namasudras. The poet, I guess, did not participate in any other caste conference.
The poet was awarded the Nobel Prize in 1913. He was the first Indian to receive the honour from the Swedish Academy. He was as well the first Asian to win it. Hordes of rich, resourceful and accomplished people, not to speak of the masses, had invaded as well as chased him after he was declared the winner of the Prize. The winer was the grandson of the richest man of Calcutta, Dwaraka- nath Tagore, who in Europe was known as 'Prince'. He was an aristocrat. A successful businessman, Dwarakanath Tagore had bought several estates across East Bengal and became one of the big landlords. His grandson and son of Debendranath Tagore, by all accounts and standards, too was an aristocrat and lived a secluded life in an ivory tower. His peers and social circles were drawn from similar affluent background. He has frankly admitted as well as regretted his inability to break the barrier raised and enforced by his aristocracy to reach the masses.
In such circumstances, the poet's presence among the Namasudras in a public conference made it a spectacular event. But this has not yet received attention nor evoked curiosity of the scholars and researchers. The stock of the Namasudras in public eye was no better than that of the Chandals of the era of scriptures, epics and other fictions. The Bengali intelligentsia is ceaseless in research and analysis aimed at dissection and discovery of Tagore's life, activities and works and overall philosophy in all its facets and dimension to fathom the depth and mysteries of the great man. People from other parts of India too along with a few foreigners have occasionally joined to explore the poet. There seems to be no abatement in the enthusiasm for Tagore. A vast mass, nay, mountain of literature that has been produced on the poet is enough to cause envy in the hearts of the giants and greats in the world of literature.
Nonetheless, Tagore's participation in a Namasudra conference is not a piece of information worthy of elite curiosity, excitement and probe. If Prof Amartya Sen does so now, it will send out electrifying sensation all around indeed. But Bengal remained cold and apathetic to the event presided over by Tagore. Does it indicate a mindset? Was he ignored for treading in the prohibited zone and sharing the dais with the untouchable, heathen Chandals? We cannot imagine that he was spared for what he did with equanimity of mind and a philanthropic heart. His detractors must have bayed for his blood for soiling the image and dignity of the bhadralok.
¨
The presence of the Bengali Nobel Laureate amongst the despised Namasudras alongside a visit to the Dacca University on invitation, civic reception, public attention and applauses in mellifluous voices and intonations of well anointed young men and women, accompanied by songs and dances of artful performers, looks like an amalgam of contradictions. The Namasudra conference, in other words, sounds like a square peg in a round hole in the ambiance of his East Bengal tour. People fondly recall how the poet wrote his famous, soulful lyric "ei kothati mone rekho, ami je gan geyechhilem, shukno pata jhorar belay……. [Remember, I sung this song for you, while the dry leaves were falling off….]" in the company students on the lawns of the Dacca University. It is only natural to assume that the elite society of Calcutta and country denounced Tagore for the misadventure! Bengalis took pleasure in insinuating that there was Portuguese blood running in the veins and arteries of Rabindranath Tagore.2 He did not visit East Bengal ever again thereafter.
To reach Rabindranath Tagore and secure an appointment for attending a conference of the untouchables must have been an uphill task for the Namasudras and this ipso facto shows their organising skill and prudence. We know how the contemporary Nobel Laureate, Prof Amartya Sen, remains surrounded, on his occasional visits to India, by great and avid scholars and is chased and shadowed by the media. That leaves little room for the commoners to reach him. In this respect, Tagore remains unrivalled: he kept his doors open for the lowest and poorest to approach him unhindered. Rabindranath, however, was aware of the social disabilities the Namasudras suffered and had mentioned it in his essays with proper understanding a number of times.
An American journalist, Katherine Mayo, observed in her highly controversial Mother India (1927) that about 4900 Namasudra boys were studying in matriculation standards whereas some 200 were already graduates. Their untouchability stood against them in getting hostel accommodation for higher education. As a result, the Calcutta University authorities were obliged to hire separate accommodation for them to facilitate their education in the city. In 1929, a joint delegation of the Bengal Depressed Classes Association and All-Bengal Namasudra Association deposed before the Simon Commission. They appraised the Commission that their boys were not allowed admission in schools wholly located in upper-caste quarters. Their wards on way to schools were waylaid, assaulted and books snatched away by upper-caste boys. If at all admitted, they were segregated; denied drinking water from the common sources in schools. The Commissioners were also told that doctors refused to visit untouchable patients; even postal employees did not deliver mails in depressed quarters. They cited in their oral deposition to the Commission how, as a result of manipulations and favouritism, undergraduate kiths and kins of the upper-castes were preferred to Namasudra graduates in employment by the local government. This was done on the plea of lack of merit and suitability of the depressed/untouchable graduates for the jobs on offer.
