I am very concerned and I appeal to all left and secular forces to come forward and take care of the aging old Marxist ideologue and leader, Comrade AK Roy!

I am very concerned and I appeal to all left and secular forces to come forward and take care of the aging old Marxist ideologue and leader, Comrade AK Roy!

Palash Biswas

Xavier Dias has posted the most important information on face book wall.Just got news that Com. A. K. Roy the great trade union leader of Bihar Colliery  Kamgar Union and also leader of the Marxist Coordination Committee has taken ill and has been admitted to a hospital in Dhanbad Jharkhand. A few weeks ago he was shifted from the party and union office at Temple Road to a comrades house.

Comrade AK Roy is not only a trade union leader but he played a very important role in Jharkhand movement since seventies.

I am lucky to know him very closely as I landed in the coalfields in Dhanbad as a working journalist in Dainik awaz in 1980.

I was intending to join JNU for advnced studies in Literature but my friends Urmilesh, then a research scholar in JNU and poet Madan Kashyap made me a journalist.Since, I made radical changes in Dainik Awaz and first time, introduce full page interactive readers forum, supported Jharkhand movement and wrote extensively on Mahashwetadi`s works and investigated every mines accident, people in Dhanbad alleged that comrade AK Roy planted me in Dainik Awaz. But Veer Bharat Talwar and Madan kashyap had been working there before I joined.Both were more recognised and had more potential for radical changes.

In fact, Awaz editor late BDS Sharma, then most eminent journalist in Bihar Satish Chandra associated with Indian Nation and Aryavart, Late BD Raval and Bankim Babu worked very hard since 1947 and supported us to bring about radical changes.

Comrade AK Roy was representing Dhanbad in the Loksabha while I was intensely engaged in the coalfields and had to be involved in trade union and jharkhand movement.

I witnessed the trio AK Roy, shibu Soren and Binod Bihari mahato working together. It was AK Roy only for whom I had been closely associated with Mahashwetadi and her works until `praibartan' took over Bengal.

I was also unfortunate enough to witness the tragic breakup of the trio thanks to Suraj Mandal.

Mind you, none of the Jharkhandi present day leaders, engaged in tough opportunist corrupt power politics from Marandi to Koda ever did contribute to the Jharkhand movement and the present day separate state. Even our respected friends Beer Bharat Talwar and Ravi, the editor of HIRAWAL, the mouthpiece of Bihar colliery kamgar union led by comrade AK Roy contributed more.

There were only two ideologues in Jharkhand. The first one is comrade AK Roy and then the second person Ramdayal Munda.

As Dhanbad MP, comrade AK Roy never changed his lifestyle. He always has been a declassed person who slept on mat and always lived in party office in purana Bazar. He has no family to support. At that time, Dhanbad and entire coalfields were bleeding with violent mafia war. AK roy resisted very well. But nobody could dare to touch him or shibu soren or Binod Bihari mahato. They walked freely without any security guard anywhere in the coalfields.

I have never seen so closely a friend of the working class working so hard. I have never seen any MP representing his constituency. He regularly used to write in `the Statesman' and other newspapers. I always wondered how well were his write ups. He always submitted excellent press copies better than any first class journalist.

It is long time since I last visited Dhanbad and met our dear leader, though I feel very closely associated with every part of coalfields. It was comrade AK Roy who inspired me to learn mining in Indian School of Mines with special permission as he felt that I had to be technically correct while reporting on mines.

Even last time, I spent a very good time with comrade Roy in his Purana Bazar Party office sitting on mat. he was not the MP then. Shibu Soren diverted himself in early eighties, KS Chatterjee got converted, binod Bihari Mahato was no more. We all three Beer Bharat Talwar, Madan Kshyap and me, had left coalfields. But he was there alone and defending his fort very well.

I am very concerned and I appeal to all left and secular forces to come forward and take care of the aging old Marxist ideologue and leader, Comrade AK Roy!

Palash Biswas

Marxist Co-ordination Committee

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Marxist Coordination Committee is a political party in Jharkhand, India. MCC is based in the coal mining region of Dhanbad.

Janwadi Kisan Sangram Samiti (Democratic Peasants Struggle Association) was formed after local communist leader A.K. Roy had been expelled from Communist Party of India (Marxist) (CPI(M)). JKSS later converted into MCC. MCC is still led by A.K. Roy, who has been elected MP three times.

A.K. Roy was active in the Jharkhand movement, and co-founder of Jharkhand Mukti Morcha. As JMM developed into a political party, the relations soared.