Bengali scholars and littérateurs were expected to reveal what really inspired the poet to go to the Namasudras. What did he speak to them in the conference? Did he have a message of social and political or ethical import for them? What did, on the contrary, the Namasudras tell their honourable guest in their address presented to the Nobel Laureate? Did the contemporary media cover the event as breaking news? Or did the media or intelligentsia altogether cold-shoulder the poet's role for the socially despised and deprived people? Today the intellectual class voluntarily comes forward to play a powerful, proactive role in highlighting as also upholding human rights, dignity and values. And in this Rabindranath could be counted as the pioneer in Bengal. There is hardly any record of his contemporaries, who risked taking a pubic a stand for the Chandals who have been pilloried over centuries in every literature held as sacred since ancient times.
¨
Some of these questions kept agitating me. I did not get anybody to reply to these queries. I had once even written in the 1990s to one of the Vice-Chancellors of the Viswa Bharati, Santiniketan, whom I knew personally, to elicit some information on this area. Likewise Faculty members in the Bengali Department of a few universities and scholars well-versed on Tagore too were approached, but they could be of little help to me. One who was the topper in MA Bengali of the Calcutta University told me that though he had read almost everything published on Tagore, he did not come across such information. He was modest and did not betray any superciliousness.3
The Namasudras were untouchables, numbering 20,06,259 in the 1921 census. They were Bengal's second largest caste. The Mahishyas, aggregating 22,10,684 souls, were numerically superior.4 The erstwhile Chandals in Bengal suffered three-fold disabilities: They "are denied access to the interior of ordinary Hindu temples; cause pollution, by touch or within a certain distance; and are not served by good Brahmans are family priests".5 Anthropologist and Commissioner of Census Herbert Risley had observed that the descendants of converts from Chandals and Pods to Islam in Bengal numbered at least nine million in 1901.6 We may just add in the passing that the Muslim majority in Bengal, that invited partition in 1947, was solely attributable to the conversion of the Chandals and Pods to Islam. The former, some British anthropologists believe, were offshoots of the the latter. High-caste Hindu persecution, hatred, exploitation and lack of social equality drove them to embrace Islam How and why did Tagore rush amongst them? Did he not face cascades of opposition, snide remarks and vitriolic aspersions from the elite and intelligentsia? How did he come to empathise with the Chandals, who are the epitome of the vilest of the vile and meanest of the mean in Hindu perception?
Bengalis have not lost interest in Tagore yet. May I wish someone would turn his attention to this issue and lay bare, in proper perspective, the role that Tagore played for the untouchables in Bengal? That would bring out the inclusive kaleidoscopic worldview of one of the unrivalled humanists India has ever seen.
Part-2
Tagores' Entry Banned in Jagannath Temple, Puri
"…..if there be rebirth may I not be born in Bengal again."
—Rabindranath Tagore
The Tagores of Calcutta were the richest in the metropolis. As already indicated, they were nevertheless banned entry into the sacred Jagannath temple at Puri, Orissa. They were Pirali Brahmans, a degraded class in the Bengali priestly hierarchy. Their story of degradation would involve a large space to detail which I would avoid as it is by and large known to the people of Bengal. The entry of the Tagores in the sacred shrine was officially banned. It is rarely discussed in public glare and, therefore, remains a guarded secret in the shelves of the archives. A law in this behalf was enacted by the British Government in 1809.
Lord Wellesley, the Governor General of the East India Company, ordered a campaign against Orissa, then under Maratha rule, in September 1803. In fourteen days Lieutenant Colonel Campbell conquered Orissa and marched with his Army to Pipli three-to-four miles off Puri. There they camped for sometime. A delegation of priests of Lord Jagannath of Puri called on the commanding officer of the victorious Army. According to Swami Dharam Teerth,
[……..] the oracle of the Puri Jagannath Temple proclaimed that it was the desire of the deity that the temple too be controlled by the (East India) Company and the latter undertook to maintain the temple buildings, pay the Brahmans and do everything for the service of the deity as was customary.7
Regulation IV was enacted in 1806 and the East India Company imposed a pilgrim tax for entry into Puri.8 Regulation IV, which received assent of the Governor General on April 28, 1809, debarred castes, for example, Lolee or Kusbee, Cullal or Soonree Machoowa, Nomosooder or Chandal, Gazoor, Baugdee, Joogee or Noorbauf, Kahar Bawrey or Doolia, Raujbunsee, Peerally, Chaumar, Dome, Paun, Teor, Bhooimalee and Hadee from entry in the temple.9 The Tagores were Peerally [now spelt as Pirali] Brahmans, who were degraded in the Bengali hierarchical pretension and orthodoxy. However, Regulation XI of 1810 exempted the Peerally from the scope of the ban.
Who actually were the advisers of the Trading Company that prohibited by the Regulation the Tagores from entering the Puri shrine? The Company ab initio had the benefit of native law officers, both Hindu as well as Muslim, to advise them on matters of religious and social concern. Well-versed in scriptures, the law officers tendered advice to the government on all matters having bearing on the society, religion or internal structures of community life, lest, due to ignorance, they offend the scruples of any section by actions repugnant to the scriptures and norms or convention. A long list of Hindu officers serving in various courts would reveal that most, if not all, were Brahmans.
The Regulation adopted in 1806 and that in 1809 were hardly different. A schedule of castes was incorporated in section VII of Regulation IV of 1809 applying ban on the entry of certain castes. Some castes, for example, Dom, Chamar, Namasudra, Bagdi, and Hari were common in Bengal as well as Orissa. There were castes like Rajbanshi, Jogi, Peerali, Sunri, Buimali and Dulia who were/are not natives of Orissa. They were out and out natives of Bengal. Who had advised the East India Company to ban the entry of non-Oriya untouchable castes in the shrine? A neighbour hates or envies his neighbour in social intercourse. He does not hate someone living at a far-off place. If that were the case, Oriya advisers would have devoted attention more to their own neighbours than Bengali untouchables in the Regulation. Logically considered, none other than Bengali Brahman advisers could have suggested for banning the entry in the Puri temple of castes, for example, Rajbanshi, Jogi, Peerali, Sunri, Buimali and Dulia in the Regulation.
Left solely to the East India Company to frame the law on entry into the Jagannath shrine, they would encourage all to visit it as more pilgrims come under the tax net. That ensured more money flowing in the coffers. They loved business but not the caste of the visitors.
This view that Bengali Brahmans were the more dominant sections of advisers in the matter is strengthened by the case of exclusion of the Pirali Brahman from the list of castes eligible for temple entry. It was they who enjoyed devilish pleasure by degrading and stigmatising them in an institutional structure. Any Bengali Hindu, whose caste has been tainted by wilful or inadvertent intercourse with people of other religions, mainly Islam, was called Pirali. The Tagores' misfortune on this score owes its origin to an episode during the Mughal era. An ancestor of the Tagore dynasty, it is said, had a land dispute in the district of Jessore [now in Bangladesh] with a relation. A revenue official, Amin, had called both the parties to his camp for mediation. The Tagore in dispute went and smelt beef which was being cooked in the Amin's kitchen. Smelling in Bengal is considered equivalent to half-eating. So the Tagore lost his caste for half-eating the beef. The stigmatised Tagores came to be identified as Pirali Brahman after the Amin, named Pir Ali Khan, and suffered social stigma for generations not excluding Rabindranath. Their glowing achievements and accomplishments in education, scholarship, art and culture, trade and commerce remained unsurpassed. But they were more like social lepers in the orthodox scale in Bengal. So much so that they never married their daughters into kulin (superior) Brahman families. Nor did they allow and welcome kulin brides into the Tagore family. The marriage of Rabindranath's youngest daughter, Mira, is a case in point. She was married to a kulin, Nagendra Nath Ganguly (Gangopadhyay), and it was a disaster. She had a miserable, stormy life as it floundered ab initio. Letters exchanged between Tagore and his daughter as well as son-in-law speak eloquently about the unfortunate state of their marriage. It caused deep agony and excruciating pain and helplessness for the sensitive and affectionate father who could not intervene in it anyway.
The Poet abhorred Rebirth as a Bengali
It may sound improbable that the poet, who composed most touching verses, songs and novels, plays and short stories for or in the backdrop of Bengal, at the end of the day became extremely wary of the Bengali people. His detractors drove him up the wall. They hurt him mercilessly where he was most vulnerable. And he bled profusely: they savagely targeted his literary works which were the edifice of his creativity and glory. When the Nobel Prize was conferred on Tagore the detractors in a mad rush scrambled for demonstrating their admiration by offering memorials to him on behalf of his countrymen. This offered him the opportunity for some plain talk.
The calumny and insults from the hands of my countrymen which have fallen to my lot have not been very small in amount. Till now I have borne all this in silence. In such circumstances, I am yet unable to understand fully how I have come to receive the honour which I have got from abroad?
He adds further:
How can I shamelessly appropriate to myself the honour which you are making to me as representatives of the country? This day of mine will not last forever. The ebb-tide will set in again. Then all the squalor will expose of the muddy bottom itself bank after bank.
Finally he delivered the shot with perfect equanimity of mind:
So I submit this to you with folded hands that I would place my head on whatever is true, however harsh that might be; but I am unable to that which is a delusion created by momentary excitement. In certain countries friends and guests are welcomed with wine. You have placed before me a goblet of wine of your honour. I shall raise it to my lips, but I cannot gulp down this heady draught to take into my heart. I want to keep my mind free from this intoxication.