In 1980 A.K. Roy (then MP) and K.S. Chatterjee (Member of Bihar Legislative Assembly) were arrested under the National Security Act. In total Roy has been jailed four times.

In 1998 the only Member of the Legislative Assembly of Bihar of MCC, Gurudas Chatterjee was murdered by the coal mafia. Chatterjee's son Arup Chatterjee took over his mandate after a by-poll.

External links [edit]

• The Hindu, Candidate Watch : A.K. Roy

• PTI: CBI to probe Bihar MLA's killing

The Underground Fire within Submerged Human Scape

palashchandra biswas Wed, 27 Aug 2008 13:53:22 -0700

The Saga of Bihar and Jharkhand: Underground Fire Within Submerged
Human Scape
 The memories of the Past haunts me violently as I witnessed joint
Rallies of JMM and Marxist co Ordination Committee led by our dearest
comrade AK Roy, the ex M.P. from Dhanbad!
I was unfortunate enough to be present in the JMM Convention when
Suraj Mandal succeeded to alienate AK Roy from JMM. Only Binod Bihari
Mahato accompanied AK Roy until he breathed last. I don`t know the
where about of Suraj Mandal, the mastermind behind the division!
I also was lucky to visit underground bases of Shibu Soren in the
forests of Jharkhand. I witnessed how unexpected changes changed the
man.
I landed in Dhanbad very dramatically. I started for Allahabad
University as soon as I got the Marks sheet of my M.A. Final exams. I
intended to complete the research work and then adjust myself in
either Nainital or Almora Campus of Kumaun University. I reached
Allahabad and took a Rickshaw to get in the house of eminent Hindi
Writer Shailesh Matiyani in Colonel Gaunj. he sent me immediately to
the University. Where I met Dr Raghuvansh, then the head of Hindi
Department. he suggested me to work in Hinidi. Then, I met Dr Manas
Mukul Das with whom I debated modern poetry for hours in Nainital. He
had already registered six students and could not accommodate me. He
introduced me to Dr Malviya and he agreed to guide me and I agreed to
assist him editing his career mag!
Dr Batrohi from DSB college had stayed with Matiyani in sixties as a
student. But the room was occupied by a close relation of Matiyanis.
I shifted myself in another Kumayooni House. Shekhar Joshi was our
Ideal as a short story writer. I used to write short stories in my
earlier days. In fact , I have got two books of short stories later.
Mr Joshi resided in a rented house  , 100, Looker Ganj, Allahabad
with two sons Pratul, Sanjay, daughter Bunty and their IZA means
mother. I stayed in the house and searched for job as I had already
discontinued to rely on my family since I passed B.A... I did work as
a freelance journalist during my student life as part of mass
mobilisation for Chipko Movement. I had a post graduation degree.
thus, I believed to earn enough to support myself. I applied for
Northern India Patrika beside doing some translation work for Mitra
Prakashan thanks to Bhairab Prasad Gupta and Amarkant. editors
working there.
Mr Mathur was the most powerful News Editor I have ever encountered.
He was the recruiter in Northern India Patrika and he rejected my
application. Manglesh Dabral was the magazine editor. Biren Dangwal
was also in Allahbad in those days. i befriended with Neelabh and
Ramji Roy. Very soon, I became a part of Progressive students` Union.
I have friends in SFI also.SFI friends got an accomodation for me in
Mamford Ganj.i had some tutions also. Then, manglesh suggested me to
go to JNU. Birenda and Neelabh endorsed. I was introduced to Urmilesh
and we got Vaishali express and landed in Poorvanchal hostel of JNU.
I had to do M. Phil in Linguistics. The next day, iIwas out to search
for job. I got one in Delhi Press. but I could not stay there. I was
getting some assignments and translation works.
Meanwhile, I visited my village. Where i came to know that DSB
College english department was looking for me. I just rushed to
Nainital. Captain LM sah was the head of the department. He drafted
the application and recommended it. I had to meet the Vice
Chancellor. I visited the VC office in Brook Hill. I had to wait for
some time. Meanwhile, so impulsive I had been, my student life
experience and encounters with the VC haunted me and I decided
against surrendering to the corrupt VC. i never knew, it ended my
academic career.
Yes, I had been very impulsive as Namashudras are best known for. All
Indigenous communities suffer from this sever personality disorder. I
had to pay for it so often!
I returned to my village Basanti Pur and got involved in a quarrel
during a drama festival. My friend Tekka was beaten. it enraged me so
much that I stopped the show as I enjoyed the support of the youth
and students whom I used to lead.
My father was very angry. it was a hot exchange as he suggested me
that I had to be cool and work for peace!
The next day, I got a letter from Urmilesh. he had visited Dhanbad
and was offered a job in a daily News paper. He was not interested.
But he knew that I could do the job as I had a soft corner for
Nationality Movement and Jharkhand.
Immediately I rushed to JNU. I told Urmilesh that I would be working
there until next session opens. I wanted to have a feel of Indian
Economy and I believed I might get the experience in Jharkhand. In
1980, Jharkhand was a part of Bihar. I was proud of Bihar`s
indigenous History and present. i was aware of mass movements and
general consciousness and awakening in Bihar. I wanted to be a part
of all this. My family was not involved in all this vital decisions.
Having reached Dhanbad I stayed with Hindi Poet Madan Kashyap who was
a sub editor in Daily Awaz.
Brahm Dev Sharma, the editor and Bankim Babu, the manager welcomed
me. Having joined Awaz, I informed my father.
Very soon, I was involved with Jharkhand movement. Beer Bahrat talwar
was in Dhanbad and he and Man Mohan Pathak were publishing Shalpatra.
Professor Prabhakar singh and Professor BB Sharma led the pro
Jharkhand Intelligentsia.
Ak roy organised  Prem Chand Jayanti. Mahashweta Debi was the chief
guest. I had read all her prominent works including Hazar Churaseer
Ma, Aranyer Adhikar, Chotti Mundra Teer and so on. In fact, I was
introducing mahashweta literature to the readers of Awaz in my column
in Awaz. Madan kashyap was to speak. but he had to leave Dhanbad for
personal work. eventually I spoke. it was my first public exposure in
Dhanbad. Mahashweta Di became a permanent Relation since that day. I
was now very close to AK Roy.
Then, I began writing on Mines accidents. I joined classes in Indian
School of Mines and CMRS. It was an interactive campaign which made
me a journalist which I never intended. coal India had to declare
officially that all mines are Unsafe and Mining is hazardous!
I got married in 1983. my wife Sabita belonged to Bijnore, U.P... She
could not adjust in the coal fields. Then I shifted in Ranchi, in
Prabhat Khabar. Finally I landed in Meerut, in 1984.