When the Nobel Prize was announced the poet was in England; he was very much hesitant to return to India for fear of torture and mudslinging at him by his gifted Bengali detractors. Eminence has its own price. It infuriates the pygmy and the prodigious alike. They could not get over the shock and awe of Tagore being crowned with the glory he earned by his own talent and toil.
The Bengali intelligentsia had harassed, humiliated and persecuted Tagore all his life no matter he was the first Indian Nobel Prize winner. His literary abilities were questioned and ridiculed with insinuations and innuendos no end. They even asked him if he had engaged paid agents to spread his fame and campaign for him.
This sort of suspicion is possible only in Bengal. It is here that people whisper that I won the Nobel Prize by a subtle trick, and the English compositions of mine which have gained fame were written by a certain Englishman.10
This was a letter the poet wrote 16 years after he was crowned with the glory. They did not believe nor did they relish that Tagore, who lacked formal education in schools, colleges and universities, had won the Nobel Prize.
The attacks against him were mindless and brutal. If anybody still needs further confirmation of his detractors' firepower, we may cite another quote in support. Tagore wrote on February 8, 1930 in a letter:
People in this country do not forgive until the pulse has completely ceased to beat. But such is my misfortune that Yama sends his messenger, and never his chariot. So those who would have sent forth lamentations at memorial meetings will now vituperate at literary conferences.11 (Italicised by this writer)
Can we fathom the depth of frustration and helplessness of the sensitive poet? The same class of Bengalis are now furiously and ceaselessly engaged on him in research, analysis and documentation since his death till date. For the same class of Bengalis, no event of song, dance, drama, theatre, art, culture, sociology, philosophy, politics, and, of course, literature would be considered appropriate and wholesome or complete without profuse and reckless doses of Tagore here, there and everywhere.
A letter of September 14, 1934 reveals how Tagore abhorred rebirth as a Bengali again. He called himself an outcast. His poignant letter goes:
I have almost brought to its end the span of life in my Bengali birth. And the last prayer of my tired life is that if there be rebirth may I not be born in Bengal again. [……..] I am an outcast, let my lot be cast among those whose conduct does not conform to the Shastras (scriptures), but whose judgment is consistent with Dharma (righteousness).12 (Italicised by this writer)
What a tragedy! The most shining emblem of colonial India that made every Indian proud was out and out terrorised and traumatised by his native folks: the disillusioned poet did not want a rebirth, if at all, in Bengal. He was certainly not against rebirth. But he did not want a rebirth in Bengal. What a tribute to the Bengali elite, aristocracy and intelligentsia in the culture of the province! The ancestral home thereby has been portrayed in the deepest hue in a manner no one can match in condemnation.
Boris Pasternak (1890-1960), we may recall, was awarded the Nobel Prize for his novel Dr Zhivago in 1958. The fiction invited strong protests across the USSR against the Jewish author who was condemned as anti-Marxist and critic of the Stalinist style of governance by terror and torture. There was universal demand for his banishment from Soviet Russia. A deeply shaken Pasternak wrote poignantly to the USSR Premier Nikita Khrushchev: "Leaving the motherland will equal my death for me. I am tied to Russia by birth, by life and by work." Under duress, the novelist declined to receive the prestigious Nobel Prize.13
Tagore, on the contrary, was under no such regimented pressure or totalitarian threat of banishment. He too was tied by birth, by life and by work to Bengal. He loved his country too deeply. He was ecstatic about his 'Sonar Bengal'. and his works bear glowing testimony to his abiding love and attachment. Those belonging to his own social class were his inveterate enemies who weighed so heavily on him that he could risk a rebirth in Bengal again. He dreaded a rebirth in Bengal in the company of the Bengalis.
Lord Thomas Babington Macaulay (1800-1859) was the first Law Member of the East India Company Government and responsible for the sweeping reforms in Indian education and father of the Indian Penal Code that had far-reaching consequences on the subcontinent. Perceived as an epitome of imperial arrogance and superciliousness, he had portrayed the Bengali character in most unflattering language even before Rabindra- nath Tagore was born. He has been bitterly criticised for his trenchant views as an anti-Indian. His assessment left the Bengalis fully demented. One must understand that Macaulay did not get to know the common man. He came in touch with the upper social echelons and intellectual class only. So his assessment precisely reflects them alone, not the common man. Now having regard for Tagore's lifelong agony, humiliation, bitterness and ignominy at the hands of the same elite and intelligentsia, one would hesitate to dismiss Macaulay with contempt as a flag-bearer of the Empire. He wrote:
What the horns are to the buffalo, what the paw is to the tiger, what the sting to the bee, what beauty [……] is to woman, deceit is to the Bengalee. Large promises, smooth promises, elaborate tissues of circumstantial falsehood, chicanery, perjury, forgery, are the weapons of the Lower Ganges.14
Indians hate Macaulay. They worship Tagore. But what Tagore said was materially little different from Macaulay. Imagine Tagore's prayer, stunning as it were mere seven years before his death: "If there be rebirth may I not be born in Bengal again." We can't brush it aside nor throw a colourful tapestry over the character of those Bengalis who terrorised him to feel unwelcome in the land of his birth.