Since 1980 onwards , I am privileged to have a very responsive and
favourable readership in Bihar as well as in Jharkhand. My novel
Amerika se Savdhan was published serially in Awaz from Jamshedpur as
well as Dhanbad since 1995 to 1997...

A.K. Roy

A K Roy : the Raremost Politician of the Coalfield By AJIT ROY, in his book 'HISTORY OF DHANBAD'

Though, in undivided Manbhum, Purulia Sadar Subdivision was where the annals of communist movements were mainly scripted, Dhanbad Subdivision is mainly the stronghold of the red trade unions in contemporary history. Communists had become unstoppable during the pre-independence days itself. The foundation of the under-construction communist organizations was laid this way only. This, however, can not be denied that if at all there is any evolving overall presence of the Marxist or leftist traditions here in this district, the subsequent chapter of this after the conclusion of the previous chapter in Purulia in the fifties, must have taken shape in Dhanbad in the mid-sixties, through the sole enterprise of the patriarchal, diligent, virtuous, fearless and dauntless leader of Marxist Coordination Committee Arun Kumar Roy alias A K Roy. Endowed with genius, highly intellectual, perpetual experimenting and evolving, thoughtful, this living legend of avant-garde mind make up, has always featured in deliberations and remained in news in the political and intellectual class with his original ideology and multifarious activities in contexts of the strife of the oppressed proletariat, of indigenous colonialism, two-nation theory, moral purification etc. Detractors and rivals feared him, hold him in high esteem and his betenoire, the mafias, have always bent down in a gesture of bowing at his feet. Arun Kumar Roy was born on the 15th of June 1935 in Sapura village of Rajshahi district of then East Bengal. His father Shibesh Chandra Roy was an advocate by profession who had started his legal practice in Rajshahi Court, but later shifted to Dinajpur in 1960 and started practising in Raiganj Court. (He died in 1967 in the court premises after suffering a blackout). Arun Babu's mother was Renuka Roy (died in 2008). Arun Babu had been a brilliant student right from his early days. He matriculated in 1951 in the first division from the village school (Naogaon, Rajshahi) and took admission in the Belur Ram Krishna Mission School. He did his ISc from there and then graduated in Science from Surendra Nath College of Kolkata. He did his MSc (Tech) in 1959 in Chemical Engineering from Calcutta University. He started his vocation in an industrial house of Kolkata. After serving there for two years he joined as Research Engineer under the celebrated scientist Dr Kshitish Ranjan Chakraborty in 1961 in the newly established Planning & Development India Limited at Sindri of Dhanbad district. Since his early years he was an exponent of integrity and was an enthusiastic server of mankind. The home environs were also conductive. Though Sapura village fell within Rajshahi district, it was close to the border of Dinajpur. The two haats (rural markets) of Dinajpur, namely Shibpur and Shibdinghi were two hubs of political activities those days. Arun Babu's father and uncle were anti-British activists. Even his mother and aunt also had served time in prison for participation in freedom movement. This trait of nationalism had inbred itself in Arun Babu's persona. Arun Babu was first sentenced to jail in 1952 when he was just 15 years old for delivering an 'inciting' speech in support of vernacular movement at a gathering at the court premise near his house. The draconian Prevention Act of the then East Pakistan was administrated to imprison him for 2 months in Dhaka Central Jail. Bengali's of culture world had witnessed for the first time that one can serve jail sentence even martyred for the cause of one's mother tongue. Later as a student of the Science College also he had associated with the Vernacular Organization of the university. Nevertheless, real politic was not in Arun Babu's scheme of things. He took his vocation as a member of the elite group of scholars counting to a dozen dedicated, honest and nationalist youngmen at the Planning & Development wing of Sindri Fertilizer Factory under the able guidance of the widely venerated superintendent Dr Kshitish Ranjan Chakraborty (later adorned with 'Padmashree'). Nobody could foresee those days that the laconic, modest and snare short statured man would eventually turn out to be a colossal