References
1. Kayastha Patrika, a Bengali monthly magazine published from Calcutta, carried a detailed report in its issue. This journal started its publication in the closing years of the 19th century.
2. Nirod C. Chaudhuri, in an article captioned "Tagore Nobel Prize" in Illustrated Weekly, Bombay, Vol. XCV, 10, Sunday, March 11, 1973.
3. He was an IAS officer.
4. Census of India, 1931, Vol. 1, Bengal & Sikkim, Part 1, Report, p. 492.
5. Census of India, 1911, Vol. V, Bengal, Bihar, Orissa and Sikkim, Part 1, Report, pp. 232-233.
6. Census of India, 1901
7. Swami Dharam Teerth, History of Hindu Imperialism, 1935, p. 151. W. W Hunter recorded: "A deputation of Brahmans accordingly came into the camp, and placed the temple under his (Lt. Colonel Campbell) protection without a blow being struck." [A Statistical Account of Bengal, Cuttack & Puri, Vol. XIX, 1877, London]
8. Between 1806 to 1831, the pilgrims tax, grossed to a sum of Rs 1,24,37,570; expenditures on the temple management and rituals on average, amounted to Rs 54,973 per annum. Meeting all expenses on account of the Jagannath temple, the Company earned a balance of Rs. 12,83,130. [Col. Laurie, "Puri and the temple of Jagannath", article in The Calcutta Review, Vol. X, September, 1848, pp. 251 and 261] The tax was ultimately was revoked on vocal criticism of the Christian Missionaries and Englishmen who were aghast at the role played by the Government of East India Company in promoting, preserving and protecting idolatry. Indians could not be expected to be vocal against the British control, management of the Jagannath and his temple as blind faith in His oracle was blindly obeyed by them. Further similar tax by Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb in the medieval era has received harsh criticism. But the pilgrim tax imposed long later has been spared from focus in the same vein. This myopia is calculative. The historians do not want to expose the advisers of the takeover of the shrine and consequent tax regime under the legal frame.
9. Names shown as it occurred in the Regulation. Current spelling of these castes are given: Loli or Kasbi, Kalal or Sunri, Machua, Namasudra, Gazur, Jogi or Narbaf, Kahar Bauri, Dulia, Rajbansi, Chamar, Dom, Pan, Tior, Bhuimali and Hari.
10. Rabindranath Tagore in a letter dated October 29, 1931, quoted by.Nirod C. Chaudhuri, in an article captioned "Tagore Nobel Prize" in Illustrated Weekly, Bombay, Vol. XCV 10, Sunday, March 11, 1973, pp. 9-10.
11. Ibid., p. 10.
12. Ibid.
13. http://www.kirjasto.sci.fi/pasterna.htm for heading Boris Pasternak (1890-1960).
14. Lord Thomas Macaulay, Critical, Historical and Miscellaneous Essays, Boston, 1860, pp. 19-20.
The author is a former Vice-Chancellor, B.R. Ambedkar University, Muzaffarpur (Bihar). He can be contacted at e-mail: atul.biswas@gmail.com
http://www.mainstreamweekly.net/article2003.html
Namasudra is the name of a community who originally resided in certain regions of Bengal, India.
| Table of Contents |
History and origin
Namasudra is a community residing in India, Bangladesh, Nepal and Pakistan. Their population is around ~8 million(2010). Nearly 4.8 million people are living in India (mostly in the State of West Bengal); very recent studies in Joshua Project have given a descriptive break up. In India, they are scattered all over northern and northeastern states and over some of southern states also. In Bangladesh they are the main Hindu Community (~ 3 million population). The literacy rate of this community is reported to be nearly 75% in some small pockets of population (2001 census in Manipur, the population is meager 3500) but average literacy is around 55%. As per the 2001 census report of India, the literacy rate in West Bengal of this community is 71.9 percent (Male - 80.6 percent and Female - 62.8 percent) . There is different hearsay in respect of their origin. Although in Bengal Gazetteer and Darjeeling Gazetteer of British India period three Gotras or Clan name have been reported, namelyKashyapa, Bhardwaja and Gautama, the hearsay is that later there was some meetings of the larger families where they agreed to be identified as descendant of Kasyap and included in the scheduled castes' list of Govt. of India under constitutional provision. Nihar Ranjan Roy, a great historian, has given lot of information about this community in his famous book named "BANGLAR ITIHAS - ADI PARBA".
The Namasudra ( By Revelation , Namassej) community under the leadership of Sri JNM first organised the Mass -Movement in Undivided India ( then Under the Rule of British Monarchy )to do away with Caste-System or Hindu-Apartheid and as a result of that 'Movement' "The Policy Of Reservation" ( Following the Constitution of U.S.A.) was achieved by different out-caste population groups which now-a-days are going to be accepted as a general policy by most political parties for any kind of backwardness found among any population group.The success of an arrangement in general, however, is doubtful.