figure amongst the communists who would inshill a chill in the very heart of the notorious mafias. A few years later when a labour strike was conducted at Sindri Fertilizer Factory and the management resorted to temporary engage the P&D staff for plant operations to prevent losses, Arun Babu pineered a protest against the move. His contention was being that such a move would demoralise the workers and a grave injustice would be melted out to their lawful and justified demands. The P&D authorities were both baffled and unhappy over the issue and this was when it was thought of to sack him. However, the strike was shortlived and for the time being he escaped the sanction. The incident though pitched Roy Babu in limelight overnight. He became immensely popular among the factory workers. Even after this he raised his voice in support of the legitimate demands of the workers and also on the issue of declining standards of works on a few occasions. His stock kept on rising. With his tacit support and spurred by his ideologies the workers started to rally together. Simultaneously, driven by his ingrained empathy with the secular worldview, he had started a few study-centres in areas adjacent to Sindri and Beliapur to educate the villagers politically and socially. These pursuits Roy Babu gradually turned the P&D authorities and the local administration phobic and hostile towards him. Finally the administration was handed over the ruse to arrest him when the left-minded Socialists called for a 'Bihar Bandh' on 9th August 1966 in the cause of oppressed people and the Bandh getting an unforeseen success in the Sindri belt. Roy Babu was arrested the very next day as the Bandh was directed against the government and subsequently he lost his job. Riding on the wave of massive popular support Roy Babu just cast the issue of his job loss to the backburners. He joined the newly formulated CPI(M) forthwith and won the 1967 Assembly Election and 1969 midterm poll with a massive mandate from Sindri. Roy Babu was a witness to the four-year long bloodstained saga of 1967 to 1971. He had envisaged the Naxal Movement as the worthiest and most promising mass movement of the dreams of Indian middle class. Nevertheless, he did not join ranks with the Naxals, rather he wanted them as a stimulus in the proletariat revolution. He penned a stirring essay, 'Vote and Revolution', in the 'Frontier' in 1971, voicing the beneficial importance of this revolution with a view to align this tremendous force with the revolutionary principles of the CPI(M). CPI(M) leadership could not fathom the finer nuances of his subtle vista of the Naxal Movement.6 This resulted into his expulsion from CPI(M) the same year. Roy Babu already had a vast mass following. After coming out of CPI(M) he constituted 'Janavadi Sangram Samiti' and won the next Assembly Election again. 'Marxist Coordination Committee' or MCC was formed in 1972. Roy Babu's endeavours in and around the rural and mining belts of Dhanbad was largely peaceful but he was not averse to armed struggles when needed, to organize the peasants and the serf, empowering these have nots with the owner ship of farmland and cattles and to fulfil the rightful demands of the workers. His popularity and influence kept swelling in the villages, agricultural farms, factories and mills and coalfields because of his honesty, uprightness, undying efforts, organisational skill and indominable spirit. A true leader of workers and peasants was emerging fast which roiled the collective psyche of Dusadhs, Chamars, Telis, Kurmis, Rajwars, Ghatwals, Santhals, Mundas, tribals, even the Bengalis of Hirapur. Dhanbad had never had a leader of such stature. One by one rising leaders like Binod Bihari Mahato, Anand Mahato, Shibu Soren, Nirmal Mahato, Kripa Shankar Chatterjee, Gurudas Chatterjee etc. assembled under his banner, most of whom later on left their signature amongst people as acclaimed leaders. Spectre of the huge popularity of communism and the growing stature of A K Roy haunted even Indira Gandhi into desperation. Her 'line' was unmistakably defined. She had directed Chief Minister Gafur in a confidential memo to imprison the rioting communists and anti-Congress elements enmesh but leave alone the tribal or Jharkhandi activists of the mining areas. A U Sharma, the then DC of Dhanbad was a personal friend of Roy Babu, he read Indira's letter to him and alerted him that he was under constant surveillance. During Emergency Roy Babu was jailed very often