The Exodus
It was an unacceptable community, forced to live in the swamps of extreme south of Bangladesh(now) till the emergence of British India. Quite interestingly, the socio-religious taboos of Hindu and Muslim caste system that devastated their social life completely also helped them not to be lost into the vast population ,as they were not belong to any community.
With the advent of the Great Iconic Family of sri sri Harichand( both paternal and maternal origin of Namassejas nee namasudras) , the process of enlightenment began within the community. The Iconic Family inspired the Namasudras to establish more than five thousand schools.From 1905 onwards Sri Guruchand ( s/o Sri Harichand) and the Missionary Dr Rev,Cecil silas mead carried forward the mission , and created the path for Exodus for this community. And the Exodus was politically carried forward by sri Jogendra Nath mandal. However, this great phenomenon lasted only another four decades, until 1947, when British-India got independence as secular India and pakistan, a theocratic state. The community was torn into two parts. In one part, the larger section became the lowborn beggar masses and, as refugees'', was being made to settle all over India. In another part (later becoming independent as Bangladesh in 1971, when this community both greatly suffered and fought courageously), they were lowborn of a different religion. A very small section of this community managed to get higher education . But surprisingly larger due to Hindu tag in Bangladesh, the community has made rapid strides in education spearheaded by Hindu missions trying to maintain Hinduism there.
However in course of time the turn of the happenings and incidents have most brutally tightened its stranglehold on theirExodus.
Name of the community
All the names, inclusive of Namasudra found in the most contemporary survey of phenomenological anthropology of this community under Joshua Project of south-east Asian marginalized communities bear the abusing emotive connotations as chandalaOR Candala. But then, at that critical time of Exodus, the friend-philosopher-guides of this community, sri Guruchand of the greatIconic family (son of Great sri Harichand) lead the community to insist for the acceptance of the mythological-origin theory disseminated through sruti by their forefathers over generations after generations.
The name they wanted to be recorded in the Census of 1911 might be either Namassut or Namassej. In Bengali, sutmeans son, so 'Namassut' means 'Namas' (name of sage) + Sut (meaning son) i.e. son or descendant of 'Namas'. The other name has a similar meaning. Sreej in Bengali is a verb, meaning to generate or to originate. So Namas+ Sreejtransformed to Namassreej to Namassej meaning generated or originated from Namas.
Namaswej Or Namassej
But most probably the name Namaswej first appeared on web-page in and around year 2000 i.e. more or less than one decade ago.The name was a part of A Declared Revelation named "Swejsantokotha" or "Smritokotha".In Bengali language there are two letters designated by same symbol which in Roman Script are given by "b" and "wa or w " .If there is "w" then in the pronunciation the previous letter becomes double.So according to pronunciation "Namaswej" becomes "Namassej".All the interpretations given by different community members were according to the version written in English or Roman script.In Bengali "Swajan" means kins , so "Namaswej" might be the abbreviation of "Namas"( the rishi, Namas) + "Swajan" > "Namaswajan"> "Namaswej" or the kins or descendants of "Namas".It is same as that given above.The differences might have arisen due to lack of education among the community members.
Nama Or Namo
Now-a-days many people of this community and sometimes people of other communities also designate namasudras (or namassejas) simply as 'Nama.
Myth of Origin
Every community carries with itself the folk-tale or folklore of their origin or lineage .There may be several contradictions or branchings in the story or completely different stories which may transform each of them magical or unbelievable or a myth. Dr. N. R. Ray the great historian first expressed his doubt in respect of the position of the Namasudras in social hierarchy .He told of the folklore of origin and of degradation that could possibly resolve the anomaly.
Dr. Ray believes that that story will be the story of the people which in part or in essence must conform to the History of The People. Thus goes the Tale .Brahma, the Parameshwar, is the Creator God. He begot marichi. Marichi begot Kashyapa.Kashyapa begot Namas. Namas was married to Sulochana, the daughter of Ruchi, the spiritual son of Brahma. They begot Kirtiban and Uruban (most probably instead of Kirtyuruban they together wrongly mentioned as Ariban inSsejsantokotha or it may be that in old hand written manuscript it became simply uruban>ariban and first part Kirtyu was omitted due to mistake or erasing due to being preserved in bad condition ). They were twin brothers. Their father, Santo or sage Namas, went into deep forest for meditation and did not return in 14 years. So Kirtiban and Uruban were self-dikshitized or self-consecrated. They were married to the two daughters of the King Simanta. They begot eight children and they were married to the children of Asamonjo, the eldest son of the suryavanshi King Sagar. They are the forefathers of Namasudra community.This explains the origin of the Kashyapa clan only.
'''From this one may also propose that the name of the community should be Brahma Kshatriya because father was Brahmin by birth and mother was a daughter of a king.In fact many times these people have been mentioned as ''Khanda-Kshatriya'' in some popular newspapers like ''Anandabazar patrika'' etc. But this argument is not applicable unless you believe in varna-custom or jatived or caste-system.In ''monotheism'' and sannyasbadi Hinduism there is only gotra and community name(not related to his by-birth profession of caste-based Hinduism).This is incidentally the common accepted process all over the world by which the mythical identity of most population groups have come into being.Namassejas née namasudras also accept this. So the question of being sudra or ''Brahma-Kshatriya'' or any caste name does not arise here and as accordingly the Community also has declared the revealed community-name, ''Namassej'', and also that being any sage or monk or sannyasi does not signify a Brahman or the king being a Kshatriya as these systems of varna or caste developed much later with differentiation of profession and is not accepted by the Namassej née namasudras(?)'.''
This is the folklore of the origin of the Namasudras: the story they believe i.e. the History of The People. Sri Harichand told them only to meditate the Parameshwar and take Him to be the origin of all that exist. He told also that they will be Self-Consecrated. Although his followers could not follow his path strictly (they got mixed up with Vaishnavism and with the path of the Bauls ).His twelve commandments also show signs of later manipulations by his followers. However his family became Iconic and very recently from some corner of the community A discourse is declared to be published which the editor foretold to be a complete guide to community-life.
Story of Ostracize
[''In]
Religion
They mostly belong to Hinduism .A small population of the community has been reported to be following Islam in Joshua Project Report and mentioned as Namasudra, Muslim (0.035%).But the authenticity of the report is questionable.Some of them adoptedChristianity ( 0.09%), Brahmoism and Buddhism also.
The Iconic Family (Of Orhakandi, Faridpur) had established The matua-math in Thakurnagar, India.This folk-Hinduism has a large number of followers( ~8 - 10% ) and getting wooing from the political organisations also.
There is a holy lake called Kamana Sagar. A discourse (ssejsantokotha) demands that thousands of years back they were ostracized from a settlement like this and declared to publish the complete guide to the religious path to be followed by the community. However, no publication has been identified. At present the Lady who is the Head of the Holy Family and the Math is Boroma (The Holy Mother) or Binapanimata.
The Myth of Facts and Findings
According to Dr. Niharranjan Ray the findings of phenomenological anthropology for this community is interesting and requires special attention. There are other opinions. However, recent survey under Joshua Project reveals similar findings. They are given the Ethnic-Code CNN25b where C implies Caucasian, N implies Indo-Iranian, second N implies brown, 25 implies north-Indian and b implies Bengali. Dr. N. R. Ray has also expressed same opinion ;that the community has considerable Alpine mixing.
Their development is also as was found by Risely and Dalton; most unreachable community with higher percentage of population living below poverty line. However, the genome studies conform to the survey of phenomenological anthropology. They are 23% R2Y-DNA and ~31% R1a1 prevalence i.e. ~ 54% Caucasian prevalence.
See also
References
- Website dedicated to Namasudra Samaj:namasudra.com
- Ssejsantokotha The Revelation of Seven Santos of the Namassej nee Namasudra
- Int.J.Hum.Genet.,9(3-4):145-230(2009) by m.k.Bhasin
- Bangalir Itihas-Adi Parbo-Nihar Ranjan Ray
- Tagore's Participation in Namasudra Conference in East Bengal in 1925: Mainstream Weekly (Founder Editor nikhil chakrobarty): VOLXLVIII, NO 20, MAY 8, 2010
Bengalis.*The People, Their History And Culture 6 Volumes Set By S. N. Das, 2002. ISBN 81-292-0066-X, Indigo Books, New Delhi, India
External links
- History of Bengali People-Ancient period-niharranjanray: http://openlibrary.org/b/OL1255640M
- Bengal Gazetteer-Darjeeling Gazetteer by L.O.S.S. Malley: http://books.google.co.in/books?id=LhOzszXcM9UC8printsec=fron...
- Articles on Namasudra by Dr. C. S. Mead: http://nla.gov.au/nla.cat-vn2970504http://catalogue.nla.gov.au/Record/1758711
- ....namasudras of bengal by sekhar bandyopadhyay: http://books.google.co.in/books?id=omAPFtaweqIC&printsec=fron...