and for about 6 years he was relegated into inaction. Shibu Soren also was imprisoned during the period but was released shortly. He went into an alliance with Congress. However, the alliance proved to be a red herring, neither Shibu, nor Congress could reap any benefit from it. Roy Babu won the Parliamentary Election of 1977 with a huge margin with the support of Jai Prakash Narayan and the Janata Party. He won the election of 1980 also. Uptil now Roy Babu had commanded the support of different Jharkhandi, left and Janata alliance in the electoral frays. He continually won three Assembly and two Parliamentary elections. However, he had to taste defeat for the first time in the Parliamentary elections of 1984, mainly due to his own apathy to the politics of profit monpering, the consolidation of imperialist forces against him and the isolation and alienation of some henchmen from his party. He was defeated by Shankar Dayal Singh of Congress (I). Though he won the next election in 1989 but the parliament was dissolved after two years in office. Roy Babu had already had a difference of opinion with Binod Bihari Mahato on the issue of 'Lalkhand'. In the nineties Kripa Shankar Chatterjee left MCC and joined Congress (I). Apprehensions and incredibility about Gurudas Chatterjee had cropped up in 1995 but before a resolution could be arrived at Gurudas was murdered by the mafia on 14 April 2000 and was consigned from the political scenery of Dhanbad for ever. The undeniable fact is that Roy Babu is till date the championing pathfinder of the campaigns and crusades of the oppressed masses of Dhanbad coalfields and adjoining areas. He has played a very significant role right from the onset of Jharkhand movement. Jharkhand Mukti Morcha came in to being in 1973 with Roy Babu as it's hidden head priest. This is the most relevant, widely acclaimed and mass based party in the political theatre of Jharkhand movement till date. Two frontiers men who emerged during the advent of the Morcha intended with Roy Babu were Binod Bihari Mahato of 'Shibaji Samaj' and Shibu Soren of 'Sanat Samaj'. As per hearsay, both of them had their apprenticeship under the tutelage of Roy Babu. During his literacy drive around Sindri-Beliapur region, Roy Babu had Binod Bihari Mahato, Shibu Soren, Anand Mahato, Kripa Shankar Chatterjee et al as his cohorts and comrades. Roy Babu had envisaged a movement named 'Lalkhand-Jharkhand' to begin with. But instead he formed Marxist Coordination Committee after renouncing CPI(M). Mean while Shibu Soren, Binod Mahato, Nirmal Mahato etc. flared up the movement of Jharkhand Mukti Morcha. Roy Babu's political bigotry and his aversion abdicate and fight for bilge may be analysed in future. But at present, to quote him, he is continuing through his process of traits and tribulations with this 'experimental forum' named Marxist Coordination Committee. But even now his party of committee is in a state of uncertainty with it's makings and breakings, so it is totally hard to find his spirit of brilliant aestheticism and his unwavering philosophical style in most of his associates. Some of his comrades and followers, having second thoughts about his ideology and style of functioning and fearing their own survival, have left MCC and embraced other established political parties. As stated before, during Emergency Shibu Soren tied knots with Congress. Roy Babu and Binod Bihari Mahato had difference on the issue of 'Lalkhand'. During nineties Kripa Shankar Chatterjee joined Congress after leaving MCC. Since 1995 misgivings about Gurudas Chatterjee had started brewing, but before any decision could be taken, Gurudas was murdered and was forever lost from political theatre of Dhanbad. Although, Gurudas's son Arup Chatterjee is now with MCC and he had won the seat of Nirsa in the Jharkhand Assembly Election of 2000. At present Arup is the President of both, 'Marxvadi Yuva Morcha' and 'Jharkhand Colliery Kamgar Union'. Roy Babu and his other comrades – Anand Mahato, Gurudas Chatterjee and Arup Chatterjee – had till recently been supported by various Jharkhandi, left and Janata alliance in the electoral engagements. Roy Babu himself went on winning four assembly and three parliamentary elections without a break. Still, alienation with some party stalwarts, his aversion to the polity of self gratification and the antagonism of combined forces of emperical bias resulted into his defeat in the last few elections. - Written by AJIT ROY A.K. Roy Talk about A.K. Roy here

• A.K. Roy, Candidate of 15th Lok Sabha, Affiliated to Marxist Co-Ordination serving Dhanbad (JH) Lok Sabha Constituency

Contact for A.K. Roy

Address: TEMPLE ROAD,,PURANA BAZAR,,DHANBAD

http://government.wikia.com/wiki/A.K._Roy

From the Pages of History JMM's betrayal and the Rise of the MCC (Based on an account from a talk with activists once in JMM and now in the MCC) Subhash

Jharkhand has two important communities, the tribals (primarily Santhals) and the Mahtaos, which were the backbone of the movement for a separate state for Jharkhand. The Mahtaos belong to the O.B.C. (Kurmis) and look at the tribals as inferior. But, the Jharkhand Movement for a separate state brought these two sections of society close. It was the beginning of the seventies. In the year 1970-71, when three powerful progressive movements developed in this area. The first was the powerful trade union movement in the coal belt in Dhanbad lead by A.K.Roy. This TU movement grew like a torrent against the coal mafia and the management. He fought for workers' rights and in the process violent clashes took place between the workers and the mafia, in which many were killed from both sides. It was A.K.Roy who was the chief ideologue of the incipient movement for a separate Jharkhand State. The other two movements that developed were sweeping social reform movements within the Mahtao and Santhal (Tribals) communities. These were lead by Vinod Bihari Mahtao (V.B.M.) and Sibu Soren respectively. V.B.M. was then the member of the C.P.M. and was close to A.K.Roy. He formed the social reform organization called Shivaji Samaj (they trace their routes to Maharashtra and even use the surname Patil). One of the main agendas of this organization was against dowry. The movement grew like wild fire and spread to vast parts of Jharkhand, particularly Dhanbad, Girdhi, Hazaribagh, Bokaro, Singhbum and Purulia. In the process, like A.K.Roy, he left the C.P.M. Sibu Soren (from Hazaribagh) was in the ninth standard when his father was murdered by local landlords. Seeking revenge, he left his home and in the process came in touch with V.B.M. He too began a social reform movement within the Santhals and called it The Sanat (Good) Santhal Samaj. It was mostly directed against liquor consumption, backward superstitious ideas, for simple non-expensive marriages, against having more than one wife and against religious customs etc. This too spread like wildfire. At this time, the M.C.C. had already begun movements against Mahajans (moneylenders) and landlords in Hazaribagh district. The then District Collector of Dhanbad, one K.B.Saxena, sought to promote Sibu Soren's Movement to counter the incipient Naxalite Movement in the area. It is these three movements that finally merged to form The Jharkhand Mukti Morcha at a huge rally on February 4th 1973 in Dhanbad. These three leaders joined hands and it was A.K.Roy that acted as the ideologue for it. It was A.K.Roy who coined the slogan Lalkhand, and the JMM's two main slogans were: Fasal Japt, Zamin Japt Andolan (crop seizure, land seizure movement); and Maro Mahajan, Maro Daroga (beat Moneylenders, beat Police). This movement spread like a torrent and became a veritable upsurge. The main edge of the JMM struggle was against the Mahajans. In those days the interest charged was over 100% per year by these moneylenders. In the initial phase of the movement there was not much intervention by the police. Much of the lands seized by the moneylender were restored to the peasants. The movement swept the districts of Dhanbad, Hazaribagh, Girdhi, and Jamtalla (of Santhal Parganas). The movement also targeted the forest officials. The sweep of the movement became so intense that they began targeting all exploiters. The movement went well beyond the confines set by the Saxenna types. The Jharkhand flag was red and green and A.K.Roy coined the slogan "vote se nahin, chot se lenge Lalkhand" (we will not take Lalkhand by vote but by hitting) By 1972 itself the MCC had begun some land struggles in Hazaribagh and also against the forest department. Some landlords had been annihilated and their weapons seized. While this was in its nascent form the JMM movement grew militant. The masses would beat and kill the moneylenders, dacoits and even the police in clashes. In Dhanbad particularly many landlords were killed and in Dumka the Raja was killed. Saxenna tried to pull the movement back. Even Roy was not able to ride the militancy of the movement. Mahatao and Soren went underground. It was 1995 and the movement had peaked. The Emergency was declared in June. Roy, Saxenna and one Thakur tried their best to make the two surrender and rein in the movement. But when Mahatao was caught the movement intensified