- Joshua Project-Namasudra: http://www.joshuaproject.net/peopctry.php?peo3=177568rog3=BG
- Census of India 2001, Manipur: http://censusindia.gov.in/Tables_Published/SCST/dh_SC_manipur.pdf
- ANUSTUP, IRAQ EBONG EKHON, XXXVII(3-4),2003,pp-439 by manoranjanbyapari:http://calcuttayellowpages.com/adver/108702about-anustup.html
- Khanda Khatriya
- The Caste and Tribes of Bengal by H. H. Risely (2 vol.):Herbert Hope Riselyhttp://www.vedamsbooks.in/no30510.htm
- Castes:http://www.infinityfoundation.com/mandala/.../h_es_hobso_caste_frameset.htmhttp://www.goethals.org.udyani.htmhttp://www.flipkart.com/tribes-castes-bengal.../8171020712-xv23f9fv5v
- E. T. Dalton, 1872: http://nla.gov.au/nla.cat-vn434640http://www.christies.com/LotFinder/lot_details.aspx?intObjectID=5...
- Desciptive Ethnology Of Bengal by Dalton, E. T.: http://openlibrary.org/b/OL21775515M/Descriptive_ethnology_of_Bengal
- Sri J. N. Mandal: Jogendra Nath mandalhttp://www.freebase.com/view/en/jogendra_nath_mandalhttp://connect.in.com/jogendra-nath-mandal/profile-142563.htmlhttp://786anil.blogspot.com/2010/01/shri-jogendra-nath-mandal-tragic-hero.html?zx=8881d2caaa7147c5
- Encyclopædia Britannica based on 1911: http://encyclopedia.jrank.org/MOS_NAN/NAMASUDRA.html
- Literacy & others: http://www.mrt-rrt.gov.au/ArticleDocuments/87/ind32211.pdf.aspx
- The stranglehold after 1947: By Vohra: http://doi.wiley.com/10.1111/1467-8314.00056, By M. Klass, pp. 43:http://www.books.google.co.in./books?id=XAZ2JBQ2vwsC&pq=PA438lpg...: by Ross Mullick,JAS vol. 58. no. 1 (Feb 1999) pp. 104–125.: http://www.scribd.com/doc/23244954/Ross-Mallick:ABR :http://www.sasnet.lu.se/EASASpapers/33AnusuaBasuray.pdf & : http://insightyv.com/?p=879
- Namasudras in Bangladesh: http://www.unreachedoftheday.org/unreached-print.php?y=2010&m=10&d=5
- Matua: http://territorioscuola.com/youtube/index.php?key=Namasudra
- Baruni: http://cat.inist.fr/?aModele=afficheN&cpsidt=11964527
- Webjournals Alphacrucis: http://webjournals.alphacrucis.edu.au/journals/adeb/m/mead-cecil-silas-1866-1940/
- A prehistory of Indian Y chromosomes : etc. supporting Table 2&3 :http://www.pnas.org/content/suppl/2006/01/11/0507714103.DC1/07714Table_3.pdf
- R2dna information: http://sites.google.com/site/r2dnainfo/R2-Home/r2-dna/r2-frequency/indian-ethnic-groups-with-r2-prevalence/wb-namasudra
- Rabindranath Tagore, The Brahma Poet in Namasudra Conference: The Calcutta Municipal Gazette Tagore Memorial Special Supplement, Saturday, September 3, 1941, editor Amal Home, p. 90 :http://www.mainstreamweekly.net/article2003.html
- Bengalis.* The People, Their History And Culture by S. N. Das http://www.flipkart.com/book/bengalis-people-history-culture/812920066x
- A prehistory of Indian Y chromosomes:: Evaluating demic diffusion scenarios By Sahoo et al. PNAS Jan 24 ,2006 vol 103 no 4 843-848 :http://www.pnas.org/content/103/4/843.full.pdf
| itle | India: West Bengal - Namasudra caste - Madhua Sammalan group - Amal Bahini terrorist group - Bengalis 1. Is the Namasudra caste one of the scheduled castes? What institutions in West Bengal and in India operate to protect the rights of the scheduled castes? 2. Please provide information on the aims and functions of Madhua Sammalan? Is it a large organisation and does it operate throughout West Bengal? Is there any evidence that members are targeted for harm? 3.Is the Amal Bahini a terrorist group operating in West Bengal? 4. Are there large Bengali populations living in Indian states outside West Bengal? |
| Publisher | Australia: Refugee Review Tribunal |
| Country | Australia | India |
| Publication Date | 30 August 2007 |
| Cite as | Australia: Refugee Review Tribunal, India: West Bengal - Namasudra caste - Madhua Sammalan group - Amal Bahini terrorist group - Bengalis 1. Is the Namasudra caste one of the scheduled castes? What institutions in West Bengal and in India operate to protect the rights of the scheduled castes? 2. Please provide information on the aims and functions of Madhua Sammalan? Is it a large organisation and does it operate throughout West Bengal? Is there any evidence that members are targeted for harm? 3.Is the Amal Bahini a terrorist group operating in West Bengal? 4. Are there large Bengali populations living in Indian states outside West Bengal?, 30 August 2007, available at: http://www.unhcr.org/refworld/docid/4b6fe2370.html [accessed 23 April 2011] |
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