against the arrest and the whole town of Girdhi was taken over by the masses. There were road blockades, rail blockades everywhere. Soren was underground in the hills of Parasnath. The military was then called in and massive repression unleashed. In the areas that Soren moved it was virtually turned into a liberated zone, with a functioning parallel government. They began cooperative agriculture, night schools, people's courts at night, and from every house grains were collected to fund the movement. Soren's volunteers wore green dresses and roamed with him in batches of 300 to 400. At that time A.K.Roy wrote a book saying that revolutionaries only dream about a Lalkhand, Soren has actually formed a socialist society. Soon after this Soren was arrested and Indira Gandhi herself went and met him in jail. And from the jail itself he withdrew the struggle, saying that it was wrong and to support Indira Gandhi's 20-point programme. He changed the slogan to: "Chot se nahin, vote se lena Jharkhand" (achieve Jharkhand not through Beatngs but through the vote). He also began to say that the Mahajans are also Jharkhandis. Much of the land seized was taken back by the Mahajans. Saxena played a big role in this capitulation process. Indira Gandhi lavished money on his offices (called ashrams), gave him tractors and money, and 100 lanterns and books for the night schools. All his activists signed bonds and were released from jail. When Sibu Soren came out of jail the opportunist politics of all the leaders led to a split amongst them. JMM went into stagnation. A.K.Roy came out of the JMM, while the other two leaders also began to fall out. All the gains of the movement were usurped by the leaders and the sincere cadres suffered. All became deeply immersed in election politics. Soren's faction particularly became most corrupt and its organization lumpenised. But people turned against Soren and he lost the elections from the main heart of the movement in Tundi, Dhanbad (later became MP from Dumka area). Meanwhile the MCC kept patient relations with the Jharkhandis, even with some of their top leaders. In fact one of MCC's earliest activists was one comrade Ragunath Mahtao (a panchayat mukhiya of the Topchachi area) and a close school friend of VBM. Another well respected activist was comrade Ravan Murmu who wielded a lot of influence amongst the Santhal community. All these three were friends and about the same age. All three had taken ration shops. Around that time there was a famine in the area and VBM had made a lot of money through fraud. Later he became a lawyer and did the cases of the dispossessed who lost their land in the newly built Bokaro Steel Plant. The case went on for over 10 years. He won those cases and in the process made huge amounts of money and amassed a lot of property. But he also gained much popularity because of these cases. Both Raghnath Mahtao and Murmu wielded much influence with the Jahrkhandis, including their leaders. When the latter betrayed the movement it was the MCC that took up the old slogans of the JMM, including the Lalkhand slogan. Throughout the process RM and Murmu secretly spread the influence of the MCC. Both belonged to one of the earliest recruits of the MCC in 1971/72. RM had a big influence in the Mahto community and Murmu amongst Santhals. Through this entire period the MCC maintained contacts and had discussions with large numbers of JMM activists at all levels of leadership. In the late 1970s they took out a special issue on this question of Lalkhand in their organ Lal Pataka (No. 14). Their leader, com. Kanai Chatterjee, was there through this entire period. With the betrayal of the leaders, large numbers of activists from the JMM began to flock to the MCC. With the weakening of the JMM, the Mahajans, once the main enemy, began to become the leaders of the movement. Soren set the practice of holding weekly general meeting in his sprawling head office (ashram). In these weekly events many questions were raised by cadre for which he had no answer. Finally, the JMM began to be used as an important weapon with which to crush the MCC. By the early 1980s the struggle between the JMM and the MCC began to intensify. In 1983 the JMM hatched a conspiracy kill many MCC activists. They badly beat up 18 and took away three leading comrades to be killed. But, because of the people's reaction they had to free the three. Even the JMM's other leader, VBM, did not support this action and publicly chided Soren and his followers. For the first time the MCC took out a procession against the black deeds of the Soren's JMM and demanded a public debate. Soren now gave the slogans like: Lalkhandi logo ko suvar jese tir se mar dalo (Kill Lalkhandis like pigs with arrows),Throw them off the Parasnath Hill, etc. They started a massive anti-MCC campaign. MCC intensified its anti-Soren campaign. In 1983 Sibu Soren formed his separate CC, and in 1984 VBM formed his separate CC. The latter was close to the MCC. All reactionaries began to heavily back Soren against the MCC. In the 1983-86 period the Soren JMM intensified its attacks on the MCC and killed a number of their activists, like the famous cultural artist, Sagar Soren. (He was to become the representative to the AILRC before his murder). It was on Feb.4th 1984 which was being celebrated by both factions as JMM foundation day. After performing at VBM's programme he went to the other programme. He also happened to be a relative of Sibu Soren (SS). They then took him to the Ashram and fed him well. He never expected that they would kill him. Till today his body has not even been traced. From Sept.1983 to Dec.1984 the SS JMM launched massive attacks on all MCC supported villages. They destroyed crops and houses, seized money and valuables, harassed the women and demanded surrender to the JMM. Many even were forced to surrender in the face of their brutalities. Till then the MCC did not take any action against them, only conducted a political campaign. The VBM faction of the JMM also supported the MCC in this campaign against the SS storm troopers. By 1986 it had gone beyond limits and by then the SS JMM had killed over 10 of the MCC activists including one sub-zonal member (com. Ratilal Murmu) and two area committee members (Coms. Valli Mia and Nangal Murmu). At all their public meetings they would declare publicly that they would give thousands of rupees for killing MCC people. Before starting a counter attack the MCC first re-built the land seizure movement against the landlords and moneylenders which had been given up by the JMM. Now, many of these happened to be activists or sympathizers of SS's JMM. Particularly notable were the big movements against the landlord Inder Singh and JMM member who was killed and his land seized. Then there were the actions against a very big and powerful Bumihar and also a moneylender (Tularam Marwari) — both were tried in people's courts, beaten severely and their lands confiscated. These too were members of the JMM. After this, in retaliation, the JMM unleashed a further reign of terror. It was then that the two right hands of the SS mafia were killed …….. one Jiten Besra and Samlal Murmu, both of the Dhanbad area. After this the Sibu Soren gangs got paralysed and the people enmass threw away the green flag and replaced it with the Lalkhandi red flag. Since then Sibu Soren's weekly meetings have stopped. Since 1987 his main 'Ashram' is a veritable police camp. All his huge farms have closed down and his mafia forces have shifted their operations of money-making to the cities where they have to some extent replaced the old-time mafia in the coal and other trade union belt. With the masses turning to the MCC, SS was panic stricken not knowing who was really his member and not an MCC secret operative. This panic particularly grew after a planned attack on a Sibu Soren meeting in 1985. Over 15,000 attended this meeting. Most were MCC supporters. Present also was a squad with bombs and small weapons. As he began speaking bombs exploded from all sides. He panicked. Taking cover from women he changed his clothes and fled in a car with police protection. 5kms down the road another squad again fired on his car, not with an intention to kill, but to warn. His panic then knew no bounds. Since then no meeting is held by him except under massive police protection, which is only allowed near police stations. He has also given up his public anti-MCC slogans. The other faction of the JMM always supported the Lalkhandis though VBM became an MP himself. But he died after winning the 12th Lok Sabha elections. The current Chief Minister, Arjun Munda also came from the JMM, but has a notorious criminal background. He won on a ticket given by Sibu Soren and then switched to the BJP. Sibu Soren's marriage with the Congress dates back to that jail meeting with Indira Gandhi. In the recent elections at last five seats were lost because of his attitude towards his deputy, Stephan Marandi. Just like the JMM mafia that operates at the local level SS sought the entire cake of CM for himself and his immediate family. This backfired miserably, and while the MCC grows from strength to strength, Sibu Soren can only sustain his existence as a tool of the ruling classes who seek to use tribals, etc as vote-banks of the ruling classes and to prevent them from turning to the revolutionaries.

http://www.bannedthought.net/India/PeoplesMarch/PM1999-2006/archives/2005/june2k5/jmm.htm